English, internationalisation and national cultural identity in asia a focus on japan

This art icle was downloaded by: [ Monash Universit y Library] On: 23 May 2013, At : 00: 48 Publisher: Rout ledge I nform a Lt d Regist ered in England and Wales Regist ered Num ber: 1072954 Regist ered office: Mort im er House, 37- 41 Mort im er St reet , London W1T 3JH, UK Critical Studies in Education Publicat ion det ails, including inst ruct ions for aut hors and subscript ion informat ion: ht t p:/ / www.t andfonline.com/ loi/ rcse20 Issues surrounding English, the internationalisation of higher education and national cultural identity in Asia: a focus on Japan Phan Le Ha a a Facult y of Educat ion, Monash Universit y , Clayt on , Aust ralia Published online: 17 May 2013 To cite this article: Phan Le Ha (2013): Issues surrounding English, t he int ernat ionalisat ion of higher educat ion and nat ional cult ural ident it y in Asia: a focus on Japan, Crit ical St udies in Educat ion, 54:2, 160-175 To link to this article: ht t p:/ / dx.doi.org/ 10.1080/ 17508487.2013.781047 PLEASE 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http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508487.2013.781047 Issues surrounding English, the internationalisation of higher education and national cultural identity in Asia: a focus on Japan Phan Le Ha* Faculty of Education, Monash University, Clayton, Australia Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 (Received November 2012; final version received 26 February 2013) The English language is significant to the internationalisation of higher education worldwide Countries in Asia are proactive in appropriating English for their national interests, while paying attention to associated national cultural identity issues This article examines the ways in which the role of English is interpreted and justified in different countries in Asia, with a particular focus on Japan, as these nations attempt to internationalise their higher education within the broader processes of regionalisation and globalisation and their own nationalist discourse Through critical analyses and discussions of Japan’s two major government initiatives, the Action Plan 2003 to ‘Cultivate Japanese with English Abilities’ and the ‘Global 30’ Project 2008, the article investigates how cultural national identities are shaped, are altered and are put ‘at risk’ in policies and practices for the internationalisation of higher education and the overemphasis on English It argues for the importance of understanding the intersections of English language policy, the internationalisation of higher education and national cultural identity and also considers how the over-promotion of English in the case of Japan has been energetically driven by the nation building agenda that tends to undermine local languages and what this might mean for internationalisation Keywords: Asia-Pacific region; educational policy; English as an International Language; globalisation and internationalisation; higher education Introduction The English language is significant for the internationalisation of higher education worldwide The internationalisation of higher education has become institutionalised around a linguistic preference for English The policies and practices of the internationalisation of higher education in global contexts often assume the importance of English in the production, circulation and dissemination of academic knowledge Most academic programs in international education are taught in English In Asia, in particular, systems of higher education have promoted the development of English-medium programs and partnerships with overseas universities, almost invariably through English With the growing emphasis on English in Asian higher education, English as a commercial, political, intellectual and cultural resource is increasingly appropriated by countries and universities throughout Asia The nation-state and nationalist discourse play an important role in constructing and reconstructing the nation’s national cultural identity through its language policy and internationalisation agendas I argue that it is highly necessary to further investigate and engage with the significant role of the nation-state in relation to the internationalisation of higher *Email: ha.phan@monash.edu © 2013 Taylor & Francis Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 Critical Studies in Education 161 education and the dominance of English, thus arguing for the need to further understand how internationalisation is occurring within national borders and in close relationship with the nation-state’s identification with English At the same time, it has been clearly demonstrated that the construction of cultural national identity in global contexts is largely embedded in the language project that shapes what it means to be one nation, one people, one shared culture and identity (Hall, 1997; Ricento, 2000; Tong & Cheung, 2011; Tsui & Tollefson, 2007) This process is more complex in postcolonial times when the current global status of English dominates local languages in many communities, thus reshaping the language culture identity dynamics of those contexts in varied ways English simultaneously carries multiple meanings, including memories of a painful colonial past, the glorification of English as a global language of necessity, popularity, opportunity and advancement, a language of reconciliation, empowerment and integration, a language of identity liberation and yet constraint, a language of exclusion and discrimination and a language of local creativity and sensibility (Pennycook, 1998, 2008, 2010; Phan, 2008, 2009) In the context of postcolonial English and the international status of English, the use of English and one’s identification with it play an important part in both one’s desire to communicate with the world and one’s will to preserve one’s national cultural identity (Hashimoto, 2000, 2007; Rappy & Wee, 2006) In this desire, English contributes dynamically to identity formation at all levels and in complex manners This article, therefore, examines the ways in which the role of English is interpreted, projected and justified in different countries in Asia (with a particular focus on Japan), as these nations attempt to simultaneously internationalise their higher education and promote their national cultural identity It discusses how the relationship which certain national communities have with English determines how they position their internationalisation of higher education projects within the broader processes of regionalisation and globalisation, while at the same time they also engage with their own nationalist discourses It is important to recognise how such national interests are shaped, altered, achieved and are put ‘at risk’ in policies and practices for the internationalisation of higher education The article argues for the need to understand the intersections of English language policy, the internationalisation of higher education and national cultural identity and also considers how the over-promotion of English in Asia has been energetically driven by the nation building agenda that tends to undermine local languages and what this might mean for internationalisation and the nation’s cultural identity To address these issues, Japan’s two major government initiatives, the Action Plan 2003 to ‘Cultivate Japanese with English Abilities’ and the ‘Global 30’ Project 2008, are specifically discussed in the later part of the article Internationalisation of higher education and the nation-state The nation-state does play a significant role in pursuing and shaping the internationalisation of higher education in each respective country Specifically, Huang (2003) maintains that the internationalisation of higher education highlights the role of the nation-state in terms of issues of identity, sovereignty and autonomy (p 3) Knight (2003, 2004) argues that the local and national have their own ‘will’ in internationalisation which is not necessarily controlled by global processes Marginson and Rhoade (2002) and Marginson and Sawir (2011) emphasise the intersections of the global, national and local in the internationalisation of higher education For Yang (2002, p 91), internationalisation tends to be ‘more closely tied to the specific history, culture, resources and priorities of the specific institutions of higher education’ and the respective nations in which they are located Importantly, the nation-state 162 L-H Phan is seen as having a key role in shaping, responding to and enacting the internationalisation of higher education systems (Mok, 2011) However, the degree to which the nation-state plays these roles varies with the definitions and understandings of the internationalisation of higher education, which involves different aspects and activities within different nations This article puts forward that the significant role of the nation-state in relation to the internationalisation of higher education needs to be further engaged with and investigated, and thus focuses on Japan in particular as a case study Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 English and the internationalisation of higher education in Asia English as an international language, a global language, a world language and a language of international/intercultural communication is an accepted understanding that internationalisation of higher education is based upon and from which globalisation of knowledge is generated English is not the property of the English-speaking West any more It can no longer be taken for granted that higher education institutions in Asia will submit passively to this version of English Being ‘international’ institutions nowadays largely means having English as the medium of instruction, and internationalisation in higher education is largely done through English language products and services The policy adoption of English as the dominant (foreign) language across the educational system in many countries across Asia is a response to the increasing globalisation of English, among others It is also a channel through which governments exercise their will to build the nation, to internationalise their education and to integrate globally National, regional and global moves have all worked together to promote the international dominant role of English in Asia For example, ‘a number of countries and regional blocs have made moves that have influenced the importance of English in the region, most notably the adoption by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) of English as the working language of the organization (Kirkpatrick, 2011) and the entry of China into the World Trade Organization (WTO) (Nunan, 2003)’ (cited in Stroupe, 2011, p 161) Further, a regional initiative similar to the Bologna Process to boost the ASEAN internationalisation of higher education through English-medium programs and partnerships is now being discussed (Chapman, Cummings, & Postiglione, 2011; Ruby, 2010) The role of English is hence becoming even more significant among ASEAN nations Many Asian countries therefore now consider English as an Asian Language of Education (Kirkpatrick, 2010) and as a local language (Pennycook, 2010), that means ‘learning English as a national mission’ has been specified in their national strategies and educational reforms (Low & Hashim, 2012; Tsui & Tollefson, 2007, p 4) Taking advantage of being former colonies of Britain and the USA with English-medium programs integral in their educational systems to varied degrees, Singapore, Malaysia, India and the Philippines are among the top destinations for international students in the Asian region These countries are constantly improving ways for exporting their English-medium education to other countries (Altbach & Knight, 2007; Huang, 2007) Mok (2011), Olds (2007) and Sidhu (2009) discuss Singapore’s internationalisation of higher education with regard to the country’s strategic partnerships with English-speaking foreign universities to make it a global schoolhouse and a world leader in education, knowledge and innovation To more effectively compete regionally and globally and strengthen its education, Malaysia has also offered science and mathematics subjects in English in its higher education (Tsui & Tollefson, 2007) and has consistently invested in developing world-class English-medium Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 Critical Studies in Education 163 universities (Mok, 2011; Ruby, 2010) In Welch’s (2011) study on higher education in Southeast Asia, Malaysia is considered the most successful country in internationalising its higher education Malaysia engages in both importing and exporting higher education through English-medium products and uses English to create more access to higher education for its own people, diversify strategies to capacity building and generate significant incomes from international students The discussions presented above demonstrate that English no longer belongs just to native English speakers from the English-speaking West Other users of English can now appropriate and ‘own’ it (Canagarajah, 1999, 2005; Doiz, Lasagabaster, & Sierra, 2012; Low & Hashim, 2012; Singh, Kell, & Pandian, 2002) These non-native speakers of English are becoming ‘the main agents in the ways English is used, maintained, and changed, and [those] who will shape the ideologies and beliefs associated with [English]’ (Seidlhofer, 2003, p 7) Warschauer (2000, p 511) sees ‘a shift of authority to non-native speakers [of English]’ with the globalisation of that language However, Canagarajah (2005, p xvi) also points out that ‘standard English’ is still the norm in most Asian and Western Anglophone higher education institutions and that a place for other languages and other forms of English is not yet guaranteed Marginson and Sawir (2011) also assert that negative images attached to non-native international students in Australia, as a result of their perceived non-native speakers of the English status, shockingly continue to be seen, heard, talked about and reported on in all different domains and disciplines At the same time, the nation-state and its universities, in various settings and under varied conditions, have consumed and co-produced the seemingly taken-for-granted Western superiority mentality in drafting education reform and have simultaneously taken advantage of the benefits associated with the global role of English in developing internationalisation strategies Choi (2010), for instance, discusses in detail how and why despite being the principal Chinese-medium university in Hong Kong, The Chinese University of Hong Kong justifies its policy and strategy to introduce significantly more English programs to respond to and participate in internationalisation trends and the increasing academic capitalism, which are largely embedded in and driven by the hegemony of English While internationalisation has largely been driven by nationalist discourses and concurrently shaped by globalisation, how interpretations of the role and significance attached to English are reflected in internationalisation policies and practices of countries and universities worldwide also reveal institutional strategies and visions of internationalisation The above discussions of the nation-state and the internationalisation of higher education in relation to the international status of English across Asia raise questions involving national cultural identity in each respective country, which are critically examined below English, internationalisation, and national cultural identity in Asia This section discusses questions of national cultural identity in Asia from three perspectives: the relationships between English, the West, colonialism and modernity; the commercialisation of higher education through English; and national (English) language policy across Asia The well-documented relationships between English, the West, colonialism and modernity have brought to light the concerns regarding the unequal ownership of English and the reproduction of colonial dichotomies between the Self (the coloniser) and Other (the colonised) that are consistently embedded in today’s educational policies, pedagogies and practices (Canagarajah, 2005; Pennycook, 1998, 2008; Phillipson, 1992, 2009; Singh, 2009) The internationalisation of higher education is not free from this problem As such, Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 164 L-H Phan questions concerning the celebration of the dominance of English in the internationalisation of higher education policy and practice in global contexts have been increasingly raised The internationalisation of higher education is still largely geared towards importing and exporting English-language products and services from the English-speaking West (Altbach & Knight, 2007; Huang, 2007; Yang, 2011) This tendency plays a role in shaping policies and practices for internationalising higher education in ways that reinforce Englishonly pedagogies and intellectual dependency (Chen, 2010; Singh, 2011), which have implications for cultural national identity issues in each country and in the Asian region The growing commercialisation of higher education has been coupled with the commodification of English which is also associated with the continuing belief that ‘the West is better’, and thus many products and services from the West are so-assumed superior (Luke, 2010; Pennycook, 1998; Philippson, 2009) English has often been marketed as one of the most appealing elements and a must in the internationalisation of education if a nation is to gain a competitive advantage as well as bring people good jobs, status, knowledge and access (Choi, 2010; Doiz et al., 2012; Low & Hashim, 2012) The internationalisation of higher education through the medium of English is largely shaped by the hegemony of Western theoretical knowledge and the dominant role of English through Western universities’ rules of commercialisation and world-class ranking practices, thereby reproducing academic dependency and Western superiority (Choi, 2010; Kim, 2005; Marginson, 2004; Singh, 2011; Yang, 2011) The result is often the emergence and reproduction of hierarchical intellectual partnerships and unequal exchanges at all levels This, again, raises questions concerning national cultural identity The interrelationship between English language policy and national cultural identity issues in various Asian countries is well documented For example, Tsui and Toleffson (2007, p 2) discuss ‘how governments in Asian countries resolve the paradox of preserving or building national cultural identities and promoting a foreign language that embodies different values, cultures and traditions’, and ‘the relationship between language and national cultural identities, and what role language policy plays’ It appears that many Asian countries have responded to these questions in ways that are specific to their colonial histories, local politics, economic development and nation building strategies and ways that are also specific to what role English plays in relation to a dominant national language Former colonies of Britain, such as India, Singapore and Malaysia, in different ways promote English as a shared historical heritage for their national cultural identity formation and for their national, cultural, racial, linguistic and ethnic reconciliation Other Asian countries including China, Taiwan, Japan and Korea navigate their foreign language policies towards an almost absolute preference for English to achieve their nation building and internationalisation missions that are also shaped by the globalisation of English (Choi, 2010; Seargeant, 2008; Song & Tai, 2007; Trent, 2012; Yang, 2002) So far, it is obvious that English has offered comparative advantage, opportunities as well as effective ways for the nation-state to respond to regionalisation, globalisation and local issues However, English has also brought with it complex issues as national cultural identity often contends with Western hegemony, the widespread perception that ‘the West is better’, the commercialisation of higher education and of English-medium products and services and the pro-English language policies across Asia It is also obvious that in relation to the dominant status of English, as shall be seen in the subsequent sections, the nationstate both is controlled by and takes control of this status in different ways and forms This has painted a dynamic and complex picture of the internationalisation of higher education in which the national status of English, the respective nation building strategies of each country and how each national community perceives/positions itself vis-à-vis the global Critical Studies in Education 165 status of English are richly intermixed The subsequent section addresses these issues with a specific focus on Japan Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 A focus on Japan: The English language, the internationalisation of higher education and questions of national cultural identity This section pays specific attention to the two major initiatives/policies in relation to the promotion of English and the internationalisation of higher education in Japan: the 2003 Action Plan to ‘Cultivate Japanese with English Abilities’ and the ‘Global 30’ Project 2008 endorsed by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) The intersections of the English language, the internationalisation of higher education and Japanese national cultural identity embedded in these policies are specifically discussed The 2003 Action Plan to cultivate ‘Japanese with English Abilities’ In 2002, MEXT released a report from the ‘Round-table Committee for the Improvement of English Teaching Methods’ and from meetings with experts from various fields deliberating over English Education Reform MEXT then announced a plan called ‘Developing a Strategic Plan to Cultivate “Japanese With English Abilities” – A Plan to Improve English and Japanese Abilities’ (2002 Strategic Plan) This strategic plan was also informed by the ‘Basic Policies for Economic and Fiscal Management and Structural Reform 2002’ and the ‘Human Resources Strategy: Cultivating the Spirit of Japanese People to Carve out a New Era - From Uniformity to Independence and Creativity’ (2002 Vision) This policy intersection resulted in MEXT’s official release of an action plan entitled ‘Regarding the Establishment of an Action Plan to Cultivate “Japanese with English Abilities”’ (2003 Action Plan) Endorsing the critical role of English for Japan’s advancement and integration and noting the essential requirement for global communication with English skills for the 21st century, MEXT’s objectives are stated as developing the ability of Japanese to communicate clearly expressed opinions in Japanese – ‘a firm grasp on their own language’, and thereby improving the education of Japanese people, both for Japanese and English language communication skills (Hisashi, 2007; MEXT, 2002, 2003; Tanabe, 2004) MEXT (2002, 2003) rationalises the establishment of this 2003 Action Plan, stating that globalisation, business, progress in information technology and links with the global market and services have brought ‘a strong demand for the abilities to obtain and understand knowledge and information as well as the abilities to transmit information and to engage in communication’ in the English language by Japanese MEXT considers the lack of sufficient ability as restricting the Japanese people in ‘their exchanges with foreigners’ which could lead to ‘their ideas or opinions not [being] evaluated appropriately’ The proposed measures set out in the Action Plan include developing the ability to clearly express Japanese people’s ideas in Japanese first in order to learn English well, improving teaching methods and the abilities of teachers, the selection of school and university applicants and creating better curricula This 2003 Action Plan clarifies the goals and directions to be achieved by 2008 In analysing all these plans, Tanabe (2004) puts forward that English is seriously considered [by the government] ‘to be one of the most essential tools for human resources in the new era for the new generation’ in Japan and regards the Action Plan as ‘one of the most essential and substantial announcements made by MEXT in the last thirty years’ He discusses the how and why of the Action Plan, calling it a case of ‘yutori education’ – meaning ‘latitude’, or ‘being free of pressure’ In the context of the Action Plan and the promotion of English in Japan, Tanabe considers the Action Plan even as a way for Japanese Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 166 L-H Phan to enjoy ‘the real spirit of yutori’ through language education by the whole nation In his words, ‘it undoubtedly provides Japanese with opportunities to grow’ with a strong sense of yutori, considered ‘truly vital and meaningful for Japanese aesthetics’ It has the potential to ‘cultivate’ Japanese and direct them from ‘Uniformity to Independence and Creativity’ (2002 Vision) Tanabe associates English with this very important value/spirit honoured by the Japanese society This value/spirit not only helps identify Japanese and its cultural identity but also recognises humanity, individuality and freedom that might be gained more via rigourous English and Japanese language education, as set out in the Action Plan The promotion of English language education in Japan by the government as discussed in Tanabe (2004) and identified in MEXT (2002, 2003) has actually continued to strengthen Japan’s well-recognised internationalisation philosophy, which has been consistently argued by Hashimoto (2000, 2007) as a success for Japan in maintaining the value of its own cultural identity through its English language education policies, particularly by sustaining an overall framework of ‘Japanese internationalisation’ and the essential qualities of Japanese culture, whilst simultaneously promoting the learning of English In her earlier work, Hashimoto (2000) argues that ‘the commitment of the Japanese government to internationalisation in education actually means “Japanisation” of Japanese learners of English’ (p 39); and Hashimoto (2007) holds firm to her position by debating that Japan has been able to maintain ‘cultural independence by removing English, the most powerful language in the world, from the core identity of Japan without excluding the language completely from Japanese society’ (p 27) In other words, according to Hashimoto, Japan has been able to appropriate English to resist Western globalisation and English dominance while promoting unique Japanese culture and identity to the world through its internationalisation and English language policies and strategies However, other scholars such as Kubota (1998, 2002), Rivers (2011), and Seargeant (2008) assert that English has fundamentally influenced Japan in much deeper and complex ways For example, Japanese tend to believe that in order for them to communicate well in English and to be understood in English they have to have a concrete identity as Japanese A careful look at MEXT (2002, 2003) confirms this point, as what is expressed in these documents makes it clear that learning English would help Japanese express themselves better in Japanese and as Japanese Japan is a country highly regarded by the West (Pennycook, 1998) As an economic superpower, Japan does not suffer from the cultural, economic and structural disadvantages of developing countries and is often looked up to by many other countries as an exemplary achiever of nation building that has focused on self-determination and self-pride and on effective measures to preserve national cultural identity under the pressure of globalisation and the widespread threat of Westernisation, as shown in Hashimoto (2000, 2007) and Kubota (1998, 2002) Nonetheless, Japan’s ideologies of English and the implications that may have on Japan’s self-representation and its identification with others have seriously questioned the long-sustained claim discussed above that Japan has succeeded in promoting ‘Japanese internationalisation’ through the English language while being able to safeguard itself from Westernisation As observed by Kubota (1998, p 295), the dominance of English influences the Japanese language and people’s views of language, culture, race, ethnicity and identity which are affected by the world view of native English speakers, and teaching English creates cultural and linguistic stereotypes not only of English but also of Japanese people Thus, through learning English, the Japanese have identified themselves with Westerners while regarding non-Western peoples as the Other What Kubota argues here points to the essence of the colonial mentality whereby Japan’s identification with the West and the non-West, in her views, reproduces the superior Critical Studies in Education 167 Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 ‘Western’ Self and the inferior Other mindset Her arguments also shows how the ‘Japanese internationalisation’ through the English language helps sustain Westernisation (which is often spelt out as internationalisation) that assumes who has power and who is considered superior Japanese internationalisation, in this case, has appeared to be well masked by an overemphasis on solidifying Japan’s unique cultural national identity in those official documents discussed above, and thus it is seen by Kubota (2002) as a combination of Anglicisation (Westernisation) and nationalism English has been at the heart of this issue The Global 30 Project Despite being world famous for its educational system for the past century, Japan is increasing its English-medium programs across the entire tertiary system to cater to the needs of its domestic students, to attract more international students, and to raise its international profile (Yonezawa, 2011; Yonezawa & Meerman, 2012) The latest and most ambitious government initiative is the Global 30 Project announced in 2008 in response to global competitiveness and the increasing worry among the government and its universities about Japan losing its attractiveness to foreign students This Global 30 Project is also situated in the context of an effort on the part of the government to intensify and diversify Japan’s internationalisation of higher education endeavour and to make Japan a hub for the global elite as well as a country with the highest number of international students in the region (Burgess, Gibson, Klaphake, & Selzer, 2010; Huang, 2009; Ishikawa, 2009; Kuwamura, 2009; Yonezawa, Akiba, & Hirouchi, 2009) The Global 30 Project energetically promotes English as the medium of instruction at all levels in the country’s 13 most prestigious universities with the hope of bringing 300,000 international students to Japan by 2020 This section analyses both the MEXT official site of the Global 30 Project launched in 2010 and the content of the Project itself to highlight the complex relationship between English, internationalisation and national cultural identity as projected and justified by the Japanese government and its universities MEXT GLOBAL 30 WEBPAGE (Source: http://www.uni.international.mext.go.jp, accessed on the 4th August 2012) Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 168 L-H Phan The most obvious text on the webpage is ‘Study in English’, followed by ‘at Japanese Universities’ in smaller font size The Global 30 logo alongside the same text is in the top banner on the page, with a red highlight on the word ‘in’ English – as differentiating from the study ‘of’ English, or ‘studying English [language]’ The logo incorporates an image drawing on traditional Japanese imagery – Mount Fuji, a temple, and a crane This is replicated below it with a photo next to the dominant heading text, of a traditionally styled building in a verdant lakeside setting It is also important to note that the red circle around ‘in’ is likely meant to call to mind the ‘Hinomaru’ – the ‘circle of the sun’ that is on the Japanese flag, and is a very common symbol for Japan A strong message about Japanese culture and identity conveyed in English and through recognisable signifying symbols, namely the red circle and traditional Japanese imagery, is projected in this government’s latest determination, the Global 30 Project, to promote English in Japanese higher education, particularly among top Japanese universities A link at the top of the homepage leads to further explanations about the Global 30 project such as the following: ABOUT THE GLOBAL 30 PROJECT (http://www.uni.international.mext.go.jp/ global30/) The ‘Global 30’ Project to Invite 300,000 International Students to Japan 13 universities were selected by the Japanese Government to be a member of the “Global 30” Project These selected universities aim to nurture internationally competent individuals by creating an academic environment where international and Japanese students can learn from one another and build lasting international bonds that will propel them into the international scene The four main headings on the website are: No Japanese Proficiency Required at the Time of Admission; Take Entrance Examinations at Home; Immerse Yourself in Japan; and Support for International Students Near the bottom of the page, there is a map of Japan with the numbers of International students currently studying in the various universities of Japan: ‘As of 2011: 21,429 in total’ The page also contains two (PDF) documents, one entitled ‘Study in English at Japanese Universities’ and another which is a brochure on the Global 30 Project for Establishing University Networks for Internationalisation The first document: Study in English at Japanese Universities http://www.uni.international.mext.go.jp/documents/Study_in_English_at_Jp_Univ.pdf The ‘Study in English at Japanese Universities’ document consists of a number of slides specifically promoting international student programs in English at Japanese universities Specifically, 18 nicely presented slides are used to introduce the Global 30 English-medium programs under 10 main headings, such as Japan Is the Place for You, Rich Culture, Mix of Tradition and Cutting-edge High Technology, No Japanese Proficiency Required at the Time of Admission, Immerse Yourself in Japan and Support for International Students This basic information is followed by a page with a picture representing each of the 13 universities, a paragraph describing their ‘uniqueness’ and/or history and accolades, as well as contact details The most interesting aspect that seems to make this a far better ‘advertisement’ for the different universities are the creative descriptions and slogans presented by each institution, including Imagine The Future; Traditionally at the Cutting Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 Critical Studies in Education 169 Edge; Academic Freedom, Outstanding Guidance, Excellent Facilities; Live Locally, Grow Globally; Empowering the Individual in an Intellectual Global Commons; Opening the Door to a New Century of Knowledge; and Inheriting Tradition, Creating an Era, Nurturing Knowledge Everything included in this document is intended to present Japan as an open and welcoming country with a distinctive cultural identity and internationalised universities offering a wide variety of English-medium programs that international students can enjoy and easily access However, as will be discussed later, the invisible and almost unimportant role of Japanese language in the internationalisation agendas of all the participating universities as embedded in their self-promotion messages questions Japan’s strategy to promote its culture and language while resisting the hegemony of English through internationalisation, as discussed by Hashimoto (2000, 2007) and Seargeant (2008) and as implied in the ‘Action Plan to Cultivate Japanese with English Abilities’ presented in the previous section The second document: Global 30 Project for Establishing University Network for Internationalisation http://www.uni.international.mext.go.jp/documents/Global30_Initiatives_in_FY2011_ en.pdf In this document, each of the 13 participating universities has one page to selfintroduce The emphasis of these universities tends to be on English-language programs catering to all the needs of international students and on academic opportunities that would only seem possible through English For example, English is the medium in all short-term programs and summer programs at Tohoku University for exchange students, international students, and visiting scholars in both Science and Humanities English-medium undergraduate and postgraduate programs are fast growing in all universities, and in some cases are the only option available for students, for instance the ‘Chemistry-Biology Combined Major Program’ and the ‘Human Sciences All-English Undergraduate Program’ at Osaka University, the International Graduate Course in Environmental Studies at Sophia University, and over 30 degree programs in English in 10 graduate schools at the University of Tokyo There is almost no mention of any other languages (occasionally Japanese) that international students can learn as part of their international experience in Japan A careful look at all the information presented above from the MEXT Global 30 Project homepage and the related documents and links demonstrates that English is vital in the internationalisation of higher education in Japan This observation is consistent with the findings of earlier works (Huang, 2009; Ishikawa, 2009; Kuwamura, 2009; Ninomiya, Knight, & Watanabe, 2009; Yonezawa et al., 2009) This, however, calls into question the value of English-only programs from Japanese universities for international students, and raises a concern as in what ways higher education in Japan through English-medium programs is attractive to international students, when the absence of Japanese could well lead to superficial interactions and limited engagement with Japan and the proposed uniqueness of its national cultural identity, the very characteristic that the Japanese government has often been mindful of promoting in its internationalisation policies (Burgess et al., 2010; Hashimoto, 2000, 2007) It is also clear that almost all English-medium programs under offer are ‘new’ (from 2008) and are still being developing and/or improving This ‘newness’ could indicate the inexperience of Japanese universities with English language programs in terms of content, appearance, delivery, depth and breath as well as with effective international student programs and appropriate support (Burgess et al., 2010; Kuwamura, 2009) More concerns could be raised here: how is it possible for international students to engage meaningfully 170 L-H Phan with scholarship and philosophy produced in Japanese language when they study in Japan and are not encouraged to learn Japanese? Is the internationalisation of higher education in Japan so desperate for English that the often expressed self-pride associated with Japanese language and culture is undermined? Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 The Action Plan 2003 to ‘Cultivate Japanese with English Abilities’ and the ‘Global 30’ Project Bringing together the two Japanese government initiatives surveyed above, I want to argue further that the intersections of English, internationalisation and national cultural identity issues are all complicatedly manifested in these initiatives English language education is seen as being closely linked to Japan’s identity formation and the reinvention of Japanese identity and its internationalisation motto (Kubota, 1998, 2002; Seargeant, 2008; Tanabe, 2004) Internationalisation (kokusaika) in Japan has been charged with a highly nationalistic mentality and a very strong interest in self-protection in response to ‘harmful’ external forces coming along with globalisation and to a self-perceived identity crisis since the ‘lost decade’ of the 1990s when Japan’s economy stalled (Burgess et al., 2010; Hashimoto, 2000, 2007) There are multiple interpretations of internationalisation in Japan and the government’s English language policy At one level, these government initiatives present a typical example of the nation’s proactive role in engaging with the world to promote its identity through English and to solidify Japanese identity and to resist Western influence among Japanese through their learning of English From the government’s perspectives, ‘English is able to symbolise both an intersubjective and an objective international community; it is both the bridge connecting Japan to the rest of the world and the strait separating it from that world’ (Seargeant, 2008, p 139) At another level, these government initiatives imply that the Japanese government is attempting to stop ‘international experience’ and ‘international academic exchange’ of international students at the doorstep of Japanese culture and identity, so as to safeguard its uniqueness and to guarantee its immunisation from Westernisation and other global threats, as has been widely discussed by Hashimoto (2000, 2007) and Burgess et al (2010) In particular, Burgess et al (2010, p 461) argue that the Global 30 Project ‘highlights the contradictory goals in a policy that combines a nationalistic ‘closing in’ with a cosmopolitan “opening up”’ This appears to be a common thread in Japan’s history since the 17th century, that is, from the sakoku (closed-country) period when the country was still open to the outside world in a limited sense through places like Nagasaki, through the changes in the early twentieth century from the open years of the Meiji and Taisho eras to the more nationalistic and militaristic era of the 1930s and 1940s, up to the contradictory elements that we find in the present From another angle, the release of these initiatives suggests Japan’s lack of confidence in itself and its prolonged obsession with maintaining the assumed unproblematic purity of Japanese identity when it comes to internationalisation and English, as consistently shown in the literature More precisely, Usui (2000) claims that it is ‘completely possible for a person [and a nation] to have multiple identities’ (p 289), and hence criticises those who promote the idea of pure Japanese identity and culture as well as the widespread fear of Japan being Westernised through English language education as a ‘harbinger of petit-nationalism” which confines people into a “small mould labelled ‘Japanese’ and does not allow free, personal choice of multiple identities’ (p 289) As pointed out by Matsutani (2012), Usui’s argument challenges the concept of a coherent Japanese identity and points to the personal, cultural, linguistic and ethnic diversity within the Japanese society Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 Critical Studies in Education 171 So far it is not an exaggeration to argue that the internationalisation of Japan’s higher education through the English language is occurring in a period of self-doubt among Japanese in their national cultural identity and in the Japanese language as points of attractiveness, competitiveness and reaffirmation of identity solidarity At the same time, the rather simplistic and highly problematic idea that introducing English-medium programs would be an essential coping strategy to enhance the internationalisation of Japanese universities and to attract more international students demonstrates how deeply rooted the increasing academic capitalism and hegemony through English is in the policy, practice and mindset of the internationalisation of higher education (Choi, 2010; Singh, 2010) As a result, the superficial appearance of having English-medium programs in the curriculum as a selling point to attract students rather than the value of these programs is traded As rightly pointed out by Burgess et al (2010) and by Kuwamura (2009), the inexperience with and under-preparedness of many top Japanese universities in relation to English may well be a comparative disadvantage and this would convincingly support Askew’s provocative point that ‘the quality of Japanese higher education is so poor that at the moment foreign students have to be paid to study at Japanese universities, in the form of generous government scholarships’ (cited in Burgess et al., 2010, p 472) Now I want to specifically draw on the works of several Japanese scholars to highlight their strong concerns regarding the dominance of English in the Japanese government’s latest internationalisation initiative and what this may mean to Japan’s higher education, scholarship, intellectual engagement and the matter of Japanese identity For Huang (2009, p 157), ‘the academic profession in Japan still maintains its basic character of being engaged in a process of catching up with advanced overseas countries, mostly identified with the English-speaking countries in Europe and especially the United States’ This relates to the ‘captive mind’ and the ‘academic dependence’ mentality that Alatas (1974, 2006) discusses and is further engaged with by Singh (2010, 2011), in which the ‘Other’ Asian’s reference to the (English-speaking) West is seen as a necessary authentication for the recognised existence of their own work Japanese scholars also urge for diversity and multilingualism, seeing these elements as beneficial for academia, particularly in relation to intellectual engagement (Ishikawa, 2009; Kuwamura, 2009) When a great number of international students in Japan come from Asian countries, the lack of investment and interest in Asian languages can block Japanese students’ worldview, because engagement in an English-only environment is not only limited but against the natural tendency of communication in the vast Asian region (Kuwamura, 2009) The concern about how representation and identity can be affected by the strong promotion of English is not new, but what Ishikawa (2009) raises is of particular importance Ishikawa sees the increasing publications in English by scholars worldwide including Japanese scholars as ‘smothering the nascent scholarship at local, regional, and national levels’, and thus this problem is ‘surely not a matter of language alone, but of representation and identity’ (p 172) While Japan has for a long time been paying more attention to minimising the potential to ‘lose’ the uniqueness of its national cultural identity through contact with English and the West under the pressure of globalisation, Japanese scholars have now warned the government and Japanese universities about something bigger and more fundamental Precisely, they point to the potential loss of knowledge production in Japanese and other Asian languages should these languages not receive serious consideration from the national level of policy and support This issue, as I have argued elsewhere (Phan, 2013), tends to most powerfully (re)produce superficial engagement with scholarship under the banner of internationalisation largely driven by commercialisation, the overindulgence of 172 L-H Phan Downloaded by [Monash University Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 English in government policies as well as the nation building discourse that tend to take many shortcuts to English while undermining local languages The Japanese government’s policies to strengthen Japanese culture and identity through its English language education and the internationalisation of higher education are causing more concerns regarding the government’s perceived identity crisis among Japanese and the decreasing interest in Japanese universities from both Japanese and international students These policies also show the government’s nervousness and desperation to identify itself with ‘the West’, the very thing that it has simultaneously been trying to resist On this basis, I want to contend that together with the investment in English, it is through the simultaneous promotion of and confidence in Japanese language and Japanese-medium programs that Japan would be able to meaningfully engage globally and be engaged with fully by both Japanese and non-Japanese Conclusion This article has discussed the intersections of English, the internationalisation of higher education, the nation building project and questions regarding national cultural identity in Asia, with a particular focus on Japan The nation-states identify their agenda for the internationalisation of higher education as a response to and expression of national interests, as these relate to regional and global movements Japan’s two major government initiatives, the Action Plan 2003 to Cultivate Japanese with English Abilities and the Global 30 Project 2008, are discussed to illustrate these points However, it seems the internationalisation policies of countries and universities in Asia seldom question the global dominance of English and what consequences this may cause to knowledge and scholarship building and the general well-being of these societies in the long run This issue has been well noted by Chapman et al (2011), Kirkpatrick (2010), and Yang (2011), and by the Japanese scholars I cited above In the same vein, the overpromotion of English by Asian governments can also serve to strengthen the English-only mentality and pedagogy (Singh, 2010, 2011), the unequal international partnerships and the assumed inferior status of local universities and their staff (Huang, 2009) and linguistic imperialism (Philippson, 2009) Notes on contributor Phan Le Ha is a Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Education, Monash University, Australia and holds honorary positions at universities in Vietnam She also holds a Visiting Professorship appointment at the Institute of Education, the University of Reading, UK She is the co-convenor of the Disruptive Notions Seminar Series with the Monash Office of the Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Global Engagement), which engages in notions impacting the changing landscape of higher education globally Her teaching and research interests 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Library] at 00:48 23 May 2013 English and the internationalisation of higher education in Asia English as an international language, a global language, a world language and a language of international/intercultural... mean for internationalisation Keywords: Asia- Pacific region; educational policy; English as an International Language; globalisation and internationalisation; higher education Introduction The... strategies and visions of internationalisation The above discussions of the nation-state and the internationalisation of higher education in relation to the international status of English across Asia