8
Centralidad de la ley del valor y de la competencia capitalista
La ley del valor trabajo y la lucha competitiva están íntimamente vinculadas Una no se puede concebir sin la otra y ambas fundamentan la dinámica contradictoria de la acumulación del capital.
The law of value operates through the competition among various capitals, driving the tendencies of the capitalist mode of production to unfold, develop, and deepen Competition acts as a force that compels each capital to maximize surplus value extraction, resulting in an increase of dead capital relative to living labor and necessitating the advancement of productive forces As Shaikh aptly describes, the Marxist notion of competition is a "process," characterized as destructive and antagonistic—a true war among capitalists where technology serves as the weapons of conflict, capital movements signify battlefronts, and firm competition represents the battles themselves Price reductions serve as the ammunition in these confrontations Within this framework, the tendency toward the equalization of profit rates emerges due to capital mobility, creating a stark contrast to the traditional monopoly theory's portrayal of competition as mere product differentiation and conscious price regulation International capital mergers intensify this conflict, making it more universal and virulent.
Competition is essential for the real development of capital, as it imposes external necessities on each capital, reflecting the inherent nature of capital itself This reciprocal coercion among capitalists drives the genuine growth of wealth as capital Furthermore, competition enforces coercive laws on individual capitalists, compelling them to continuously expand their capital to maintain it, which can only be achieved through progressive accumulation.
Concepción de la historia conspirativa
In Shaikh's analysis, he notes that the tradition stemming from Hilferding, which linked the centralization of capital to the collapse of competition, suggests that modern capitalism is fundamentally shaped by these dynamics.
está, en última instancia, regulado por las relaciones de poder entre los monopolistas, los trabajadores y el Estado [Shaikh (1991) p 52].
The significance of this issue cannot be overstated when it comes to social struggles and the politics of the working class, as well as understanding capitalist economics If prices can be manipulated at will, the economy's trajectory becomes reliant on "plans" and individual intentions Hilferding argues that monopolies control prices rather than being controlled by them, leading to a fixed production structure Consequently, monopolistic unions represent "the organization of economic dominance," akin to "state organizations of dominance."
The idea that economic crises are manageable and controllable persists in contemporary thought, as seen in the works of authors like Chesnais This perspective leads to the interpretation of economic crises as the result of the malicious actions of large corporations Consequently, social criticism highlighting the inherent contradictions of capitalism shifts towards a conspiracy theory regarding these crises Furthermore, if monopolies can orchestrate crises at will, the pressure from workers could potentially enforce policies that align with their interests, making revolutionary change unnecessary The core message of Marxism—advocating for the abolition of private capital ownership to eradicate the "logic of capital," especially in resolving its crises—vanishes from the theoretical and political landscape Ultimately, this explains why the monopoly thesis, despite its seemingly radical stance, gives rise to numerous social reform projects that leave the foundations of the capitalist mode of production intact.
Apéndice: La ubicación histórica de los cambios de fines de siglo 19
The data provided by Hilferding and Lenin regarding cartels, trusts, and market manipulation raise important questions about the qualitative changes that occurred at the end of the 19th century Indeed, there was a significant period marked by rapid concentration, leading to the emergence of trusts and cartels However, it is crucial to contextualize this process historically and view it in relative terms Duménil and Lévy (1996) clarify this issue by focusing on the evolution of capitalism in the United States.
In the early 1870s, the American economy exhibited traditional characteristics, with significant capital concentration primarily in telegraphs and railroads Following the depression of that decade, business scale began to expand, driven by a remarkable opening of markets facilitated by advancements in transportation and telecommunications, which diminished geographical protections for many companies Concurrently, the legal framework governing capital organization transformed with the introduction of corporate statutes that allowed for the accumulation of large capital while limiting the liability of project initiators This led to intensified competition, particularly in the railroad and oil industries, resulting in predatory practices As noted by Duménil and Lévy, this heightened competition prompted attempts to mitigate its effects through the formation of often secretive organizations like cartels and trusts, peaking around the turn of the century Meanwhile, financial empires such as Morgan and Rockefeller emerged, controlling extensive networks of industries and employing various tactics to maintain their dominance.
146 Obsérvese el abismo que existe entre esta afirmación y la concepción de Marx del fetichismo de la mercancía
The idea that banks orchestrate economic crises is prevalent among populist leftist and Marxist circles, notably within Trotskyism In the foundational document "The Transitional Program" from 1938, it is claimed that banks not only facilitate technological advancements but also contribute to high living costs, crises, and unemployment, suggesting that the Great Depression was orchestrated by these financial institutions During 1931 and 1932, over a third of U.S banks failed, highlighting the impact of manipulations, secret agreements, and violence Many authors have interpreted these transformations as signaling the end of competition, as the growing size of companies required significant capital investments over extended periods This led to the perception that competition for capital mobility was diminishing with the rise of large enterprises, yet new institutional financing methods emerged alongside this development.
…se impusieron por sus perfomances como centros de recolección y ubicación del capital, de una eficacia hasta entonces inigualada… [Duménil y Lévy (1996) p 33].
The new economic stage cannot be characterized by capital immobility confined to a specific domain; in this regard, 20th-century capitalism is at least as competitive as that of the 19th century Additionally, it is questionable whether the processes of that time increased price rigidity The supposed price flexibility of the 19th century was not as pronounced as believed, just as contemporary capitalism does not exhibit absolute price inflexibility Duménil and Lévy discuss the changes that occurred in the late 19th century.
Despite changes over time, the notion of pure and perfect competition remains intact, as prices were determined by the market in the 19th century and continue to be influenced by companies today Firms have always set their prices, although their ability to do so is constrained by competition, just as it was in the past.
The positive relationship between corporate growth and advancements in technology and organization has played a significant role in reinforcing the monopoly thesis Following mergers, some corporations gained increased strength to pursue technological and organizational innovations, leading to extraordinary profits It is easy to mistakenly attribute these profits to market manipulations rather than to genuine progress in techniques and organizational practices.
148 El pico de la actividad de fusión de empresas ocurrió en Estados Unidos entre 1895 y 1904, con 431 fusiones Entre
Between 1870 and 1894, two significant periods of capital centralization occurred: the trust formation movement of the 1880s and the minor merger boom from 1889 to 1894 During this time, around 4,000 companies merged in 517 transactions, resulting in a total authorized capitalization of $8.6 billion, as reported by Hake (1998).
149 Duménil y Lévy destacan esta base objetiva sobre las cuales se elaboraron las tesis sobre el carácter monopolista del sistema productivo; véase pp 34-35
Given the specificity of the monopoly thesis from the Regulation School, this chapter is dedicated to its examination and critique This focus will enable a deeper exploration of the monopoly issue and a discussion on the production of extraordinary profits We begin by explaining how extraordinary profits are generated according to Marx, particularly in the context of falling prices.
In this article, we first explore Lipietz's explanation of extraordinary profits within a framework of "monopolistic regulation," highlighting his significance as a key figure in Regulation Theory Next, we provide a critique of Lipietz's thesis Finally, we discuss how extraordinary profits can be generated in both inflationary and deflationary contexts, in line with Marx's monetary theory.
La plusvalía extraordinaria en Marx
To explain how extraordinary profits are generated, we begin by considering an industry where standard companies produce one unit of product A per hour per worker using a specific technology We assume prices are directly proportional to their values, with $12 allocated for constant capital—covering fixed capital depreciation—and $6 for value added, which consists of $3 for variable capital and $3 for surplus value Additionally, we posit that $6 represents one hour of socially necessary abstract labor; for our subsequent discussions, we establish that $6 is equivalent to US$ 1 or a specific amount of gold.
Por lo tanto, el precio del producto en las empresas modales es:
Si se trabajan 10 horas, el salario diario del trabajador es $30 y la plusvalía $30 El valor de las 10 piezas A es $180.
Assuming a company successfully doubles its productivity while maintaining a constant capital of $12 per product, each worker would generate 2 units of product A per hour If this output represents the socially necessary labor, it would contribute an additional $3 in value for each unit of product A produced every hour Consequently, the total value of each product A, under this technology as the standard, would amount to $15, calculated as 12c + 1.5v + 1.5s.
The innovative company produces 20 units of product A per day per worker, with each worker earning a daily wage of $30 Despite this, the overall industry still relies on outdated technology, resulting in a market price of $18 for product A, which is determined by the socially necessary labor time This gives the innovative company an opportunity to achieve extraordinary profit margins by selling below the market price For instance, if the company sells each unit at $17, it can generate extraordinary surplus value.
$2 por pieza En el día representa una plusvalía extraordinaria, por obrero, de 20 x $2 = $40 Si el salario permanece en $30 diarios, la tasa de plusvalía se habrá elevado del 100% al 233%
El peso de las ETN en la economía mundial
Multinational enterprises (MNEs) play a significant role in the global economy, but their influence is often overstated While MNEs are on the rise, they do not have unilateral control over economic dynamics They represent a segment of the overall capital structure, which is shaped by broader contradictions within the economic system For instance, in 2002, the external subsidiaries of MNEs generated approximately $3.4 trillion in added value, accounting for about 10% of global GDP—double their share from 1982 Moreover, in 2000, the top 100 MNEs contributed 4.3% to global GDP Despite their substantial contributions, the largest MNE, Exxon, ranked only 45th among the world's largest economic units, comparable to countries like Chile and Pakistan This illustrates that while MNEs can organize production chains and implement global strategies, they lack the ability to control national economies, as evidenced by their limited influence during crises in developing nations, such as Argentina in 1999.
2001 es ilustrativa; a pesar de que las ETN aumentaron su rol en la década de 1990, fueron incapaces de impedir una crisis que implicó desvalorizaciones y pérdidas para muchas de ellas.
Determinación geográfica en la locación de las ETN
The term "trans," as defined by Robinson and Harris (2000), refers to phenomena that transcend nation-states Transnational enterprises (ETN) are characterized by global interests and strategies, integrated international production systems, and worldwide investments, forming the foundation for global economic convergence.
While large corporations may implement global strategies and investments, this does not mean they have transcended their national references A company can adopt a globalized approach while still maintaining strong ties to a specific nation-state or group of nation-states The UNCTAD's measure of "transnationality" is based on three weighted ratios: the proportion of external assets to total assets, the ratio of foreign subsidiary sales to total sales, and the ratio of foreign employment to total employment None of these ratios indicate a disconnection from a nation-state, as companies often have a primary nation-state where their headquarters are located Although some firms have multiple headquarters in various countries, this is limited to a few companies operating primarily in Europe, with their corporate offices situated in central countries Most multinational enterprises, especially the largest ones, maintain a clear affiliation with a specific nation-state.
239 Giussani, Petras y otros críticos de la tesis sobre la transnacionalización “absoluta” aportan datos sobre la no superación de las adscripciones nacionales de las grandes corporaciones También Boron (2002)
Major global corporations are predominantly anchored in specific countries, with notable examples including Vodafone and Royal Dutch/Shell from Great Britain, General Electric, Exxon Mobil, and General Motors from the United States, and Toyota Motors from Japan In the banking sector, the largest institutions also reflect geographical affiliations, such as Citigroup and JPMorgan Chase from the U.S., UBS from Switzerland, and Deutsche Bank from Germany Other significant players include Crédit Agricole and BNP Paribas from France, Mizuho and Sumitomo Mitsui from Japan, and HSBC, Royal Bank of Scotland, and Barclays from Great Britain.
The relationship between multinational corporations and their home countries is complex, as seen with Volkswagen's affiliation with Germany and the U.S post-Chrysler merger, and Royal Dutch/Shell's ties to the UK and the Netherlands Generally, there exists a clear connection between companies and their respective states, evidenced by the differing representation of General Motors' interests in Washington compared to Beijing, Jakarta, or Madrid For instance, when the French multinational Suez clashed with the Argentine government, the French Economy Minister defended the company, illustrating the protective stance governments take towards their national enterprises This trend is mirrored by the U.S., Spain, Germany, and others regarding their own multinational corporations Despite the internationalization of production, control remains with headquarters in powerful nation-states through shareholding in subsidiaries, franchises, licensing, subcontracting, and the establishment of technical standards Parent companies typically focus on knowledge-intensive sectors that generate higher value, such as research and development, technology-intensive areas, and management services, often collaborating with laboratories and universities in central countries Notably, in 1993, 84% of global research and development spending was concentrated in just ten countries, which also held 95% of patents granted in the U.S over the previous two decades.
The growth of Emerging and Transition Economies (ETNs) in developing countries has been significant, yet their impact on the global economy remains marginal For instance, by the mid-1990s, before the Asian crisis, foreign direct investment (FDI) outflows from developing countries accounted for only 6% of the global total In 1994, developed countries generated 70% of worldwide investment flows, while developing nations contributed just 15% Furthermore, the majority of FDI from developing countries originated from a small number of nations in Asia and Latin America, and was largely directed towards regional contexts, highlighting their limited ability to compete in more advanced national markets.
Internacionalización de la producción, exportaciones y generación de valor
The growth of manufacturing exports from developing countries is often viewed as a key element in overcoming the "north-south" divide; however, this growth is not uniform across all nations It is primarily concentrated in a few Asian countries, while African nations—excluding South Africa—and the vast majority of Latin American countries have not seen a significant increase in their manufacturing exports.
240 “Francia tiene que cuidar de los intereses de las corporaciones francesas” Francis Mer, ministro de Economía de Francia, en declaraciones a La Nación (24/01/04)
241 Aunque los flujos de capitales que se dirigían a los países adelantados estaba en aumento (UNCTAD 1995)
Manufacturing exports from developing countries have increased relative to global exports; however, their share of global value-added manufacturing has seen minimal growth Developing nations are primarily involved in the assembly stages of global production networks, which typically require low-skilled labor and limited technology Notably, products experiencing the highest export growth rates, such as transistors, semiconductors, computers, office machinery, optical instruments, textiles, and transportation equipment, are significantly impacted by internationalized production chains The production of these goods allows for the separation of labor-intensive manufacturing segments from those requiring substantial capital and skilled labor Consequently, multinational enterprises (MNEs) often break down production into phases, leading developing countries to focus on low-skilled labor-intensive segments For instance, when production networks are organized through outsourcing, the main company usually focuses on research and development, design, financing, logistics, and marketing, as noted by UNCTAD.
Generally, developing countries involved in international production chains do not engage in the segments of the total production process that require skilled labor and advanced technology When the local supplier base expands, it is predominantly foreign-owned companies, rather than domestic firms, that manufacture the more complex key components (UNCTAD 2002).
The fragmentation of production processes enables multinational enterprises (MNEs) to seek lower wages and tax benefits by exploiting the disparities between less developed and more advanced countries, while retaining high-tech and skilled activities in developed nations.
International production chains have been shown to have limited "spillover" effects on the economies of developing countries According to CEPAL, while Mexico, Costa Rica, and Honduras have succeeded in manufacturing exports, this success has not been mirrored by growth in their local industries Furthermore, internationalized production typically results in a higher content of direct imports within exports in terms of added value, which contributes to the recurring balance of payments crises experienced by these nations.
The total trade value of certain products significantly exceeds the added value, leading analysts to mistakenly conclude that developing countries are catching up to developed ones In reality, the gap continues to widen Except for South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan, which have seen substantial increases in their share of global manufacturing value added without a corresponding rise in their share of global manufacturing exports, most undeveloped countries have experienced the opposite trend For instance, Mexico's share of global manufacturing exports increased tenfold from 1980 to 1997, yet its share of global manufacturing value added decreased by more than a third, with its share of global income remaining constant The New York Times comments on the outcomes of NAFTA, highlighting these disparities.
La brecha entre ricos y pobres se ensanchó en México El desempleo está en alza y los salarios reales están congelados o han caído para millones de trabajadores Las
243 Informe de la Cepal de 2002, citado en UNCTAD (2002). maquiladoras exportaron 78.000 millones de dólares en 2002 De esa cifra, casi dos tercios fue producto del ensamblado de partes estadounidenses 244
A comparative study by UNCTAD covering the period from 1981 to 1997 highlights significant differences between G-7 countries and seven developing nations: Hong Kong, Malaysia, Mexico, Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore, and Turkey The findings indicate that in developed countries, the value added in manufacturing consistently surpasses the trade in manufactured goods, whereas the opposite is true for developing nations Both groups show a declining trend in value added relative to manufacturing trade, but this decline is notably steeper in developing countries Until 1989, the exports and imports of manufactured goods in developing countries remained relatively stable; post-1989, imports began to rise more rapidly than exports, while developed countries consistently experienced higher manufactured exports than imports Additionally, the ratio of value added in manufacturing to GDP and exports of manufactured goods to GDP remains stable in developed countries, while developing nations saw a rapid increase in the exports-to-GDP ratio without a significant upward trend in the value added to GDP ratio.
In 1993, the output per worker in South Korea was 49% of that in the United States, while Taiwan's output was only 28% Additionally, when examining real GNP per hour worked, adjusted for constant currency and purchasing power parity in 1996, Norway led with 32.46, followed by West Germany at 29.68, and the United States at 25.49 In contrast, South Korea's figure was 11.70, Thailand's was 4.51, and the Philippines lagged behind at 2.87.
China has emerged as a leading nation among rising countries, often referred to as "the star." However, its technology still lags significantly behind that of more developed nations, as noted by The Economist.
la base tecnológica de China sigue siendo limitada y la infraestructura de capital necesaria para producir bienes avanzados de alta tecnología es prácticamente inexistente.
Y si bien se producen cada vez más artículos de alta tecnología, casi todo el valor es capturado por las empresas extranjeras 246
According to a publication, the Chinese Ministry of Commerce states that out of $325 billion in exports, only 20% are genuinely high-tech products, while the majority consists of standardized items, known as mature commodities, such as DVD players and laser devices.
The semiconductor chips that power these machines are primarily imported, contributing to China's high-tech trade deficit of approximately $15 billion Additionally, 85% of China's high-tech exports from January to August 2003 are linked to foreign-owned enterprises operating within the country.
244 “Un boom pasajero y un final con desilusión”, reproducido en La Nación 3/01/04.
The findings align with Young (1994, 1995), who noted that productivity growth in East Asian economies was low, with economic expansion primarily driven by significant accumulation of physical capital and human resources This sparked a debate in growth and development theory, challenging conventional neoclassical wisdom, as highlighted by Krugman (1996) Young's analysis also elucidates the low returns on investments in these countries Perraton (2002) further critiques the new institutionalism perspectives on "developmental states" by Amsden, Wade, and others, revealing the limitations of this development strategy within the context of globalization.
Despite contributing approximately 19% of the world's silicon chip production capacity, China's local industry remains small and low-tech, with most chip plants controlled by foreign entities The focus is primarily on assembly and testing, which are low-value-added processes, rather than on design and manufacturing According to Crafts (1998), the output per worker in China's manufacturing sector was only 6% of that in the United States in 1993, reflecting a consistent gap since 1980.
Between 1980 and 1999, the share of advanced countries in global income rose from 73% to 77%, while the share of developing nations stagnated at around 20% This disparity persisted despite an increase in the participation of developing countries in global manufacturing exports (UNCTAD, 2002).
Crisis recurrentes en las balanzas de pagos
Proponents of the thesis regarding the disappearance of nation-states and the complete transnationalization of the economy argue that the growth of foreign direct investment (FDI) flows to and from underdeveloped countries is a compelling indicator of this trend However, it is crucial to contextualize these flows within the global totals More significantly, the two waves of increased FDI into developing nations have often culminated in deep financial and currency crises, leading to currency devaluations, wage reductions, and asset depreciation This phenomenon can be attributed to the rise in imports that accompany export increases, as well as the repatriation of profits by multinational enterprises (MNEs) operating in these countries For instance, in 1994, U.S subsidiaries worldwide generated total profits of $175 billion, with only 50% reinvested and the remainder repatriated Additional profit outflows include executive salaries and interest payments on loans from parent companies Consequently, despite net inflows of FDI, recurring balance of payments crises occur in underdeveloped countries, often resulting in net capital transfers to developed nations Between 1970 and 1989, the negative balance between net FDI inflows to developing countries (excluding China) and various profit remittances to developed nations amounted to significant losses Although a positive net inflow of $253.7 billion was recorded from 1990 to 1998, this was accompanied by growing current account deficits, ultimately leading to a swift reversal of capital flows and severe financial crises in several East Asian countries.
The "adjustment" measures—such as devaluations, wage reductions, import contractions, and export increases—led to an improvement in the current account of developing countries, which shifted to a surplus starting in 1999 While in 1996 these nations faced a current account deficit exceeding $95 billion, by 2003 they achieved an aggregate surplus of $207 billion Most of these surpluses were utilized to finance net transfers for foreign investment income payments and to bolster international reserves, helping to safeguard against potential speculative attacks on their currencies.
247 UNCTAD (2003) y FMI (2002) destacan este aspecto de las políticas de los países que sufrieron crisis cambiarias y financieras
Cuadro 1 Evolución de las reservas y balance de cuenta corriente de los países en desarrollo de
1996 a 2003 (en miles de millones de dólares).
Estos desbalances y crisis recurrentes, por otra parte, no pueden ser entendidos a partir de la tesis de la desaparición de los Estados-nación y las diferencias “norte-sur”.
Concentración de los mercados financieros y el capital bancario
One of the key arguments for overcoming north-south divisions and national borders is financial globalization However, while liquid capital may move freely around the globe, this does not equate to a homogenization of financial value spaces Data shows that financial capital remains highly concentrated, with the majority of foreign direct investment (FDI) and portfolio flows still occurring between developed countries Currency negotiations and financial instruments are similarly concentrated, with London and New York accounting for 47% of global currency trading and 49% of over-the-counter derivatives activity in 2001 These transactions are dominated by a few financial institutions, primarily based in developed nations, which maintain special ties with their respective nation-states For instance, in 2001, only 30 agents conducted approximately 75% of London and New York's currency transactions Furthermore, three banks controlled 89% of the notional volume of currency derivatives contracts in the U.S by that time, a significant increase from 51% in 1995 Additionally, no bank from a developing country ranks among the world's most powerful financial entities, which are consistently headquartered in developed nations By the end of 2003, the ten largest banks globally held assets ranging from
791 mil millones a 1,26 billones de dólares, pertenecían a países desarrollados
The stock markets of G-7 countries, particularly the United States, hold a significantly greater influence on the global economy compared to developing nations A minor fluctuation in Wall Street can impact the entire capitalist world, while the stock markets of underdeveloped countries do not have a similar effect In terms of currency, the US dollar and, to a lesser extent, the euro serve as the dominant international currencies Despite the prevalence of globalization, standardized product prices are primarily quoted in dollars, while high-tech products are priced in the currencies of their countries of origin, which are predominantly European or Japanese.
Peso en los organismos oficiales internacionales
Among the arguments presented by Robinson and Harris, a central point is the emergence of a transnational state apparatus, characterized as a growing network that, while not yet taking on a centralized institutional form, includes transformed nation-states and externally integrated entities alongside supranational economic and political organizations such as the IMF, World Bank, WTO, G-7, United Nations system, and OECD This development reflects the rise of a transnational bourgeoisie However, regarding the "north-south" divide, none of these organizations support the notion of its resolution.
In all these contexts, the role of advanced countries, particularly the United States, is qualitatively different from that of developing nations Even within the United Nations, the influence of these advanced nations is significantly distinct.
Asamblea General es más formal que real; el peso de las decisiones está en el Consejo de Seguridad, donde las potencias tienen asiento permanente y poder de veto
While acknowledging the significance of differences, it is essential to highlight the prevailing trend of global capitalist homogenization This phenomenon is driven not only by the widespread adoption of wage labor but also by the profit motive, which leads to a "race to the bottom" in terms of wages and working conditions In essence, both trends coexist simultaneously.
La internacionalización del capital es claramente un proceso contradictorio, que crea tanto homogenización y diferenciación [Picciotto (1991) p 46].
The trend towards homogenization reflects the essence of globalist theories While we may not fully agree with the reasons presented by Hardt and Negri, we align with their perspective that human labor increasingly operates under the control of capital.
The increasing abstraction of labor is perceived as merely a consumption of human energy, leading to a growing indifference towards specific jobs as workers shift from one role to another and traditional crafts lose their uniqueness This homogenization is evident in the rising real subsumption of all labor forces under capital and the logic of goods and value enhancement A notable example of this trend is the adoption of Toyota production methods in medical centers across the United States, driven by American manufacturers aiming to reduce healthcare costs for their workforce Understanding the productive nature of service-oriented work sheds light on the implications of this shift.
Toyota's system emphasizes minimizing obstacles in the workflow This is achieved by clearly outlining work processes, eliminating unnecessary steps, and fostering team collaboration to identify and resolve issues promptly Hospitals are adopting this approach to reduce patient wait times, streamline wheelchair inventory, expedite operating room preparations, and ensure that patients experience a swift, efficient, and error-free journey through the hospital or medical consultation.
Some U.S manufacturers are adopting Toyota's production line approach in hospitals as part of their ongoing efforts to control rising healthcare costs.
Thirty executives from Virginia Mason Medical Center in Seattle spent two weeks in Japan, where they toured Toyota's automobile factories and Hitachi Ltd's air conditioning plants.
The pursuit of cheap labor by multinational enterprises (MNEs) and government efforts to integrate national markets into international value chains lead to a trend of labor qualification in developing countries This dynamic exerts downward pressure on wages and working conditions for skilled workers, technicians, and engineers in advanced nations A notable example is India, where state initiatives have focused on training workers in IT engineering and design Since the early 1990s, particularly in Bangalore, Karnataka, India has emerged as a significant competitor in the creation, transformation, and maintenance of remote programming, fueled by a skilled and abundant workforce, low wages, English proficiency, a strong tradition in mathematics, and favorable political and legal conditions.
248 Hardt y Negri lo atribuyen a la generalización en el uso de la computadora “que se presenta como la herramienta universal” [(2002) p 259] Es decir, la causa sería “técnica”
The continuous flow of raw materials, personnel, equipment, and finished goods, along with teamwork, immediate error analysis, and constant evaluation of work processes, drives efficiency through the Japanese concept of kaizen, or continuous improvement This environment has attracted investments from major companies like IBM, Texas Instruments, Motorola, and Hewlett Packard, while also fostering the development of local capital By 2003, approximately 150,000 workers in India were employed in the IT industry, facilitating the transfer of jobs from developed countries For instance, IBM planned to relocate 4,700 high-salary programming positions to Bangalore, India, and other locations, as the competitive pricing in IT services affected profitability Competitors like Accenture aimed to double their workforce in India to around 10,000 employees, reflecting a broader trend of skilled jobs moving to countries with lower wages, enabled by new technologies This shift is evident in fields such as accounting, where Indian firms serve U.S clients at a fraction of the cost, as well as in design, architecture, and research sectors.
Una compaủớa india se jactú recientemente en Davos de que podớa desarrollar fỏrmacos por
With a budget of $50 million, significantly lower than the hundreds of millions allocated in the United States and Europe, the ability to conduct large-scale research and testing is enhanced by access to affordable talent and resources.
China is rapidly developing skilled labor hubs, currently leading the world in engineering degrees awarded annually, with approximately 195,000 graduates In 2004, a programmer in China with three to five years of experience cost IBM $12.50 per hour, compared to $56 in the United States While salary is not the sole factor in investment decisions, it plays a significant role amid global price competition This trend contributes to a homogenization of skills, alongside a resurgence of disparities; for instance, China has only about 7,000 semiconductor designers, India has between 3,000 and 5,000, whereas the United States boasts around 40,000 in the same field.
Competitive pressure drives capital to relocate, creating a form of objective "blackmail" over the workforce As a result, the "real" subsumption of all jobs under capital intensifies, leading to a more capitalist labor relationship Capital increasingly confronts labor as a whole, while labor becomes more influenced by capital in all its aspects This encapsulates the deeper meaning of what we have referred to.
“tendencia a la homogenización”, que opera al mismo tiempo, y por la misma dialéctica, que se da la diferenciación de ingresos y la ampliación de las brechas tecnológicas
Aumento de las diferencias de producto e ingresos
The push for homogenization does not reverse the growing disparities between national value spaces The differences in capital productivity and the value environments in which they operate explain why the spread of capitalist relations to less developed regions has, instead of converging national incomes, widened the gaps It is evident that only a handful of underdeveloped countries have seen any significant improvement in their incomes as globalization deepens.
According to the Economic Report of the President, 2003, cited by UNCTAD (2003), in 28 out of 134 countries with consistent and complete data, the average annual growth of per capita GNP between 1980 and 2000 was between 0% and 1% During the same period, per capita GNP decreased in 41 countries, with declines exceeding 30% in some cases.
250 En India se otorgan anualmente casi 130.000 títulos de ingeniero, contra 61.000, aproximadamente, en Estados Unidos.