Pathways to social complexity and state formation in the southern zambezian region author(s

Pathways to Social Complexity and State Formation in the Southern Zambezian Region Author(s): Nam C Kim and Chapurukha M Kusimba Source: The African Archaeological Review, Vol 25, No 3/4 (Sep - Dec., 2008), pp 131-152 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40389424 Accessed: 28-01-2016 16:56 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The African Archaeological Review http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 DOI 10.1007/s 10437-008-903 1-3 ORIGINAL ARTICLE Pathwaysto Social Complexityand State Formation in the SouthernZambezian Region Nam C Kim • ChapurukhaM Kusimba Publishedonline:23 September 2008 Science+ BusinessMedia,LLC 2008 C Springer AbstractTheoristshave put forthvarious anthropological perspectiveson the variablesleadingto socialcomplexity andtheemergence of state-level polities.This data fromtheZambezianregionof SouthernAfricain orderto paperincorporates contribute to the literature on social evolutionary theory.It tracesthe cultural of communities thatflourished trajectories duringtheregion'sIronAge withinthe of theGreatZimbabwepolity.In Basin,leadingto theemergence Shashi-Limpopo thearchaeological of state-like record,theauthorsdiscusstheemergence examining and explanationsfor the societies,offeringa reviewof currentinterpretations emergent complexity Les théoriciensont émis plusieurspoints de vue anthropologiques sur les variablesqui conduisentà la complexitésociale et l'émergencedes états.Cet articleest une contribution la littérature surla théoriede l'évolutiondes sociétés réaliséeà partir des donnéesde la régiondu Zambèzeau sud de l'Afrique.Il retrace de communautés les trajectoires culturelles qui sontapparuesau coursde l'âge du fer dans le Bassin du Shashi-Limpopo et qui ont conduità l'émergencede l'étatdu Grand Zimbabwe.En s'appuyantsur les données archéologiques,les auteurs discutent offrant une revuedes dernièresinterprétal'émergencede sociétés-états, tionset explications au sujetdes complexités émergentes • Mapungubwe • Fortification • Keywords GreatZimbabwe• Zimbabweculture • • • SocialandpoliticalcomplexityStates UrbanismZambezia N C Kim of Anthropology, of Illinoisat Chicago,1007 W HarrisonStreet, Department Chicago, University IL 60607, USA C M Kusimba( ! ') ofAnthropology, FieldMuseumof NaturalHistory, 1400 S Lake ShoreDrive,Chicago, Department IL 60605-2496,USA e-mail:ckusimba@fieldmuseum.org Ö Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 132 Introduction The originsof social complexity, urbanism,and archaicstatesare of profound interest forsocial scientists social evolutionis an important aspectof Investigating andthisis one ofthe culturechangeandhumanorganizational behavior, elucidating offers core missionsof anthropology Studyingtheevolutionof social complexity haveemployedto thatsegments ofhumankind intounderstanding insights strategies accumulate power(Earle 1997;Haas 2001; Holl 2000; Robb 1999),or in thecauses ofsocialchangeandsocietalinequality (Blantonetal 1996;Blanton1998;Carneiro to andEarle20.00;Trigger 1970,1990;Feinman2001; Johnson 2003) Furthermore, within our humangroupingpatternsand politicalorganization trulyunderstand and dimensions it is essentialthatwe exploretheirhistorical contexts, modern-day debate the social manifestations to by evolutionary Archaeologythuscontributes the originsof stratified societiesas a precursorto more complex highlighting state.At the same time, such as the city-state and territorial conglomerations and us understand how whypeoplelivingin similarecosystems helps archaeology embrace different may strategies, rangingfromegalitarianor acephalous,heterin communities et al 1995;Holl 2000, archical,or hierarchical, creating (Ehrenreich This to the articlecontributes 2003; Mclntosh1999) ongoingdebate on the of social a debate that we believehas not yet worldwide; emergence complexity the rich from Africa Holl data Sub-Saharan 2000, 2003; Kusimba (cf incorporated Stahl Mclntosh 1999; 1999; Pikirayi2001; 2001; Trigger2003) In doingso, we studied fromthreeextensively records reexamine publishedarchaeological primarily and Zambezianregion,namelyBambandyanalo, sitesofthesouthern Mapungubwe, of thatcontributed to theriseand development GreatZimbabwe,to addressfactors social complexityand statehoodin southernAfrica We discuss the main current of thesedata indicators of social complexity, interpretations archaeological and how theyfitinto the generaldebate of archaeologyof social complexity worldwide and sociopolitical The Shashi-Limpopo Basin experiencedmajortechnological AD (Manyanga2006:138; transformations towardstheend of thefirstmillennium due in part Pwiti2005) Thesetransformations includedrapiddemographic growth, to migration and naturalgrowth,an increasein societalinequalityevidencedby of sitehierarchies differential householdsize,wealthand status,and theemergence of acephalous To what can we attribute the transformation (Manyanga2006:138) IronAge societiesofsouthern Africaintostatesocieties?To answerthesequestions, we firstrevisitthehistory of social formations traceableto thelatefirstmillennium BC whenpastoralandagrarian inhabited theregion(Pikirayi communities 2001:34) at and we look the of societal Second, inequalities usingan intersite underpinnings that the of efflorescence Bambandyanalo(also regionalperspective highlights knownas K2), Mapungubwe(Huffman 2005, 2007), and GreatZimbabwe(Pikirayi 2006a) We believethishistoricalapproachprovidesclues towardsunderstanding the prevailingconditionsunder which certainhousehold heads could have accumulatedunequalwealthand legitimacy, enablingthemto become leadersof theirvariouspolities(Haas 2001; Kusimba1999;KusimbaandOka 2008) How and in whatwaysdid thesepolitiesfunction? leaderscentralize How did theseincipient and What the nature of consolidate their was relationships amongst authority power? fi Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 133 and GreatZimbabwe?And whatwas therelationBambandyanalo, Mapungubwe, withsmall,moreperipheral andfrontier states? shipbetweentheselargersettlements As in manyregionsaroundtheworld,largerand morebuilt-upsettlements that werepresumably In contrast attention smaller capitalshavereceivedmorescholarly thatmay or may not have been allied to the state moreregional/rural chiefdoms tonote (e.g.,Usman2001) It is important capitalshavereceivedlittleorno attention communities withtheirmore howsmaller-scale albeitperipheral mayhaveinteracted and powerfulneighbors.Was the natureof theirrelationsbased on tributary How mayarchaeologyoperationalize subordinate ties?Was it heterarchical? these theserelationships has implications forknowinghow relationships? Understanding leadersemergeand consolidatepower and by whatmeansincipient andthestatein southern Zambeziahas been The emergence of socialcomplexity Theseincludeexternal trade(Huffman offactors attributed to a variety 1972,1982, of cattle(Beach 1998; Denbow 1984),religious 1986b,1996,2005), accumulation ideology(Beach 1980, 1998) and climatechange(Pikirayi2001) Some researchers of warfareand (e.g., Hall 1990; Manyanga2006) have proposedthe importance coercionas one of the means used to accumulateand keep power but little at archaeologicalevidencehas been gatheredthusfarto supportthishypothesis, While the materialevidencefor least,forthe initialstagesof social complexity Africais abundantforthe organizedviolenceand warfarein precolonialsoutheast second half for the second millennium(e.g Pikirayi1993; Huffman2007), effortsto identifyand develop the chronological must intensify archaeologists and itsaftermath contextofwarfare duringthenascentstagesof stateformation of the archaeologicalrecognition The lines of evidencefor operationalizing to societalattempts monopolizeresources, totensionsoverresources, warfare pertain to permanent areas in proximity at resource-rich and aggregation and fortification written sourcesof water.Formsof evidenceincludeoral testimonies, records, paleopathology,and violent destruction, weapons, fortifications, iconography, and therelocationof settlements of culturalpatterns, (Holl 1985, 1997, disruption availablematerialevidencehintsat the 2003; Webster1998:315) The currently Basin notonlyhad of the Shashi-Limpopo thatIronAge communities possibility have also defenseon theirminds,butthattheymay engagedin organized military violencein orderto achieveobjectivesand politicalagendas.1 We proposethatMapungubweand GreatZimbabweachievedand maintained economic,political,and ideologicalhegemonythrougha combinationof both combineto supportthis peacefuland coercivemeans.Certainmaterialindicators of settlement to that relate material location, shifting patterns signatures proposition, all and territoriality,migration, ofwhichcombineto fortification, mortuary practices, We hope thatthispaperwill initiatethe supportwarfareand violencehypotheses in thearchaeological current of andreinterpretation réévaluation landscape, patterns withinthe andopendiscussions state on to thegloballiterature contribute formation, to on the Africanarchaeologycommunity along lines now pathways complexity commonplace in otherregions(Trigger2003) We Zambeziain intheriseandfallofstatesocietiesin Southern exploretheroleofcoercionandwarfare a separatepaperto be publishedsoon (Kim and Kusimba2008) Ö Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 134 DefiningtheState whichall of cultural tellsus thatsocietalchangeis a universal dynamic Archaeology moments to embrace,albeitat different andtheycontinue has embraced, humankind Not all societiesevolvedintostatesbutmanyofthosethatdid andpaces in history on the thathave guidedarchaeological exhibitsalientfeatures theorizing generally of thestate(Bilman2002; Carneiro1981; Flannery1998; Fried1967; emergence Johnsonand Earle 2000; Keeley 1996; Marcus 1998; Service1975; Spencerand of the Redmond2004; Trigger2003; Yoffee2005) Thereare countlessdefinitions statebutforourpurposeshere,we willuse BruceTrigger (2003) sincewe believeit to theAfricancontextwe discussin thisarticle is morerelevant In Understanding Trigger(2003:92) definesthestateas: "a Early Civilizations, or by thosewho live in it as sovereign organizedsocietythatis regarded politically and has leaderswho controlits social, political,legal, politicallyindependent controlover economic,and culturalactivities"(2003:92) In thisview,centralized forthestate.Powercanbe feature is a defining lifeina society manyaspectsofeveryday andonewouldexpect andideologicalforms, in economic, manifest political, physical, or forsome or all of theseformswithinan emergent to see materialindications natureof statesand thelabor established state.Furthermore, due to theaggregating numbers to administratively runtherequisite resources significant operations, required In describing arenecessarily ofhumanresources (2003:47) earlystates, Trigger present used forceto of kinshipties and how rulersregularly emphasizesthe importance makesclearthatearlystateswere socially His definition maintaintheirauthority strata thehighest andthatindividuals stratified, possessedthemostwealth, occupying these andpoliticalpower,whileconcurrently status, possessingthemeansto maintain distributions of wealthand power."The core of such an earlystate(or complex chiefdom)was an ethnicgroup,tribe,or ruler'skindredto whichothergroups which or unwillingly paid tribute" (Trigger2003:47) The meansthrough willingly theirpowerlikely thesemembers of theupperstratawereable to gainand maintain includeda mixture ofphysicalas wellas ideologicalpower and necessary makesan important Whendiscussingstate-level societies,Trigger to is germane state".Thisdichotomy distinction between"city-state" and "territorial in size,scale, ourdiscussionofIronAge southern Zambezia,as therearedifferences andterritorial extentforcertain (2003:92) echoesAkinMabogunje's polities.Trigger of an urban smallpolities,consisting wererelatively (1962) notionthatcity-states In contrast, core surrounded by farmland containingsmallerunitsof settlement a multileveled territorial statespossessa rulerwho governeda largerregionthrough of in a corresponding of provincialand local administrators hierarchy hierarchy administrative centers(Huffman markers, 1986c,2007) In termsof archaeological were sometimesclearlydemarcatedby natural boundariesfor early city-states with populationsranging features,artificialmarkers,or walled fortifications, case studiesof anywherefrom5,000 to 20,000 (Trigger2003:94) To illustrate civilizations, earlycity-state Trigger(2003:94) outlinesevidencefromthe Uruk period (3500 to 3200 BC) in southernMesopotamia.In conjunctionwiththe emergenceof agricultural practices,the regionalso experiencedincreasingsocial urbancenters,largepublicbuildings,and a citystratification, organizedwarfare, statesystem Ô Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 135 inferences tobe made.First,thesocieties thereareimportant Giventhesefeatures, and to theirlocations.This is withinthisregionwere fairlysedentary committed and architectural investment evidentin theamountof agricultural putintothecities in these urban centers,enoughto Second, populationshad grownsufficiently all ofthelaborneedsrequiredfortheurbanconstruction accommodate Finally,itis as clear that power and controlwere centralized, large-scaleproductionand occur throughcoordinatedplanningand architecture could only efficiently implementation operational stateswere highly and establishedprehistoric It is thusevidentthatemergent in which of powerand societies asymmetries complex populous,sociallystratified, within these societies were able to achieve elites wealthexisted.The leadersand In states can be a of means theirstatusandgarnertheirpowerthrough variety sum, in the hands of a small elite characterized resting politicalauthority by centralized and oftentimes ideologicalby physical,economic, group,whereinthe power is center an urbanor semi-urban nature(Mann 1986; Morris1998:98).Furthermore, as the of oftenservedas the centralnodal point interaction, capitaland serving hinterland from the material tribute and foragricultural destination surrounding (Yoffee2005:91) As theyrise, thestatearchaeologically? How mayarchaeologists operationalize about their certain clues leave states declineand eventuallycollapse, inevitably to markers In addition and political history:technological,social, economic, also will these societies wealth and social stratification differentiation, indicating ceremonial and exhibitsigns of religious functions,higherpopulationsand functions administrative controlover centralized (Flannery1998:54,55) As such, and symbolic the structural life can reconstruct by studying daily archaeologists the include This can site architecture, edificesof an archaeological templesand residential eliteand non-elite quarters shrines, Pathwaysto Social Complexityand State Formation societiesand some of of state-level Havingreviewedthe definingcharacteristics IronAge societies Later of the turn to now we theirmaterial archaeology signatures, from transformations where in southern acephalousto state Zambezia, important The questionwe AD millennium first the of end the societiesoccurredtowards southern in existed states which to and addresshereis theform degree prehistoric the indicate to there evidence the Zambezia.Whatis presenceor archaeological societies? absenceof state-like Zambezia generallyrefersto all thoseregionsdrainedby the Zambezi River and the Zimbabwe plateau (Pikirayi 2001:3) It covered five countriesin Southernand SoutheastAfricaincludingZambia, Zimbabwe,Botswana,South of social complexAfrica,and Mozambique.The earliestrecordedmanifestations Zambezia in Southern are Africa southern and in central ityand stateformation Zimbabwe in the research and Both in termsof coverage,prominence controversy, the has dominated on GreatZimbabwe (e.g., region'sarchaeology plateaucentered 1996; 1970; Hall 1990; Huffinan Bent 1892; Beach 1980, 1998; Caton-Thompson toby referred thisregion,commonly Ndoro2001; Pikirayi 2001; Soper2006) Within Ô Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 136 have defineda numberof as theZimbabweCulture,archaeologists archaeologists chiefdoms and states The ZimbabweCultureis characterized by thepresenceof massivestonewalls builtin a varietyof styles(Pikirayi2001:3, see also Huffman1996) Datingfrom theZimbabweCulture theeleventhto thelatenineteenth centuries, approximately can be dividedintothreemainculturalperiods.The firstphase,theMapungubwe AD The untilthelatethirteenth century century phase,datefromthemid-eleventh forthisfirstphase,attained thetype-site siteof Mapungubwe, regionalprominence equivalentto a managingtheresourcesof a territory century, duringthethirteenth 2001:3) The secondphaseis the stateinbothpoliticalandeconomicterms(Pikirayi 1270 to 1550 AD The second GreatZimbabwephase datingfromapproximately bythecityof GreatZimbabwe.The thirdphasedatedfromthe phaseis highlighted sixteenth and was based at theMutapastateand theTorwapolity(Pikirayi century 2001:3) Althoughforpurposesof thispaper,we focuson thefirsttwo phases- we cannoteffectively of assesstheemergence Mapungubweand GreatZimbabwe cultural theregion's thesestatesregionaldominancewithoutfirstrevisiting history 's ascension priorto Mapungubwe From Pastoralismto Farming and opensavannagrasslands ofthefertile The earliestknowninhabitants highlands Mitchell of Zambeziawerehunter-gatherers 2002; Walker1995) 2007; (Huffinan land the communities These hunter-gatherer exploitingits resources, managed Atabout150 BC, until the late Holocene on stone-tool technology primarily relying faunaofBos of domestic The theregionwitnessed a majortransformation recovery the a of sites at number indicasand ovicapridsandpottery suggests appearanceand initiationof pastoralismto complementforagingas the primarymeans of to these initialtransformations have attributed subsistence.Most archaeologists one than were subtler we believe that the However, merely dynamics migration superior wayofmakinga living,and groupmovingintotheregion,witha relatively (Pikirayi2001:73) The earlyfirst originalinhabitants completelyoverwhelming millennium in southernZambezia were thus foragingand subsistencestrategies and the archaeologicalevidencesuggeststhatthe latterincreasingly pastoralism became the moredominantsubsistencestrategy as morepeople acquiredcows as thosewithmorecows carriedwith Pastoralism usheredin thegermof inequality fewpastoralsitesare themhighereconomicand social status.Althoughrelatively withsemi-sedentary have dotted the would been known, landscape archaeologically of Khoisan and pastoralcamps,hamlets, villages speakers(Pikirayi2001:77) The firstreportedevidenceof whatwould appearto be agrariancommunities of AD (Pikirayi2001:80) Interestingly themajority datesto the firstmillennium fromeastern southern Africanists attribute thesechangesto Bantuspeakingmigrants and north-central Africa.The evidence is drawnfromthe appearancein the distinctive record of a completetoolkitofirontechnology, ceramics, archaeological and new crops(Huffman Mitchell 2002:259; Pikirayi2001:80) Farming, 1982; put moreaccurately all combinedto createa more gardening, herding,and foraging, diversified economyresultingin demographic growth(Huffman1996) By the Ô Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 137 AD the farming had crossedtheLimpopointo or fifthcentury fourth technology south(Hall 1990; Mitchell2002; Pikirayi northern SouthAfricaand areas further 2001:79; Van derMerwe1969; see Mitchell2002 formorecitations) AD was dottedwithtemporary The Zambezialandscapeof thefirstmillennium and settlerocksheiter settlements, semi-sedentary camps villages,and permanent in both wereextremely ments.Farmingandpastoralism significant transforming the tradeflourished mindset andthelandscape.Local andinterregional cultural amongst and pottersprospered Iron smelters, blacksmiths, herders,and farmers foragers, changeswereregional.Many Changewas in theairand itwas rapid.Demographic areasbecamelargeras now Residential were settled uninhabited areaspreviously wealth and statusbut also did gardensand farmsteads Owningcattlesignified that animalsand "domestic Mitchell(2002:288)proposes laborto maintain required this of storage cerealssuggests musthave long-term cropsimplyprivateproperty; withinvillages."Presumably withinfamiliesor perhapscentrally been controlled beliefsand ancestorcults affiliated rightsand an adherenceto territorially property at thistime(Pikirayi2001:79) wereestablished the interaction firstmillennium Towardsthe mid/late spherein Zambeziahad and trade extendedto otherareas.Long-distance exchangewiththecoasthad been wealth meansofaccumulating the one of chief became and increasingly established The and and farming in additionto pastoralism hunting (Mitchell2002:288,2005) of indicates the sites at evidenced complexity larger processingof ivoryforexport of in the investment which coastal-Zambezian procurement promoted relationships, in infrastructure the investment demand tradeitemsin highdemand.Such required necessaryforproducingthese items.Specializedcraftactivities,such as ivory sites also servedas catalystsfor working,recoveredon largerfirstmillennium iron workingand gold mining.Ivory developmentof relatedcraftsincluding whowouldhavesoughtto createda groupofhighlyspecializedhunters procurement with thecoastthusindirectly Trade their to thespecializedknowledge restrict group In Mitchell's of Zambezia thelocal andregionalpoliticaleconomy helpeddiversify the and of trade the facilitated possibilities expansion words,"suchspecialisation for individualsor groups to benefit at the expense of others,including foraccumulating largerherdsof cattle"(2002:289) In thisregard opportunities in andstableclimate,investment favorable food growth, security, rapiddemographic the to combined trade and lay long-distance highlyspecializedcraftactivities, for the developmentof the largerchiefdomsto become statesin foundations Zambezia(Manyanga2006:21) southern amounts AD greater millennium In sum,itis evidentthatby themidto latefirst in the of societies certain conferred were of wealthand status segments upon being were and skins millennium first late the AD, ivory region(Manyanga2006:139).By between like Chibuene with sites interfacing alreadybeing exportedoverseas, traderoutes(Mitchell2002:300;Pwiti2005; Sinclair1982; andtransoceanic interior Sinclairand Hakansson2000) The presenceof craftspecializationand material symbolsof highstatusaretelling,and we can infertheonsetof social stratification unseenin the region.The germfor on a level heretofore and privateproperty social complexityand state developmenthad been hierarchicalrelationships, thesefarming villages planted.By the earlycenturiesof the secondmillennium, and theresmall-scale "Here established well and theirlifewayshad become 4ySpringer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 138 AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:13 1-152 confederations of subsistencefarmerslived in stableagricultural regimenswell adaptedto theirnaturalsurroundings, adjustingto thesechangesin theirsocial environment" communities 2001:95).Thesefarming represented politically (Pikirayi autonomous villagesthatwouldsoon becamestates Precursorto State Development:Bambandyanalo The Iron Age sites knownas Mapungubweand Bambandyanaloon the farm westof themoderntownofMusinain theLimpopoProvinceof South Greefswald, Africa,have arousedsignificant speculationeversincetheirdiscoveryin theearly ofredsandstone 1930s(Fagan 1964:337).Theareaconsistsofa number hills,which focusedon main have been activities seemto thegeologyofthearea.The dominate are where mounds Hill and its adjacentvalley, extensive located, Bambandyanalo to theeast,whereextensivesettlement and MapungubweHilljust overa kilometer was foundon the hill,its adjacentslope/terrace and base Bambandyanalo (also in knownas K2 afterthemoundsfound theNearEast) is locatedat theGreefswald K2 has massive southof the Shashi-Limpopo confluence farm,a fewkilometers middensmixedwithdesiccateddung,measuring200 m across (Huffman2005, 2007; Robinson1966; Pikirayi2001:107; Summers1967) Stratigraphie profiles haverevealedthattheoccupantssettledin theBambandyanalo valleyby successive debristhat or continuousoccupations,and accumulatedthe moundof habitation survivestoday (Fagan 1964:338) Possessing culturalremainsrelatedto the the site dates fromthe tenthto eleventhcenturies Leopard's Kopje tradition, It a was substantial (Pikirayi2001:107) village,partof a settlement systemthat includedSchroda,6 km to thenortheast, and otherZhizho and Leopard'sKopje villages (Pikirayi2001:107) Comparedto otherperiods,the K2/Mapungubwe a timeofintenseoccupation andexpansionintheregion,withsites periodrepresents oriented towardtheriversand floodplains (Manyanga2006:80) The large,circularmoundof occupationdebrisof Bambandyanalo measures some 182 m in diameter and up to 6m deep at itshighestpoint(Fagan 1964:338) The mainmiddenat Bambandyanalo, datingbetween1030and 1220AD, standsout abovethesurrounding morethan6 m deepin someplaces occupationarea,reaching more than and possiblyhousingas manyas (Mitchell2002:300) Covering the settlement consisted of houseswithgravelfloors 2,000 people, pole-and-daga focusedaroundand to thewestof a largebyre(Mitchell2002:300-301) The people at Bambandyanalo were cattleherdersand elephanthunterswho workedextensively in ivoryand bone (Fagan 1964:10,343; Pikirayi2001:107) while Theywerealso agriculturalists Ivorywas carvedintobanglesand bracelets, bone was made intopoints.Whiletheseproductsweretradedlocallyat first, they wereexchangedout of theregionforglass beads obtainedfromas thecoast and townslikeChibuene(Pikirayi2001:109; Sinclair1982) The townhad thusgained Radiocarbondatesfromtestexcavations prominence by theearlyeleventhcentury indicate successive house floors and great amountsof domesticrefuse all accumulatedwithina shortperiodof time,maybea singlegeneration (Pikirayi was 2001:109) Thoughresearchers disagreeas to exactlywhenBambandyanalo it is clear that was short-lived and abandonment was abandoned, occupation Ô Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 139 ofpowerto nearbyMapungubwe Hill (Mitchell somewhat sudden,witha transition 2002:302; Pikirayi2001:109) Accordingto Pikirayi(2001:107), the town of Bambandyanalorepresentsa significantstep in the developmentof social in theregion complexity havebeenexcavatedthere,buriedwithpottery and some skeletons Seventy-four werenormally lyingon theirsidesin a jaws ofcattle.Thebodiesofthe74 skeletons flexedposition,surrounded by pots (Fagan 1964:339,Meyer 1998; Steyn1997; 1995a,b, 1996,1997).A studyofat least40 oftheindividuals SteynandHenneberg by Galloway(1959) proposedthatthe remainswere likelyto be of pre-Bantu in culture populationsof the "Boskop-Bush"in physicaltypeand "Hottentot" Gallowayalso arguedthatthe remainscould not have been Bantu since they Laterresearchindicatedthattheseindividuals non-Bantucharacteristics exhibited of these wereBantu(Rightmire 1970); thejuryis stillout on theethnicidentity to settle the people.More research,includinggeneticstudies,wouldbe necessary of thepeopleof Bambandyanalo questionof theethnicidentity Accordingto Fagan (1964), the firstoccupantsof MapungubweHill werethe in its lateststages,and theiroccupationis people who occupiedBambandyanalo sealedfromthelaterlevelsby a layerofblackash Thereis a completebreakin the irontoolsmaketheir sequenceatthisstage,andspindlewhorlsandabundant pottery at structures along appear Mapungubwe, daga complicated appearance.In addition, thatby the Takenin sum,thereare indications withgold and copperornaments in the 's abandonment 's occupationandBambandyanalo ofMapungubwe emergence in the area were social during occurring changes profound century, earlythirteenth thistransitionary phase(Fagan 1964:339;Mitchell2002:302) social changes,markedby BambandyaWhatwas thenatureof theseprofound into of Bantumigrants The incursions them? caused and what nalo's abandonment, hosts seem of their milieu the cultural into theareaandtheirincorporation plausible intermarriage, expansiondueto naturalgrowth, (Fagan 1964:352).Rapidpopulation tensions may explain the rapid expansion and migrations,and interethnic in favorof Mapungubwe.This view is bolstered of Bambandyanalo abandonment of continuous theinterruption evidenceindicating occupation by thearchaeological in Greefswald the of new the arrival at Bambandyanalo regionin the1lth groups by BrianFagan (1964:340) believedthatit was theseimmigrants alongwith century of inhabitants first were the who thecitizensof Bambandyanalo, Mapungubwe recordshowsthatthesecondhalfof thefirst thearchaeological As statedearlier, based subsistence witnessed millennium changesin landuse fromprimary profound and and of combination to a strategies agrarian pastoral foraging uponpastoralism themeis stilla dominant Africa,but Themigration wayofseeingchangein southern therange to fullyparsethrough is necessary research we believemorearchaeological with thepreinteracted newcomers how the of possibleinterpretations regarding site's to the relate how these and at changes existingpopulations Bambandyanalo, in mosaic ethnic that the We of the and occupation Mapungubwe posit abandonment and conflict both characterized been has often Africaand elsewhere cooperation by ethnicaffiliations whichpeopleofdifferent to themeansthrough refers Cooperation zones but complementary different amicablyfinda way of ecological inhabiting and of bloodbrotherhood In easternAfricatheinstitutionalization resources sharing and trade to foes been have enabledthosewho wouldotherwise freely sisterhood £} Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 140 domains;forexample,somegroupsgavepassage trespassintoeachother'sterritorial to competition refers in exchangeforsharingtheivory.Conflict to elephanthunters whichwouldhaveincludedgoodpastureandarableland,andcoveted overresources, andextra-regionally tradeitemsin highdemandregionally (Herlehy1984; Kusimba stress and Kusimba2005; Stahl2005) It is thusquiteplausiblethatdemographic were these Whether tensions of ethnicand territorial carriedwithit undercurrents For revisited needs to be sporadicoutbreaksof violenceor full-scalewarfare of conflict be indicative Hill example,couldthelayerofblackash at Mapungubwe sealedbelowthelayerharkens pattern especiallywhenwe considerthatthecultural above the whereaspatterns back to the pre-IronAge cultureat Bambandyanalo, Bantu? cultureof the layerbelongto theironworking of its materialculture, and intensity In sum,despiteits size and the diversity The settlement of its abandonment the time was notyeta stateby Bambandyanalo the had becomea centrallocationforan aggregating population, signaledinitial indicates of urbanism.However,the archaeologicalrecordstrongly manifestation over and control centralization lackeda highlevelof political thatBambandyanalo a level it as defines variousaspectsof culturallife.Huffman town, (2005, 2007) andmortuary in craftspecialization withregionalchiefdoms Diversity synonymous which ethnic,gender,and class differentiation, pointto social inequalities, patterns toward its was on Zambezia are all typicalin complexsocieties.Southern way statehood EmergingStatehood:Mapungubwe The hillknownas Mapungubwe('thehilloftheJackals')standsoutconspicuously over61 m high cliffs, it,bothbecauseof itsprecipitous amongstthosethatsurround it around of the wide in places,and because (Fagan 1964:338).Locatedjust valley east of Bambandyanalo overa kilometer steep Hill, Mapungubweis a flat-topped, side of m across.On the southern 80-100 m and sided hill measuring350 long terraceof occupationdebris,occupiedat thesame Mapungubweis a well-defined is flat andcontainsremainsofeliteresidences timeas thehill.Thehill'stop (Pikirayi in the to have The town developedbeneathfromthesouthwest 2001:115) appears the hill extended towards and of the eleventh middle top reachingthe century in twelfth summit the early century(Hall 1990:77; Pikirayi2001:115) Mapunto intheregion,was spatially settlements organized gubwe,likemanycontemporary werelocatedon thehilltop,andthesteepEliteresidences reflect statusdifferences sidednatureof thehill and its limitedaccess to thesummitafforded rulingelites with much needed security(Pikirayi2008, personalcommunication) Ordinary distanceinthevalleys.Bothresidential citizenshomeswereoftenbuilta respectable or referto as centralcattlepattern typesare characterized by whatarchaeologists Elite Huffman ZimbabwePattern 2005,2007; Manyanga2006:140) (Hall 1990:82; andhavecometo symbolizea residences wereconstructed of drystonearchitecture ones to hierarchical of from more heterarchical forms social organization departure Pattern as the Zimbabwe defines in southern Huffman which Africa, (1986c,2007) for elites For on the hilltopwere clearlyconstructed Residentialstructures of and themajority livestock at and satellite its towns, major example, Mapungubwe â Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 141 foronlya livedbeneaththehill,thetopofwhichwas reserved thehumanpopulation small part of the community(Hall 1990:82; Huffman1996, 2005, 2007) findsrecoveredat theelitehomesincludehighlypolishedpottery Archaeological in diverseformsand styles,gold beads and wirebangles,ironand copperobjects, and tradebeads (Pikirayi2001:115) Elite burialsat the summitof thehill were richlyadorned(Hall 1990:77) The hilltopwas the mostdesirablepiece of real estate.Old and decrepithomeswould be leveledand new ones builtinsteadof residences werecharacterized commoner In contrast, bymud-on-wooden relocating framehomesthatwereoftensurrounded by a woodenand sometimesstonewall Homes were oftenlocated adjacentto cattlecorals to the point where it is to tease out the preciselocationsof homes and cattle difficult archaeologically findsat theselocationsare dominated corals.Archaeological by utilitarian pottery at hilltopresidences to thatrecovered inferior thatis qualitatively (Manyanga2006) and longThe politicaleconomyof Mapungubwewas based on agropastoralism theeasternKalaharisandveldof Botswana, distancetrade.Regionaltradeinvolving south-western Zimbabwe, northernSouth Africa and southernMozambique towns The circulationsof flourishedbetweenMapungubweand surrounding objects(copperand iron),and cattleformedthe produce,metallurgical agricultural ofhugecollections backboneofregionaltrade(Manyanga2006:140).The recovery of tradeitemsincludingceramicsand glass beads at manysites in the ShashiLimpopoValleyand beyondpointsto tradewiththecoast(Mitchell2005; Pikirayi have emphasizedtrade archaeologists 1993; Pwiti2005; Sinclair1987) Recently, therole regionaltradehad on theregion's withthecoast,sometimesminimizing on an merelyinterlocked economy.We believethatcoastaltrade,whileimportant, organized(Pikirayi economythatwas alreadyhighlydevelopedandquitecomplexly 2001:116;Pwiti2005; Wood2000) and irontoolsleaveslittledoubtthat The qualityoffinished bone,ivory,pottery, in Investment and highlyskilledcraftspeople thiswas theworkof well-financed time timeandtraining engaged pointstothepossiblepresenceoffull-time specialists of theregionaleconomyand and further in craftactivities, suggeststherobustness to investin qualityproductsby elites.Hall (1990:80) is theabilityand willingness between convincedthatMapungubwehad gained statestatus.Clear distinctions and werebeingmadein all areasof dailylife,consumption, rulersand commoners in three of mortuary practices.For instance,therecoveryof numerousitems gold burialsbetraysthehighstatusof thoseindividuals(Mitchell2002:303) The gold bowl, and scepterrecoveredfroma male burialat MapungubweHill rhinoceros, suggeststhatgold had become a symbolof royaltyand its use and circulation withan elite to therulingclass elite.Thisevidencestandsin starkcontrast restricted hundred several thatwas accompaniedby child'sburialfromBambandyanalo glass beads, and seven largeturquoiseexamplesof probableChineseorigin(Mitchell to a rarer 2002:303) As beads becamemorecommonin theregion,elitesshifted commoners from social distance prestigeitem gold to maintain thestatusof had attained Atthezenithin thelateeleventhcentury, Mapungubwe statecapital.Itsleadersboastedcontrolof a vastregionheldtogether by a complex and a tributary networkof economic and social interaction system(Pikirayi centerforcraftitems manufacturing 2001:116) The townservedas the primary Atthe andelitepottery ironandcopperobjects,copperwire,carvedivory, including Ô Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 142 sametime,thetownmonopolized thedistribution ofexoticafromthecoastincluding glass beads (Davison 1972; Popelkaet al 2005) The presenceof externaltrade of southern Africaintothe acrosstheIndianOcean also indicatestheincorporation theirposition consolidate globalinteraction spherethatenabledlocal elitesto further as theyextendedtheirreach to frontier regionsthroughalliance buildingand of coercion(Kusimba2007) coercionor threat is in partcloselyalliedwiththe The rapidriseof Mapungubweto prominence atBambandyanalo However,inthesecondhalfofthetwelfth century, developments The periodbetween cracksbeganto developin a once well-articulated hierarchy 1100 and 1220 AD was characterized declinein qualityof life, by civil unrest,2 of the The majority in size of farmland decline,and severereduction demographic town'sresidentsmovedto otherregions,creatinga smalleralbeitimpoverished The hillwas reoccupiedafter1250 AD, whensomeof thestonewalls community have 's declineandabandonment wereerectedas well.The reasonsforMapungubwe believes thatMapunnot yet been satisfactorily explained.Mitchell(2002:302) was due to a complexseriesof social gubwe's declineand eventualabandonment in arecommonintheareaanditis plausiblethatshifts andpoliticalevents.Droughts control over environmental conditions destabilized thestatusquo andweakenedelite social, ritual,economicand politicalpower.Leaders who failedto fulfilltheir citizens' needs oftenlost legitimacyand foundthemselvesisolated.In most instancesin Africaand elsewhere, peopleelectedto votewiththeirfeet.This was of Mapungubwe, the chief reason for therapiddepopulation By 1300 verylikely shifted based was and the no AD, Mapungubwe politicalpower longerinhabited thiscollapsehad northon theZimbabwePlateau(Pikirayi2001:116) Apparently, to withclimatechangeas was oncebelieved(see forexampleTysonand nothing Lindesay1992; Tysonet al 2000, 2002) butmayhavebeendue to politicalfactors (Smithet al 2007) In sum, despite its short-lived as a city, history,Mapungubwefunctioned of a a state: politicallyorganized satisfactorily fitting Trigger's(2003:92) criteria societythat is regardedby those who live in it as sovereignor politically and has leaderswho controlits social,political,legal,economic,and independent cultural was a sociallystratified activities society.Ithadan urbancore Mapungubwe and significant wealthin thehandsof a fewof its citizensand a largecommoner The town'selitehad developednetworks of allianceand economicties population to regionsbeyond,includingthe Swahili coast 640 km away Withoutdoubt, Mapungubwewas thefirststateto emergein theregion Great Zimbabwe: A TerritorialState? Followingthe decline of Mapungubwein the late thirteenth century, political centralization shiftedmore than 300 km northward Zimbabwe to south-central centeredon GreatZimbabwe(Caton-Thompson 1970; Garlake 1983; Huffman Ndoro controlled 1996;Manyanga2006; 2001; Pikirayi 2001:123).Majorcenters by The evidenceforthisis inferred fromseveralwidespread burning episodesat thesitebeforeand after 1250 AD (Mitchell2002: 302) Ô Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 143 a powerfulelitearose at Chivowa,Gumanye,and GreatZimbabweHill (Pikirayi 2001:123; Sinclair1987) Usuallyknownas ZimbabweTraditionsites,afterthe flat type-siteat GreatZimbabweHill, theywere generallylocatedon fortified consolidated to permanent and springs.As theleadership hilltopsin close proximity thesesettlements morewealth,theyfortified accumulated creatinghill-toppalaces viewsof thesurrounding thatafforded leaderscommanding landscape(Manyanga themfromthosebelow.In contrast to camouflaging 2006:82) whilesimultaneously and Mapungubwesites whichwere locatedon terraces,the K2/Bambandyanalo to moreelevatedhilltopswithfortifications andwater shifted Zimbabwesettlements (Manyanga2006:82) The declineof Mapungubwepartiallycaused by drought and warfare usheredin the relatedstress,severewatershortage, famine, pestilence, rise of GreatZimbabweas the most powerfulurbancomplex.In time,Great ofalliedlineagesand Zimbabwewas to becomethecenterof a powerful hegemony Zambezia,andthemostcommanding by farthelargestprecolonialstatein southern Africaand, in moderntimes,the prideof Africa(Pikirayi presencein southern 2001:124) The cityof GreatZimbabwecovered720 and was one of thelargestin subSaharan Africa (Sinclair et al 1993) A perimeterwall enclosed two main theHill ComplexandtheGreatEnclosure.Outsidetheseeliteresidences complexes, or vassalsof theelites.Significant livedup to 20,000people,doubtlesscommoners evidenceof ritualis foundin eliteresidencesof theHill Complex,includingsix andthe stonearchitecture, tothissite.Spatialsegregation, soapstonebirdsdistinctive of the ZimbabweHill were all meantto establishand separateelite prominence The extentof theGreatZimbabwestatehas been spacesand elitedecision-making in southat 50,000 km2,includingmuchof the Save-Rundecatchment estimated centralZimbabwe,whichwas a majorconduitto thecoastaltrading portssuchas is dottedwithstoneruins,hometo vassals thatcontrolled Sofala.This hinterland and exchangedgold forcattle,clothand beads withthekingsof territories distinct Zimbabwe Archaeologists place the foundingof GreatZimbabwe,by Leopard's Kopje AD (Beach 1980, farmers (the ancestorsof modernShona),to the tenthcentury over was believethesettlement constructed 1998; Pikirayi2001:124) Researchers Ndoro 900 AD (Huffman1996; severalcenturiesstartingfromapproximately and of resourcerichareas includingwell-watered 2001:22) Elite monopolization local and of and control in thecrafts fertile pastureland,coupledwithinvestment much for wouldhave createdopportunities accumulating regionalmarketsystems, wealth.The accumulatedwealthwas in the formof cattle,food,women,and thelocal craft earlierGreatZimbabweelitesfinanced Like Mapungubwe, children and smithing, industries elephanthunting includingironand gold mining,smelting and carving.These craftswerelaborintensive and ivorycarvingand stonecutting skills withmanagerial andwerecarriedouton a scalethatrequiredastuteleadership 12th Great the works to workon public and herders to compelfarmers century, By east and addedthecoastas a major Zimbabweeliteshad extendedtheirnetworks tradingpartner(Kusimba 2007; Pikirayi2001:125; Pwiti 2005; Sinclair 1982; Sinclairand Hakansson2000) Wealthdrawnfromregionaland coastaltradewas in dry masonrystone architecture large enoughto encourageelite investment to drystone frommudand daub structures in buildingtechnology Transformations Ö Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 144 masonryresidencessurroundedby perimeterwalls duringthe 13thcentury institutionalized inequality,whose foundationhad been laid several centuries earlierbeginningwith Bambandyanalo.By 1270 an elaborateurban complex coveringmanyvillagesand smallertownsand centeredon GreatZimbabwehad Africa(Pikirayi2001:125).Thiscomplexwas engagedwithits emergedin southern in all directions that extended intomodernday Botswana,SouthAfrica, hinterland Zambia,and Mozambique The city of Great Zimbabwewas a metropoliswith many neighborhoods, ritualcenters,publicceremonialcourts,publicforums, includingeliteresidences, as well as houses for and artisans(Pikirayi commoners markets, 2001:129).The site within a a broad a covered area, housing largepopulation complexof massive can be divided into threemain The walled structures city (Pikirayi2001:129) and the the Great Enclosure Hill architectural these the zones, Complex, being Hill the Great In between the ruins Enclosure, Complex, (Ndoro2001:24) Valley and the Valley was a large,open, and apparently unoccupiedspace (Pikirayi walls wereconstructed to enclosethesesites,withperipheral 2001:131) Perimeter outsideof thewalls accommodating settlements populationgrowthand otherurban functions."The analyses of spatial organizationdelineatea complex social in whichauthority and powerwere delegatedto an elitesector,that organization ofpoliticalandceremonial demonstrated itsstatusnotonlybybeingin theforefront the residences" medium of its but (Pikirayi2001:134) Functional displays through - the of theurbancenter as well as social divisionsoccurredin themainprecincts Hill Complex,the Great Enclosure,the Valley complexes,and the peripheral residencesweredelineated(Pikirayi2001:134) ofa state Froman archaeological GreatZimbabwecarriedthefeatures standpoint The societywas clearlysociallystratified, withconsiderablewealthand power As notedby in thehandsof an upperstrataof community members concentrated material include both and markers for states (1998), temples royalresidences Flannery theurbancomplex.Whilethereis debateaboutexactlywhere Botharevisiblewithin itis clearis thatroyalty someofthesestructures werelocatedwithin theurbancomplex, frompublic and spiritual mediumsresidedwithinenclosures builtof stone,protected view and access Furthermore, it is clearthatthecityand its surrounding vicinity andits featured a significant sizesforthesettlement Estimated population population 1990: to immediate areahaverangedfroma fewthousand 116;Ndoro up 30,000(Hall between and estimates a of 11,000 18,000, 2001:22).Pikirayi (2001:130) population withthemajority livingin housesoutsideofthestoneenclosures Accordingto Trigger(2003:99), urbancentersoftencontained20% to 80% or more of the total populationof a city-state These urban centerswere often surrounded a number of smaller and by dispersedvillages or hamlets.Several thatthe Benin.We can thusextrapolate hundredvillages,forexample,surrounded the lands between of the Great Zimbabwe was extensive, including territory polity easternKalahariandtheIndianOcean,andtheheartland was a highplateaubetween is the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers(Hall 1990:91) Settlementstratification exhibitedin thearea forthestateof Zimbabwe,witha numberof townsthathad are stonewalls ofdistinctive ofdecorations "Theseconstructions designandpatterns knownas madzimbahwe the Shona term the of for residence (singular, dzimbahwe), a chief (Hall 1990:92;Hannan1974) Ö Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 145 are known,mostlyon theedges of theZimbabwe Morethan50 madzimbahwe thelowlandsoftheLimpopoandSabi riverstothesouthandeast plateauoverlooking that and theZambezivalleyto thenorth(Hall 1990:92).Hall (1990:92) maintains Great Zimbabwe may have operatedas a capital for regionalmadzimbahwe wereusuallylocatedon elevated thearea.The madzimbahwe settlements throughout bouldersandothernatural features hilltopsandoftenenclosedbywallingconnecting builtstonewalls clearlyservedto set thosewho lived in the "The carefully dzimbahweapartfromthe majorityof thepopulationand occasionallythereare includeitemsof of highstatus"(Hall 1990:93).Theseindications otherindications a dzimbahwelocatednearthesouthern copper,beads,and ivory.At Chumnungwa, containing gold edge of theZimbabweplateau,sevenburialshave been unearthed housesof the gravegoods (Garlake1973) It is probablethatthewood-and-plaster has all thewalledhills,and thisinterpretation ordinary populaceonce surrounded workat severalsites(Hall 1990:93).Much,and been supported by archaeological of the populationof earlyZimbabwelived away fromthe perhapsthe majority, in smallvillagesthatfellwithinthepoliticalandeconomicdomainof madzimbahwe the regionalcentersof the capitalitself,and theremay have been hundredsof thispattern (Hall 1990:93) villagesfitting recordfortheZimbabwestate,it is apparentthatthe Giventhearchaeological stateoperatedas a set of regionalcentersfromwhichmembersof the nobility signifiedtheirauthorityover the mass of the populationby lavish public architecture, symbolsof status,and ideologicalcontrol.Pikirayi(2008, personal maintainsthatGreatZimbabwearchitecture playedan important communication) a been andhas always potentsymbolof wealth, history, ideologicalrolethroughout and the objectof the the basis status,and power.Accordingto Hall (1990:95), that of transactions network politicalcontrolwas controlovertheeconomy "the state the and the capitaland, beyondthis, linkedpeasantvillages,madzimbahwe thepeasantvillageswere world."In sucha system, itselfwiththewidercommercial internal "Thus the andtribute themainsourceofsurplusproduction economyofthe the Zimbabwestatemusthaveinvolvedagropastoral beyond needsofthe production thebasis an generating economicsurpluswhichformed villagecommunity, ordinary thepoliticaleconomy"(Hall 1990:96) thatconstituted of thetransactions statespossess a ruler As statedearlier,Trigger(2003:92) writesthatterritorial of provincialand a multileveled who governeda largerregionthrough hierarchy We argue centers administrative of in a corresponding local administrators hierarchy Zimbabwe Great at its thatthe materialrecordsuggeststhat may have height For to concur seem researchers state.Other instance, operatedas moreofa territorial thatGreatZimbabwecannotbe maintains Pikirayi(2006, personalcommunication) fortheobviousreasonsconnectedwithsettlement perceivedsimplyas a city-state Zimbabwebetween1300 and 1450 AD in south-central and hierarchies patterns assertto the primacyor dominanceof GreatZimbabweover "These hierarchies other Zimbabwe(royal) settlementsin the region" (Pikirayi2006, personal Furthermore, accordingto Ndoro (2001:22), GreatZimbabwe's communication) of andthedomination cropcultivation, powerwas basedmainlyon cattlehusbandry, Indian Ocean and the Zimbabwe traderoutesbetweenthegoldfieldson the plateau in the east,withtradecontactsbetweenZimbabweand the Swahilicoast having well before900 AD (Kusimba1999) beenestablished £} Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 146 of ZimbabweCulture spatialdistribution Accordingly, giventhelargeterritorial sites and the controlof traderoutesto the coast, we would categorizeGreat state.More regionalarchaeological Zimbabweas a territorial surveysfollowedby intensiveand extensivehorizontaland verticalexcavationsare necessaryto intrasite and intersite relationships chronology, completelymap site distribution, studywill (Sinclairet al 1993) Materialremainsrecoveredfromsucha long-term its over surrounding and authority serveto place GreatZimbabwe'sreal influence thathas been and moveus beyondthecurrent and adjacenthinterlands posturing partof the debateof Zimbabwe'sgreatness(e.g., Garlake1973, 1978; Huffman examplewould 1982, 1996; Ndoro2001; Pikirayi2001) Our favorite comparative Cuzco andheld stateinAndeanSouthwhoseleadersresidedat be theIncaterritorial scattered centers over a numberof provincialadministrative powerand authority the polity'shinterland (Arkushand Stanish2005; D'Altroy 2002; throughout Hemming1970; Moseley2001) It seemsverylikelyas Manyanga(2006) points scale out,thatGreatZimbabweoperatedin a similarcapacity,albeiton a different thanitsSouthAmericancounterpart Discussion:Pathwaysto Complexity thatthe In thisarticlewe have made a strongcase in supportof the hypothesis of level Basin had attainedsome of theShashi-Limpopo inhabitants socio-political AD whichhad readiedtheirsocietiesto depart by the 11thcentury sophistication and hierarchical to heterarchical formations fromlargelyacephalousand egalitarian cultural societies(Huffman 2005, 2007; Manyanga2006:142) The sequencesof and southernZambezia,fromBambandyanaloto Mapungubwe finallyto Great of factors thata combination Zimbabwe,makeitapparent propelledtheregionon a livestockproduction, sedentism, regionand agriculture, pathto social complexity: climatic Favorable trade,and craftsspecialization (Garlake1982:13) interregional but different conditionsand increasedinteraction pursuing amongstcommunities ideas of and madepossiblethesharing exchange subsistence strategies complementary thatonceheldswaywithinspecificethnicandsubsistence and systems ofknowledge a hunterin whatwas previously of pastoralists groups.Migrationand settlement of agrariancommunities, domainand the latersettlement along withthe gatherer thatwould vibrant a from allthegroups, created ofknowledge community incorporation fromthegroupsto leadership andpersonalities elevateindividuals positions have emphasizedthe generationof surplus, Complex societyarchaeologists as amongthemost in craftspecialization accumulation of wealthand investment of surplusis Generation levels of complexity indicesfordetermining important in subsistenceproductionand higherlevels of indicativeof societalefficiency whichfreespeopleto engagein other investment Food surplusmeansfoodsecurity, iron formsoflaboron a part-time andfull-time basis,forexample,elephant hunting, and goldworking, making,and basketry, pottery ivoryand stonecarving,masonry, trade.Food security and increasing sedentism forager especiallyamongstpreviously wouldhave naturally and pastoralcommunities changes encourageddemographic Householdsthathad morechildren werethusmorelikelyto takeadvantageoftheir numberto gainaccess to moreresources â Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 147 The archaeologicalrecordclearlyshows thatBambandyanalo, Mapungubwe, siteswerelocatedin resourceGreatZimbabweand manyothercontemporaneous richareas withgood wateras well as arableand grazingland These settlements morepeoplefromthesurrounding and attracted offered moreopportunities regions of resourcesand in these settlements Settlement requiredmanagement aggregation forinvestment in morehighlyspecializedcrafts, opportunities people,thuscreating of accumulation local and interregional wealth,power,and status.Whatwere trade, to the specificvariablesthatled statehood,both for Mapungubweand Great Zimbabwe? whichthey herdsof livestock, substantial The rulersof Mapungubwecontrolled centralization? to more cattle alone lead would tradedwidely(Hall 1990:89).But Afterall, anyonecouldowncattleandthereis no wayof tellingwhether ownership to only the dominanthouseholds.Thus, Hall (1990:89) of cattlewas restricted to accountfor aresufficient tradenorcattlewealthexplanations believesthatneither without of forces role of the the sincetheystress production complexity, emergent in the leaders the Could incipient takingintoaccounttherelationsof production that were wealth forms of in theLimpopobasinseek qualitatively earlysettlements fromlivestock,thatprovidedthemwitha meansof breakingout of the different chieflycycleof fusionand fission?Mapungubweleaderswouldhave monopolized therevenueintorealwealthandpower.The tradein beads and clothand converted real othermeansthroughwhich powercould have been exercisedwas through to communities coercionor threatof military powerto compelthe smaller-scale Hall more societies with enterinto a tributary (1990:89) powerful relationship andotherstatesthatwereto followin that"therulersofMapungubwe hypothesizes Africacommanded southern military power,eventhoughtheevidenceforthisis, at record."Whatresultedwas a Mapungubwe unknownin thearchaeological present, serviceandotherformsoftribute inwhichcattle,military statethatcreateda pattern of centers wouldhave flowedinwardsto themajor power,whilebeads,clothand to regionalcenters outwards have moved would ofhighstatus othervaluedsignifiers the of the and to local chiefswho acknowledged suzerainty Mapungubwekings thatthemeansto compel case demonstrates (Hall 1990:90).HencetheMapungubwe state forrulersof an emerging wereimportant and coercea sizablepopulation the researchers In thecase of GreatZimbabwe,pioneer emphasized prominence tradewiththe Swahili coast as the primaryimpetusin Great of long-distance to the state(Garlake1982:10; Huffman1972, 1982, Zimbabwe'stransformation a varietyof items,including 1986a) GreatZimbabweexportedgold and imported and earthenware (Pikirayi2001:20) glass beads, cloth,porcelain,stoneware, trademodelmaintainthatthe managerialeliteat Advocatesof the long-distance zones with Great Great Zimbabwemonopolizedtradewith ruraland frontier centerfor distribution and as role Zimbabweplayinga central collection, processing, Mozambican the on and coastal entrepots gold,ivory,copper,and ironto regional coast(Huffinan 1972, 1996) are criticalof theview privileges thatmodernperspectives It is understandable and factor transformative Pikirayi tradeas theprimary (2001:21) sees theemergence and of of culture, of agriculture, management cattle,propagation organization Africa in southern states rise of the to oftradeas thekeyfactors control contributing thatimports He maintains playeda minimalrolein theShonaeconomysincegold Ô Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 148 miningwas not a full-time specialty.He favorsthe internal dynamism argument, that distance tradeinterlocked a regionaleconomythatwas already proposing long thusgivingriseto a hierarchical thriving, society.Thisviewis echoedbyManyanga tradeas a majorbuilderof wealthand status (2006:114) who sees long-distance However,Manyangaholdsthattradewas not amongGreatZimbabwe'sleadership thatexternal theprimary cause forthesocialcleavages.In hiswords:"itis unlikely local thatwere a on tradeandtheproducts thereof made suddenappearance systems in a stateoffragmentation without form of centralized (Manyanga organization" any evidenceindicative is supported by archaeological 2006:144).Thisnewperspective ofelitecontrolof strategic resourcessuchas cattle,ivory,ironore,copper,andgold of extractive crafts and monopolization Further evidencepointsto eliteinvestment and and as iron and such working gold panning,mining processing, technologies Wilmsen Miller Denbow 1984; 1996; possiblyspecializedelephanthunting(e.g., tradewith facilitated fromtheseventures 1989) The wealthgenerated presumably the coast (Mitchell2002:327, 328; Pikirayi2001:35) Thus the emergenceof Mapungubweand GreatZimbabweas capitalsforpowerfulpolitiesin southern AD was a consequenceof manyvariables Zambeziain thesecondmillennium element The abilityto controlaccess to resourcesor traderoutesis an important in is this ofemergent and centralization Embedded proposition complexity political wealtha that can access to of restrict and a nature, power power physical military was For instance,controloverironproduction creatingresourcesand production to needed access for and the force to quiteimportant rulers, physical monopolize ironresources ofthestatecapitalwas probably thatwerebeyondthepoliticalcontrol a necessity.Archaeologists have hintedthatcoercion,of one kind or another, in a role Zambezia(Mitchell elitepowerin Southern certainly played maintaining 2002:329) Once asymmetries in powerhad beenestablished, whatstrategies leadersuse to stayinpowerandaccumulate morewealth,status,andpower?The pathways and mechanisms is In which centralized will differ from to case this case through power accumulated wealthin cattleandlaterinvestedin goldandivory case,elitesinitially tradewiththecoast.To so, theyalso investedin local andregionalinfrastructures thatmadeitviableforcommunities different butcomplemenlivingand exploiting resources into to be to the and be tary regionalpolitical willing comply incorporated economy.Bothpeacefuland coercivemeanswereused to extendelitepowerto the frontier chiefdomsand minorstates.The pointabout peacefulmeans has been madeby ThomasHuffman chief'swealth strongly (1972:365): "As theparamount the of the settlement would because of the increased, population swell,partly royal of in the settlement and the chance that some of the wealth prestige living mightfind its way throughthe normalredistributive channels."Ironicallywhile Huffman theneed forthemilitary and publicworksto controlthisincreased acknowledges he to discuss the thatinvoluntary andcoercivemeans population, neglects possibility of incorporating societies were to a determined and peripheral optionsopen and coercion as a increasingly powerfulleadership Ideology playedjust important roleas did agriculture, livestock and trade, long-distance production, metalworking We needto recognizethepossibility of internal conflicts, coercion,and exploitation betweenclasses and social segmentswithinemergentcomplex societies.For whilesomeresearchers see theuse of elevatedhilltopsby elitesfortheir instance, Ö Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152 149 socialstatus,we believethiskindofsettlement as a meansfordelineating residences patternmay also reflectconcernsover securityand threat(Kim and Kusimba, Similarly,while many of the walls for Mapungubweand Great forthcoming) we believethattheymay Zimbabwemayhaveserveda socialdemarcation function, fordefensivefunctions as well We are convincedthat also have been constructed evidenceexistsin the availablearchaeologicalevidenceto addressthe sufficient and coercion(Kim and Kusimba,forthcoming) of warfare possibility Concludingremarks In sum,the evidencediscussedin thisarticlepointsto the emergenceof social Africa.Mapungubwe and complexity stratification duringtheIronAge in southern social of and GreatZimbabweexhibitclear signatures inequalitysymbolizedin state on its way to statehoodbutthis monumentality Mapungubwewas a nascent abandoned forreasonsthatarchaeand the settlement was interrupted, trajectory In the case of Great Zimbabwe,it is evidentthat ologistshave notfullyexplained at its of state thepolitywas a territorial height power.GreatZimbabweexercised andfrontier beyonditsurbancoreto thehinterland politicalandeconomicinfluence of power What forms Zimbabwe's societies.How extensivewas Great hegemony? what means? and through did it cultivate, means as primary have emphasizedpeacefuland non-violent Archaeologists Africa in southern rise social to the of factors However,a complexity contributing to control for is amountofphysicalforce necessary anysociety resources, significant enforcelabor, exact taxationand tribute,enforcecleavages in social rank, accumulateand hoardwealth,createspecializedgoods,and engagein regionaland of tradersand traderoutes.Although tradewhichrequiredprotection international to one's biddingis force to to use military theuse or threat compelcommoners that leadersunderstand ideologicalpersuasionto complement sometimes necessary, ofwarfare In ournextpaperwe willexploretheimportance bruteforceis preferable in state like of maintenance and and ideologyin the emergence polities southern Africa ofcolleagueswhohavesharedtheirtimeand insights to a number AcknowledgementsWe aregrateful LawrenceKeeley,and InnocentPikirayi RobertCarneiro, thispaper,including withus in completing References in theancientAndes.Current conflict 46{'), Anthropology, E., & Stanish,C (2005) Interpreting Arkush, 3-28 Gweru:Mambo Beach,D (1980) TheShona and Zimbabwe,900-1850: an outlineofshonahistory Beach, D (1998) Cognitive archaeologyand imaginaryhistoryat Great Zimbabwe Current 39(1), 47-72 Anthropology, Bent,T (1892) TheruinedcitiesofMashonaland.Bulawayo:Books of Rhodesia MocheStateon thenorthcoastofperu.Latin andtheoriginsoftheSouthern Bilman,B (2002) Irrigation American 7i(4), 371-400 Antiquity, ofegalitarianbehaviorinarchaicstates 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AfricaNaissance: The LimpopoValley Shashe-Limpopo 1000yearsago The SouthAfricanArchaeological SocietyGoodwinSeries,8, 78-90 Yoffee,N (2005) MythsoftheArchaicState:Evolutionoj theEarliestCities,States,and Civilizations Press Cambridge University Cambridge: Ö Springer This content downloaded from 147.9.25.160 on Thu, 28 Jan 2016 16:56:17 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ... to theriseand development GreatZimbabwe ,to addressfactors social complexityand statehoodin southernAfrica We discuss the main current of thesedata indicators of social complexity, interpretations... industries elephanthunting includingironand gold mining,smelting and carving.These craftswerelaborintensive and ivorycarvingand stonecutting skills withmanagerial andwerecarriedouton a scalethatrequiredastuteleadership... wayofmakinga living ,and groupmovingintotheregion,witha relatively (Pikirayi2001:73) The earlyfirst originalinhabitants completelyoverwhelming millennium in southernZambezia were thus foragingand