BRIDGE THE KNOWLEDGE –ACTION GAP! THE AUTHORITATIVE STATEMENT ON HOW TO REDUCE POLITICAL VIOLENCE

BRIDGE THE KNOWLEDGE –ACTION GAP! THE AUTHORITATIVE STATEMENT ON HOW TO REDUCE POLITICAL VIOLENCE Benjamin C Hoffman i i TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements PART INTRODUCTION 1 ON WHAT AUTHORITY? 2 SYNOPSIS OF WHAT WORKS TO REDUCE POLITICAL VIOLENCE A Definition of Political Violence .6 Key Findings .6 Major Concerns Key Assertions Formula for Effectiveness Direct Implications 10 For Peaceworkers 11 For Scholars .11 For Policy Advisors 11 For Donors .12 For Politicians 12 For the Public 13 For the Media 13 PART II: THE FINDINGS 14 WE KNOW ENOUGH NOW 16 Where, When and What has Worked 21 Countries With Major Political Violence 24 The Knowledge-Action Gap .25 A CONVERGENCE OF VIEWS ON WHAT WORKS 27 On the Causes and Dynamics of Political Violence 27 On What Works to Prevent Political Violence 31 A Framework to Prevent Political Violence 36 On How to Make Mediated Peace Agreements Sustainable .37 Miall’s Framework for Successful Settlements .42 On Post-violence Peacebuilding .42 Lund’s Framework for Post-violence Peacebuilding 43 WILL ANYONE SAY WHAT IS NOT EFFECTIVE? 46 Significant Concerns 47 WHY WHAT WORKS, DOESN’T 49 Big Concerns 49 The Nature of the Beast .50 i The Wrong Objective 50 The Political Naivety of Conflict Resolution 52 Inadequate Conflict Analysis .54 Conflict Resolution’s Failure to Communicate Effectively 55 Inadequate Coordination of Effort .60 Institutional Shortcomings 61 United States’ Unilateralism 62 The Women’s Perspective – The Concern that Isn’t 64 PART III: THE ASSERTIONS 66 BRIDGE THE KNOWLEDGE-ACTION GAP! 68 Nine Major Obstacles .70 Formula for Effectiveness 71 Establish Violence Reduction as the Objective .71 Know What Works 72 Educate for Violence Reduction 72 Organize to Do What Works 73 Evaluate Performance 74 ACTIONS TO REDUCE POLITICAL VIOLENCE .75 Organize Immediately for Continuous Learning 75 a) The International Academy for the Reduction of Political Violence 75 b) Evaluate Performance 76 c) Educate Professional Practitioners .77 Collaborate Now to Reduce Political Violence .77 a) Violence Prevention 77 b) Mediation to End Warfare 77 c) Post-violence Peacebuilding .77 d) Lobby for the Reduction of Political Violence 78 Fund for Effectiveness 79 ENDNOTES 80 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 89 ii Acknowledgements I would gratefully like to acknowledge the support, contributions and professional assistance that made this study possible First and foremost, many thanks to Mr Milton Lauenstein who provided financial support for me to conduct the study as a Senior Fellow at the Fletcher School, Tufts University More than this, Milt was spiritually and intellectually engaged in the study throughout He challenged me to determine “what works to reduce political violence” and to make the study practical, specifying actions that might be taken now to reduce violence I will forever be grateful for Milt’s challenges in the name of peace I would like to thank Professor Eileen Babbitt for welcoming me back to Fletcher, where I had graduated years ago Eileen understood and supported my efforts to produce a report that was short, sound, and practical Her colleagues at Fletcher, Ellen Lutz, Hurst Hannum, and Jay Herlihy provided additional support and made the Fellowship a most rewarding experience While a great amount of documentary research built the base for my study, the heart of it was the interviews I conducted with twenty-one authorities in the fields of conflict resolution and peacebuilding They gave candid assessments and helped me sharpen my focus on practical actions to reduce political violence I thank them much for their time, confidence, wisdom and generosity Several colleagues reviewed the report at different stages I would like to thank Dr Mary-Wynne Ashford and Mr Richard Price at the University of Victoria, Ms Elizabeth Weinreb, Columbia School of Journalism, and Mr Jeff Mapendere, The Carter Center My research assistants were Ms Amanda Kim, The Fletcher School, who carried out financial analysis, quickly and thoroughly; Ms Sally Gates, who researched the women’s perspective and provided copy editing; and my son and close associate, Mr Evan Hoffman, whose professional assistance was matched with the same passion I have for ending violence Last, but not least, I must thank my wife, Ann, not only for her never-ending support of my work but because she re-directed early drafts of the text away from an academic voice to make it action-oriented And, as with most other projects, she provided technical assistance in word processing iii PART I INTRODUCTION PART I INTRODUCTION ON WHAT AUTHORITY? ON WHAT AUTHORITY? The goal of this study is to provide practical ideas that will result in a significant reduction in political violence To provide practical ideas, I have tried to determine from among all those activities in peace work and conflict resolution, “what works”, what is not effective, and what is needed I have entitled my report “Bridge the Knowledge-Action Gap!” to emphasize the urgent need for those in the field of conflict resolution to find the means by which they can compel action that will indeed reduce violence and bring more peace into the world I assert that there is enough technical knowledge now to significantly reduce political violence Conflict resolution practitioners, however, must learn the art of making a compelling argument for peace They must obtain political commitment to action And then they must take coordinated action on the basis of best practice The field of conflict resolution must organize to this, to deliver effective services, and to learn as it goes forward Otherwise, all we can hope for is incremental reductions in violence; indeed, the level and severity of political violence may get worse.1 For some reason it seems that I have always been swimming at the deep end in the pool of human relations - the violent end of the pool I have been a prison guard, a correctional administrator, a parole officer, a therapist working with men who abuse women, a mediator positioned between the Roman Catholic Church and men who were abused by Christian religious, a mediator between governments and oppressed people, a mediator between warring states, and between states and rebels After a full thirty years of work dedicated to the reduction of violence, to the search for justice and peace, I wanted to stand back and make a comprehensive assessment of efforts to reduce violence Trained at one time to negotiate with prison hostage takers, then as a mediator, my experiences in conducting peacebuilding work in war zones had led me to confess that I no longer practiced mediation as it is taught in mainstream institutions The sacred liturgy is that mediators are neutral; they have no decision-making authority; they are non-directive, they should not offer solutions to the parties in dispute; they not negotiate with the parties; and they are impartial with respect to the outcome of the mediation The world I inhabit is a world where coercive power is a central element, where the mediator is active in driving for an agreement because the goal of peace is itself the prime motivator I am not impartial with respect to the outcome I am partial to peace Indeed, I discovered throughout a decade of work in the peacebuilding trenches, from Bosnia to Indonesia, that I was breaking all the rules of mediation in the pursuit of peace As the CEO of an institute that trained mediators, I felt compelled to confess I confessed that I violated the basic tenets of mediation I negotiated with the parties whose conflict I was trying to mediate; I urged them to take the path to peace I offered solutions when they were stuck I was directive, ensuring each side had a good chance to express its grievances I did all these things that mediators are typically taught not to I noted at the time of my confession that many people who had been motivated by the goal of social justice had also put their faith in mediation Rather than making a compelling case for human rights, or expending their efforts on building more equitable and just societies, they chose to place themselves between opposing sides and contending views They had given up their role as advocate and had shifted to that of mediator They, like I, wanted to be peacemakers They, PART I INTRODUCTION ON WHAT AUTHORITY? like I, chose the field of conflict resolution We would not take sides; instead, we would offer a set of facilitative skills, hoping to bring about a just solution, that which was negotiated by the parties with our assistance Some of us emphasized the dictum “trust the process”, believing in the power of facilitative techniques Yet I sensed a level of frustration among mediators Their services were not being used often enough Mediation was being relegated to a “touchy-feely” process suitable for “easier” disputes Often the more powerful party in a dispute declined invitations to seek a resolution through mediation, preferring to prevail in other ways When they did come to the mediation table, they continued to dominate, playing power games at the table and away from it between mediation sessions Facilitative mediation was not able to compensate for power asymmetries Furthermore, I had learned that nonviolent conflict resolution training, a veritable phenomenon sweeping across Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union, was inadequate in countries which now exhibited sharp ethnic cleavages and clear discrimination of some groups by others Structural violence, whether the denial of minority language rights, or in the harsh form of exclusion from opportunities and basic services, including shelter and water, cannot be ameliorated only by acquiring interpersonal communication skills and techniques which require good-faith negotiations to resolve conflicts Huge power imbalances must be corrected substantively for justice to be felt I had begun to doubt the working assumptions of the young field of conflict resolution Recently, as Director of the Conflict Resolution Program at The Carter Center, I was privileged to act as President Carter’s personal representative in a number of cases of emerging violence and full scale wars We were intent on bringing an end to the brutal nineteen year old civil war in Sudan To this I concentrated my efforts in Sudan and Uganda President Carter had mediated the Nairobi Agreement in 1999, a peace accord between Uganda and Sudan My job was to lead efforts to implement it We saw it as a building block for peace in Sudan and in the region, generally Among other tasks, I mediated talks between Uganda and Sudan at the political, humanitarian and security levels We had also hoped to help bring an end to the war in northern Uganda between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda That insurgency was a factor in the Sudanese civil war and it was a blight on the Acholi people in northern Uganda After four years of effort, I was personally able to witness the ongoing success of the Nairobi Agreement: Sudan and Uganda are on much better terms The Carter Center was also effective in playing a role to bring the warring sides in Sudan to the table for peace talks But we failed in our efforts to end the war in northern Uganda It has now become a humanitarian nightmare Of course, even the successes may erode, as peace in that region is a very fragile thing But two out of three cases of having been effective in reducing violence is a notable accomplishment One might think that conflict resolution, and mediation in particular, are faring well Yet my own sense was that to end a war one must bring the warring parties “kicking and screaming” to peace Transforming power from violent to peaceful forms is not an easy thing And I had begun to feel, overall, after thirty years, that the goal of a significant reduction of 15 Note that my use of the term mediation refers to relatively formal efforts by third parties which engage official representatives of warring sides in negotiation talks While the failure of the international community to remain engaged after a peace agreement has been achieved through official mediation is a well-documented reason for agreements to break down, we must also consider the possibility as asserted by Greenberg and Barton in (2000) Words Over War: Mediation and Arbitration to Prevent Deadly Conflict Failure to address the underlying issues in dispute is a significant reason for agreements to break down If this is a salient factor then it also has implications for the grade which is given to post -violence peacebuilding Lund (2003) in particular gives peacebuilding something approaching a qualified pass in his comprehensive assessment found in What Kind of Peace is Being Built? Assessing Post-Conflict Peacebuilding: Charting Future Directions 16 See Hampson’s (1996) chapter “Why Orphaned Peace Settlements are More Prone to Failure” in Managing Global Chaos: Sources of Responses to International Conflict 17 See the General Introduction to Managing Global Chaos: Sources of Responses to International Conflict where the editors note: “At the systemic level, it is worth remembering that much international conflict has structural roots The existence of anarchy – that is, the lack of an overarching political authority – is the main reason for violent conflict.” Elsewhere, according to the Economist (July 1999) “the … the central reason why a state remains, for all the hopes of globalizers, the only unit capable of playing a clear-cut role on the world stage … (is) the state is still the chief wielder of organized armed force, of the means of killing the soldiers of other states with which it finds itself in unresolvable disagreement…A monopoly of organized killing power is the prime characteristic of the state as history knows it, and that monopoly remains largely intact.” See also Luck’s (2002) discussion of the UN’s Achilles heal, the lack of enforcement powers, in From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System 18 As will be discussed later in the text, the data showing a short term downward trend in political violence are pre 9/11 In From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System both Gurr and Marshall (2002) devote chapters to substantiating the claim that there is a downward trend Gurr insists that it is not an accident and his argument supports my assertion that there is enough knowledge now to better reduce the incidence and severity of political violence 19 This list has been complied from the following sources: Bell,(2000) Peace Agreements and Human Rights; Bercovitch, (2002) Studies in International Mediation; Crocker, Hampson, and Aall (2001) Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict; Crocker, Hampson, and Aall (1999) Herding Cats: Multiparty Mediation in a Complex World; Greenberg, Barton, and McGuiness (2000) Words over War: Mediation and Arbitration to Prevent Deadly Conflict; Stedman, Rothchild, and Cousins, (2002) Ending Civil Wars: the Implementation of Peace Agreements; Ury, (2000) The Third Side: Why we Fight and How We Can Stop 20 See Eriksson et al (2002) “Appendix 2A, Patterns of Major Armed Conflicts, 1990-2002, SIPRI Yearbook, 2003: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security 21 Those associated with the Peace and Conflict Studies community, arguably, might be described as focused on the global task of building peace writ large They pay particular attention to structural violence and the transformation of a culture of violence to a culture of peace See Galtung et al (2002) Searching for Peace, The Road to Transcend For an approach that recognizes the importance of structures to long-term sustainable peace and yet takes a shorter-term military interventionist focus, see Last (1997) Theory, Doctrine and Practice of Conflict De-Escalation in Peacekeeping Operations For a perspective that has little sympathy for very early structural interventions and emphasizes quite short-term interventions see Luck (2002) in From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System For an argument stressing the salience to sustainable peace of healing historical wounds see Montville, (1993, pp 112-127) “The Healing Function in Political Conflict Resolution”, in Conflict Resolution Theory and Practice 22 While I maintain that the causes of political violence are an amalgam of “factors and actors”, to use Professor Kriesberg’s term, there is a debate on the relevant salience of the structural causes of violence The Carnegie Commission’s 1997 report on Preventing Deadly Conflict emphasized the importance of addressing the root causes of conflict found in structural problems and this perspective became known as the “grievance” theory on the causes of political violence Recently, led by the work of Paul Collier, a “predatory” theory has gained momentum We will return to this briefly but I note here that Collier (2001) acknowledges that once a predator has activated “grievance”, perhaps only instrumentally to enhance the predatory agenda, these grievances must be addressed in any effort to build a sustainable peace See Collier, “Economic Causes of Civil Conflict and Their Implications for Policy” in Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict 23 For a classification of sources of conflict and a comprehensive list of conflict resolution and peacebuilding activities see “Table Illustrative Strategies for Managing Turbulent World” in the introduction to Crocker et al (2001) Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict and for an illuminating discussion of the literature on conflict’s causes and trends see Gardiner’s (2002) chapter “Diagnosing Conflict: What Do We Know?” in From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System For an analytical discussion of the dynamics of conflict see Kriesberg (2003) Constructive Conflicts: From Escalation to Resolution For a discussion of the importance of war analysis in the overall analysis of political violence see Chapter One “The Persistence of War in Africa” in de Waal (2000) Who Fights? Who Cares?: War and Humanitarian Action in Africa 24 See Hamburg (2002) No More Killing Fields: Preventing Deadly Conflict See Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (1997, pp 8-9) Final Report: Pathfinders for Peace, “Preventive action to forestall violent conflict can be compared to the pursuit of public health Thirty years ago, we did not know precisely how lung cancer or cardiovascular disease developed, or how certain behavior, such as smoking or high-fat, high-cholesterol diets, increased the likelihood of contracting these diseases With advances in medicine and preventive health care over the past decades, we have more accurate warning signs of serious illness, and we no longer wait for signs of such illness before taking preventive action So too in the effort to prevent deadly conflict, we not yet completely understand the interrelationship of the various factors underlying mass violence We know enough, however, about the factors involved to prescribe and take early action that could be effective in preventing many disputes from reaching the stage of violent conflict … This report seeks to demonstrate the need for a new commitment – by governments, international organizations, opinion leaders, the private sector, and an informed public – to help prevent deadly conflict and to marshal the considerable potential that already exists for doing so.” (underline added) See Galtung et al (2002), Searching for Peace, The Road to Transcend and Sterling, (2002, page xiii): to “work for peace is to work against violence We analyze its forms and causes, we predict in order to prevent, and we act preventively and decisively - all medical terms, since peace relates to violence as much as health does to illness." 25 See Ury, (2000) The Third Side: Why We Fight and How We Can Stop, and Galtung et al, (2002) Searching for Peace: The Road to Transcend for a discussion of how significant the belief that violence is inevitable is as an obstacle to peace See Lebow (1987, pg 264) Between Peace and War, who contends “that war becomes more probable as it becomes more acceptable When war is perceived as a disastrous outcome policy-makers will be correspondingly cautious about the risks they run” 26 See Collier (2001) “Economic Causes of Civil Conflict and Their Implications for Policy”, in Turbulent Peace 27 See (2002) chapter “Diagnosing Conflict: What Do We Know?” in From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System 28 Herman (2002 pg 15) notes that, “…granting amnesty to perpetrators left unresolved the question of accountability Like the perpetrators of sexual and domestic violence, the vast majority of offenders who filed amnesty applications felt entitled to power and did not regret their crimes They confessed simply to avoid the risk of prosecution (GobodoMadikizela, 1999) Once they acknowledged the facts, they were acquitted of any further responsibility for either apology or restitution to their victims It is hard to imagine satisfactory social reconciliation under such conditions.” 29 See Kriesberg’s (2003) Constructive Conflicts: From Escalation to Resolution ,2nd edition, for the most current, comprehensive discussion of the dynamics of conflict, including his criticism of the model Likewise, See Barnett, (2002) Blood on the Doorstep, the Politics of Preventative Action, who states that the lifecycle/stages of conflict model does not quite adequately capture the true complexities of conflicts Therefore rigid application of interventions based only on the stage of the conflict are limited What is needed is interventions that recognize the multi-leveled, fluid, and overlapped nature of conflicts 30 See Hoffman (1998) Towards an Architecture for Peacebuilding: Restructuring Power in Political Conflict, Ph.D Thesis, University of York, UK Peacemaking, Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding are identified as the three main Peace Functions Track I and Track II activities conducted under each of these functions are mapped across the cycle, with Peacebuilding described as the “ubiquitous” function: peacebuilding activities take place at all stages of the conflict 31 See “Table Illustrative Strategies for Managing Turbulent World” in the introduction to Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict Crocker et al (2001) 32 See Eriksson et al (2002) “Appendix 1A, Patterns of Major Armed Conflicts, 1990-2001, SIPRI Yearbook, 2002: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security 33 See Gurr (2002, pg 50-54) in From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System,.Gurr notes that part of the reason that successes are not known is the tendency for the media to report dramatic failures How to engage the media constructively; indeed, how to use the media to bring a violent situation to the public’s attention and to pressure leaders to take action was a topic of many of my interviews For some of the implications for media presented in the Synopsis section, I draw on earlier work I did on this subject with Rosemarie Schmidt at Network for Conflict Resolution, Waterloo, Ontario, Canada 34 Herman (2002 pg 11) notes that domestic violence can be stopped by the use of force only when, “… the bystanders finally took a clear and unambiguous stand in defense of the victims and intervened with sufficient force to contain the aggressors.” 35 See Gurr (2002, pg 50-54) in From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System 36 See Gurr (2002, pg 57-58) in From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System 37 Herman (2002 pg 9) states that lack of will translated loosely as apathy in the realm of domestic abuse prevents bystanders from intervening “For bystanders who might wish to help stop the violence, several obstacles may present themselves Apathy may be the most obvious impediment to action, but apathy may be a mask for ignorance, confusion, or fear Bystanders may fail to recognize a pattern of coercive control and may tend to dismiss incidents of violence an unfortunate aberration or as a private quarrel for which both parties are equally to blame The perpetrator’s denials and rationalizations are often convincing, especially when buttressed by claims of familial sovereignty Bystanders are often deterred by the argument that the victim’s plight is simply none of their business.” 38 See Zellener, (2002) “The OSCE: Uniquely Qualified for a conflict Prevention Role”, in Searching for Peace in Europe and Eurasia See the Carter Center website www.thecartercenter.org For a comprehensive discussion with case examples of successful nonviolent conflict resolution see Ackerman and Duvall, (2000) A Force More Powerful: A Century of Nonviolent Conflict 39 See Hampson (1996, pgs 534-535) in Managing Global Chaos: Sources of Responses to International Conflict 40 See Bercovitch, (2002) Studies in International Mediation 41 In our discussion of why peace agreements break down, one of the authorities interviewed, a senior diplomat, acknowledged that part of the reason is that diplomats themselves lack the degree of sophistication in mediation techniques typically attributed to them Part of the reason may also be the willingness, in the pursuit of an agreement, to gloss over tough issues Clearly, research on the sustainability of mediated peace agreements is required 42 See Greenberg (2000 )Words over War: Mediation and Arbitration to Prevent Deadly Conflict, page 367 43 See Greenberg, (2000) Words Over War: Mediation and Arbitration to Prevent Deadly Conflict p 344 44 See Greenberg (2000, pg 367) Words Over War: Mediation and Arbitration to Prevent Deadly Conflict 45 See Greenberg (2000, pg 367) Words Over War: Mediation and Arbitration to Prevent Deadly Conflict 46 See Chapter Two “Multiparty Mediations and the Conflict Cycle: in Herding Cats: Multiparty Mediation in a Complex World and Crocker, Chester A., Hampson, Fen Osler and all, Pamela R., “Two’s Company But is Three A Crowd? Some Hypothesis About Multiparty Mediation” in Bercovitch, Jacob (ed.) (2002) Studies in International Mediation 47 See Bercovitch (2002, pg 19) Studies in International Mediation 48 See Part I Multiparty Mediation: Concepts, Issues, Strategies and Actors in Crocker et al (eds.) (1999) Herding Cats: Multiparty Mediation in a Complex World See also Touval, and Zartman, “International Mediation in the Post-Cold War Era”, in (2001) Turbulent Peace 49 Herman (2002, pg 10) notes that in the realm of domestic abuse “One of the first studies of police intervention in domestic violence cases demonstrated that a policy of mandatory arrest was the most effective deterrent to further incidents of violence (Sherman and Berk, 1984) I believe that such policies were effective because they were clear, simple, and consistent, and because they forced the police to take domestic violence seriously for the first time Mandatory arrest policies provided a powerful antidote to ingrained police attitudes of ambivalence or frank sympathy for perpetrators More recently, many advocates for battered women have argued that such policies are too inflexible, and should be modified to allow greater self-determination for victims (Mills, 1998) Clearly, any intervention that denies power and agency to victims is ultimately self-defeating Intervention is most likely to be effective when it is based on a strong cooperative alliance between the victim and the intervening third parties.” 50 See Evans and Sahnoun (2001) The Responsibility to Protect: Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty 51 See Crocker et al (1996 pg 4) in Managing Global Chaos: Sources of Responses to International Conflict 52 See Hampson (1996 pgs 533-550) in Managing Global Chaos: Sources of Responses to International Conflict Also Herman (2002) in “Peace on Earth Begins at Home, Reflections from the Women’s Liberation Movement” in Breaking the Cycles of Hatred: Memory, Law and Repair, makes an observation on peacekeeping based on the experience and evidence in the case of the battered women’s movement: “belatedly would-be peacekeepers discovered the same principles that have proven effective in cases of domestic violence The violence stopped only when the bystanders finally took a clear and unambiguous stand in defense of the victims and intervened with sufficient force to contain the aggressors” 53 See Hampson (1996, pp 533-550) in Managing Global Chaos: Sources of Responses to International Conflict 54 See Miall et al (2002,pg 76) in Searching for Peace in Europe and Eurasia 55 See Lund’s (2002) chapter in From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System 56 See Kaplan (2002) Warrior Politics 57 See Paris (2001) “Wilson’s Ghost: The Faulty Assumptions of Post Conflict Peace Building”, in Turbulent Peace 58 See Bercovitch (2002 pg 159) in Studies in International Mediation 59 See Miall et al (2002, pg 76) Searching for Peace in Europe and Eurasia 60 See Lund (2003 pg 30) What Kind of Peace is Being Built? Assessing Post-Conflict Peacebuilding: Charting Future Directions 61 See Lund (IBID pg.38) 62 See Lund (IBID pgs 38-39) 63 See Lund (IBID pgs 40-41) 64 See Anderson and Olsen (2003) Confronting War: Critical Lessons for Peace Practitioners 65 Herman (2002, pg 3) states that the same is true of domestic violence “While violence is necessary to establish and maintain a system of dominance, it is rarely sufficient A well established system of coercive control aims to legitimate the power of the perpetrator, so that overt displays of force are rarely required When dominance achieves legitimacy, the violence upon which it ultimately rests is hidden, minimized, or excused Violence is also far more effective when combined with other methods of control.” She also states that, “even those [perpetrators of violence] who genuinely regret the violence generally feel entitled to control their partners, and view violence as a legitimate last resort.” (2002, pg 12) 66 See Galtung et al (2002, pg xiv) Searching for Peace, The Road to Transcend “States were not created to bring peace to the world, but to satisfy ‘national interests’ as defined by their elites, if necessary by war Peace has a lower priority, as seen clearly when we compare the size of their establishments for peace and war Some states are predators and see their interests located outside their own territory – euphemistically called their ‘sphere of interest’ When states pretend to work for peace it is very often a way of solidifying their sphere of interest And even if their efforts are honest, it is usually painfully clear how amateurish their endeavors.” 67 See Ury (2000, pg 200) The Third Side: Why We Fight and How We Can Stop He essentially agrees, declaring that humanity’s “biggest obstacle remains the fatalistic belief that fighting, violence and war are inevitable.” 68 See Hampson and Malone’s (2002) remark in From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System, : “ the Security Council has chipped away at arguments in favor of absolute sovereignty and has thus managed to expand the perception of what is legitimate relating to preventive action undertaken by the United Nations” See www.globalizationpw.org Global Action to Prevent War (GAP) which describes itself as a coalition-building effort to stop war, genocide and internal armed conflict It is a comprehensive program for “moving to a world in which deadly conflict is rare, brief, and small in scale – in other words, a program for working toward the abolition of war.” GAPW asserts that the means for ending organized violence already exists The “world’s societies and governments already know how to stop the killing What has been missing is a program for the sustained, integrated, worldwide application of their resources and knowledge.” What is needed is an integrated program, most of which would enhance and integrate the capabilities of the UN system as follows: strengthen multilateral means of resolving disputes, protecting human rights, and preventing armed conflict; reduce national military forces and replace them with modest UN peacekeeping enforcement forces in a phased process of disarmament; and promote the culture of peace The time required to eliminate warfare? Three to four decades 69 See Herman (2002) “Peace on Earth Begins at Home: Reflections from the Women’s Movement” in, Breaking the Cycles of Hatred: Memory, Law, and Repair 70 See Evans and Sahnoun (2001) The Responsibility to Protect: Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty; Barnett (2002) Blood on the Doorstep, the Politics of Preventive Action; Jentleson (2000) Opportunities Missed, Opportunities Seized: Preventive Diplomacy in the Post-Cold World 71 In addition to the discussion which follows on education and evaluation of performance in conflict resolution it is instructive to learn from a directly relevant experience within the field of humanitarian disaster relief work The reader is referred to the Sphere Project, where using a collaborative process the Minimum Standards and Humanitarian Charter was designed as a tool for agencies to enhance the effectiveness and quality of their assistance It describes core principles that govern humanitarian action, points out the legal responsibilities of states and warring parties, and offers a set of key indicators that inform different aspects of humanitarian action, from initial assessment through to coordination and advocacy as well as worker competencies and responsibilities See www.spehereproject.org 72 For an early discussion of overcoming the “warning-response gap” see George and Holl (1997) “The WarningResponse Problem and Missed Opportunities in Preventive Diplomacy”, Carnegie Commission on preventing Deadly Conflict; for a more recent effort that provides practical ideas on addressing the problem of lack of political will, see Jentleson (2000) Opportunities Missed, Opportunities Seized: Preventive Diplomacy in the Post-Cold World; and for an examination of the motives and incentives of war lords, see UNU/INCORE (2003) WAR LORDS into PEACELORDS? A Study of Local Leadership in Conflicted Societies 73 See Carden et al (2002) International Development Research Centre-Supported Research in the Public Policy Process: A strategic Evaluation of the Influence of Research on Public Policy 74 See UNU/INCORE, (2003) WAR LORDS into PEACELORDS? A Study of Local Leadership in Conflicted Societies 75 Information provided by the Development Network of Indigenous Voluntary Associations, Uganda 76 To be fair, the Alliance for International Conflict Prevention and Resolution has just embarked on its first effort to facilitate collaboration among three of its member organizations, each of which had a local NGO partner in the conflict region on which a coordinated conflict prevention initiative is being planned Also, an ad hoc group, the Reducing Political Violence Action Group, based at the Institute of War and Peace Studies at Columbia University, has launched an initiative intended to produce an integrated, collaborative approach to prevention And of course, other coalitions of peace and conflict resolution organizations have worked together to plan advocacy initiatives My point is that the field can not be characterized as a collaborative, strategically aligned one that coordinates efforts as a routine approach to its work; collaboration, joint strategizing, and integrated actions in specific cases of violence are the exception, not the rule 77 See Kagan (1996 pp 569-570) On The Origins of War and the Preservation of Peace who, however, stresses just how demanding (on states) efforts at peace are: “A persistent and repeated error through the ages has been the failure to understand that the preservation of peace requires active effort, planning, the expenditure of resources, and sacrifice, just as war does.” His realist prescriptions call for vigilance, and the use of power in the service of prevention Indeed, he asserts: “ Statistically, war has been more common than peace, and extended periods of peace have been rare in a world divided into multiple states The cases we have examined indicate that good will, unilateral disarmament, the avoidance of alliances, teaching and preaching of the evils of war by those states who, generally satisfied with the state of the world, seek to preserve peace, are of no avail “What seems to work best, even though imperfectly, is the possession by those states who wish to preserve the peace of the preponderant power and of the will to accept the burdens and responsibilities required to achieve that purpose They must understand that no international situation is permanent, that part of their responsibility is to accept and sometimes even assist changes, some of which they will not like, guiding their achievement through peaceful channels, but always prepared to resist, with force if necessary, changes made by threats or violence that threaten the general peace But this condition is not easy to achieve.” According to Kagan, the conviction to act, to use power to preserve the peace, is that which is required by those states concerned and capable, such as the USA 78 The point that institutional shortcoming does indeed relate to an adequate level of resources being committed in advance to mechanisms, while perhaps not a crucial concern, was nevertheless mentioned by a number of authorities The paltry sum allocated to the OSCE’s Office of the High Commissioner for Minorities, a clearly documented, effective mechanism, was given as a case in point; the failure of the UN to allocate adequate resources to the conflict risk assessment, early warning mechanism as called for in the Brahami Report was cited as another glaring inadequacy See Hampson and Malone (2002) From Reaction to Conflict Prevention: Opportunities for the UN State System for a discussion of the Brahami Report 79 See Rehn and Sirleaf, (2002) Women, War and Peace: An Independent Experts’ Assessment 80 See Nan (1999 pp 50-57)s Civic Initiatives In ACCORD, London: Conciliation Resources.(p.50-57) Available online at: http://www.c-r.org/accord/geor-ab/accord7/civic.shtml;Nan, S.A (2000) Complementarity and Coordination of Conflict Resolution Efforts in the Conflicts over Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transdniestria Unpublished doctoral dissertation, George Mason University, Fairfax; Nan, S.A (2002, March) Unofficial Conflict Resolution as a Complement to Diplomacy: A Case Study of the Georgian-South Ossetian Peace Process Highlighting ‘Track One and a Half Diplomacy’ Paper presented at the International Studies Association Convention; 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