Pathways in the cultivation of learning motivation in chinese and american children

1 Cultivating Learning Motivation Pathways in the Cultivation of Learning Motivation in Chinese and American Children Michael F Mascolo Merrimack College Word count (not counting references, table or figure) = 5109 2 Cultivating Learning Motivation In this paper, I will compare the cultural context of learning in the United States and China, with a special focus on academic and behavioral preparation in the early preschool years I will examine the circumstances that appear to undergird the superior performance of Chinese students in comparison to students from the United States with respect to mathematics achievement, emotional and behavioral problems, self-regulation, and the development of a sense of self-as-learner In what follows, I will argue that the dramatic differences in academic and behavioral performance reflect quintessentially cultural phenomena To speak of the comparatively superior performance of Chinese students as a cultural phenomenon is to locate the source of the difference not in particular educational practices or techniques, but instead in a rich and dynamic system of socially distributed beliefs, meanings and practices that organize social life I will suggest that learning gap between American and Chinese students has its basis in core differences in American Individualism and Chinese Confucianism Among the many differences between these two cultural systems, one important distinction involves the contrast between the American belief that learning is a practical self-evaluative activity and the Confusion belief that learning is an incremental moral process The moral centrality of life-long learning, achievement, and self-cultivation to Chinese identity permeates social and cultural life in a way that is largely absent in the United States Cultural Foundations of Learning and Education in the United States and China A large literature supports the proposition that Chinese students far outpace their North American counterparts in mathematics and science (Stevenson, Chen & Lee, 1993; Stevenson & Lee, 1990; 1992; Stigler, Lee & Stevenson, 1987) The superior performance of Chinese to American students in math begins in preschool (Miller, Smith, Zhu & Zhang, 1996; Zhou, et al., 2006) and continues at all levels of educational instruction In the early years, superior performance in Asian students has been documented in counting (Miller & Stigler, 1987; Miller, Smith, Zhu, & Zhang, 1996); basic number operations (Geary, 1993); number sense (Miura, Okamato, Kim & Chang, 1994); Cultivating Learning Motivation understanding of geometric forms, problem solving, logical-mathematical reasoning (Zhou, Peverly & Lin, 2005); understanding math facts (Geary, Fan & Bow-Thomas, 1992) and other domains (Miller, Kelley & Zhou, 2005) When Stevenson and his colleagues first prese ted these fi di gs i the sa d s, questions were raised about the comparability of the American and Chinese samples In the United States, urban schools tend to be overrepresented by poorer and minority students; in China, students from more wealthy homes are likely to attend urban schools (Peverly, 2005) Recent research has confirmed that although mathematics performance is higher among Chinese students in urban in comparison to rural areas (Peverly, 2005; Zhou, Peverly & Lin, 2004), Chinese students continue to outperform their socio-economic cohorts from the United States (Perry, 2000; Tsui, 2005) Thus, there is considerable consensus about the superior mathematical performance of Chinese (and other Asian) students over students from the United States What explains the superior performance of Asian students to those in the United States? A massive literature has accumulated that bears on this issue Researchers have identified a variety of different processes that contribute directly to differences in Chinese and American learning outcomes However, to understand the origins of these national differences in performance, it is necessary to view them from within their larger socio-cultural context One might suggest that neither any single factor – nor all factors considered together – can explain the superior performance of Asian students Instead, the processes that engender superior academic performance by Chinese students are deeply woven into the fabric of (traditional) Chinese culture Thus, to understand these processes, it is important to understand how deeply embedded cultural presuppositions and practices organize Chinese and American education and family life American Individualism and Chinese Confucianism Cultivating Learning Motivation The task of accounting for cultural differences is a difficult one No overarching system can justice to the complexities and contradictions that exist within any cultural group (Mascolo & Li, 2004; Raeff, 2007; Shweder et al., 2006) With this in mind, differences in cultural patterns among the dominant cultural groups in the United States and China can be illuminated through an analysis of American Individualism (Bellah et al., 1985; Dumont, 1992; Johnson, 1985) and Chinese Confucianism (Lao, 1988; King & Bond, 1985; Tu, 1985) Whereas American Individualism is founded upon the primacy of the individual in social and political life, Confucianism is a belief system that describes proper ethical relations between individual and society Table provides a representation of the facets of American Individualism and Chinese Confucianism as they relate to four basic issues: (a) overarching values; (b) family relations; (c) education and school; and (d) the relation between individual and society Individualism refers to a system of beliefs that prioritize the individual over group functions From this view, individuals are believed to be free and equal actors, each capable of making their own decisions about their life course without constraint from the government, family, or other social structures Morality is organized primarily upon principles of individual rights Individuals are free to pursue their own agendas as long as their acts not impinge upon the rights of others With its emphasis on the primacy of individuals, individualism stands in opposition to systems of centralized authority Pluralism is a core value In embracing individuality rather than conformity, the question of morality becomes a question of personal conscience Within limits, individuals are free to choose their own moral systems Consistent with this view, with exceptions, efforts are made to separate moral and religious concerns from the operation of public institutions For example, schools are not ordinarily seen as appropriate venues for moral training or the instillation of values Schools have been seen as o all eut al ; to e pli itl e se a set of social group against another o al p i iples i the s hools u s the isk of pitti g o e Cultivating Learning Motivation In contrast to American Individualism, Chinese Confucianism is organized around the moral ideals of respect for hierarchy, honor, and social harmony These values are embodied in ideals of family life Confucianism embraces the idea that all children are capable of learning and perfecting the self through the process of self-cultivation Through hard work and discipline, children are capable of building upon their innate natural tendencies (xing a d lea i g ho to e a hu a ei g xue zuo ren) By practicing benevolence (ren) and politeness (li), a child is able to develop into a perfect lady or gentleman (jun zi) Self-cultivation, however, is not something a child can by him or herself It requires direct training and family education (jiajio) Such training occurs within the context of strong expectations of filial piety: children are expected to honor and obey their parents Through family education, parents train children in self-discipline (ke ji), proper behavior (yi), emotional control, modesty, respect for others, and benevolence (ren) Failures to show filial piety or righteous action result in familial shame Misdeeds bring shame not simply upon the individual child, but upon the family as well; parents, siblings and teachers share in the colle ti e sha e of a hild s isdeed A good parent is one who disciplines his or her child; an abusive parent is one who spoils the child by i g the hild i too u h lo e Hue, ; Fu g, A central difference between American Individualism and Chinese Confucianism concerns the boundaries of moral action Within American Individualism, moral issues are primarily organized around not hurting others or violating the rights of others In the United States, learning is not seen as a moral issue It is seen as a valuable form of practical a ti it that is e essa fo pu sui g o e s pe so al goals and aspirations However, with the Chinese system, learning and self-cultivation are morally sanctioned activities that are tied directly to the ideals of filial piety, social harmony and respect for hierarchy Learning, hard work and education are seen as the primary vehicles through which one de elops i to a a o plished a d good pe so ho a i g ho o to o e s fa il Failu e to o k hard, to show filial piety, and to learn are occasions for familial shame 6 Cultivating Learning Motivation The Socialization of Learning Orientations in American and Chinese Children There are dramatic differences in the ways in which these belief systems frame how American and Chinese fa ilies so ialize hild e s o ie tatio s to a d lea i g a d edu atio These diffe e es are manifest even in the first years of life To understand these differences, it is helpful to examine the ways in which American and Chinese parents interact with young children as they engage in various learning activities The Socialization of Pride in American Families Among American parents, there is a tendency to believe that self-esteem is a necessary prerequisite for achievement and task A child who feels competent or good about him or herself will work to achieve success; a child who feels incompetent or bad about himself will be less likely to succeed in any given task As a result, American parents are often motivated to support the development of a hild s self-esteem throughout the process of his undertaking any given learning activity In addition, there is a tendency for many American parents to believe that too much corrective feedback or criticism a da age a hild s self-esteem, and thus lead to failure and lack of motivation to succeed As a esult, i assisti g a hild i a gi e lea i g task, A e i a pa e ts te d to effusi el p aise hild e s ongoing efforts and successful outcomes In so doing, they tend to use evaluative language that ide tifies the sou e of the hild s su ess ithi the hild hi self, a d pa ti ula l dispositio s that a e assu ed to lie ithi the hild e.g., ithi sets of sta le hat a s a t o ! ; You a e su h a good spelle ! Fi all , A e i a parents tend to withhold criticism or negative feedback in an attempt to protect children from feelings of shame Consider the following example of an American othe pla i g a ga e of so e ith he ½ -year-old son The boy is alternatively successful and unsuccessful in kicking the ball into goal box The fi st e e pt illust ates the othe s use of effusi e p aise to suppo t the hild s su essful a tio : The child kicks the ball, which slowly moves into the goal box The box is placed close to the boy, which functions to increase his chances of achieving a goal The child raised his hands in Cultivating Learning Motivation victory and smiled At the same time, the mother smiled and said in an elongated and e agge ated oi e, Whoooe! a d lapped he ds Ps h! G eat goal! Oka ou get o e! The othe s eha io is si ila to the fathe s eha io i the p e ious e e pt “he espo ds to he hild s su ess ith effusi e p aise He g eat goal! ; o ds o ie t the hild s atte tio o a the out o e itself e.g., the alue of that out o e i.e., Whoooe ; great goal ; a d the hild s ole i p odu i g the alued out o e i.e., you get o e! The hild s s ile, aised ds, a d self-evaluative statements reflect an uninhibited expression of pride in his accomplishment This next segment illustrates the explicitly child- e te ed atu e of the pa e t s i te a tio the hild Afte the hild s su essful ki k, the ith othe asks the hild if she a take a tu It is the hild who determines the flow of the interaction that follows: The othe the asked the hild, Mo a s tu ? Not looki g at the othe , the o i ediatel said, o The othe follo ed ith You tu agai ? a d the hild eplied eah Mi i ki g the othe , the hild said ou e [ ] tu agai The o the ki ked the ball into the goal box, smiled and raised his hands in victory At this point the mother again s iled a d said i a highe a d elo gated oi e, Whoo! “he laps he e ds a d sa s, All the a up to t o! [Child: eah ] Yeah! All ight! The othe the asked, Ca o a take a ki k? Afte the hild said o , the othe eplied, i a plai ti e a d pleadi g oi e, please? In this segment, the parent clearly allows the child to take the lead in directing the course of the i te a tio I stead of di e ti g the hild to ield the all a d to take tu s , the othe fi st asks the child for a turn After the second time the child refuses her request, the mother further defers to the hild aski g i a pleadi g to e, please? This fi al seg e t illust ates the d ad s espo se to failu e i oth the pa e t a d the hild: After the boy again kicked the ball into the goal, he smiled and raised his hands His mother agai said Whooo! Bou i g off the goal o , the all etu ed to the hild ho t ied to ki k it, but missed Both the child and the mother ignored the missed kick After another kick, the boy said to the othe ou tu ! The othe t ied to ki k the all i to the goal box, missed, and said, I issed Atte pti g to guide the othe , the hild said, poi ti g to the goal o , No, i the e…i the goal o The othe eplied, I the e? I t i g! I just a t pla so e as good as ou a “oo the eafter, the child took another turn After several successful kicks, the o issed the goal o Despite issi g the goal, the othe said Whooo! as the hild aised his ds i the The hild the said, I issed Cultivating Learning Motivation There are several noteworthy features of this segment First, throughout the entire sequence, the goal box is placed very close to the child (This is in part a limitation of the size of the room in which the dyad played.) As a result, the child was almost assured success in kicking the ball into the goal At no point did the mother attempt to increase the difficulty of the task or to interact with her child in ways that would help him improve his (already rather precocious) performance Second, when the mother failed in her atte pt to ki k the all i to the goal, he o o ds fu tio ed to di e t the hild s atte tio to his supe io a ilit i.e., I just a t pla so e as good as ou a Fi all , i this seg e t, the hild s failed atte pts e e eithe ig o ed o praised No attempt was made to correct or redirect the hild s a tio s i a atte pt to i p o e his skill These representative observations illustrate one form of individualism as it relates to the development of an orientation to learning From this view, it is important to promote autonomy and self-esteem as preconditions for successful learning and action The American concept of autonomy is one which depicts self-directed action as emanating from within the child herself By acting on the world, the child comes to see that she can affect her world; such action-outcome contingencies are seen as necessary for the development of a sense of personal agency The American child is often felt to be motivated by intrinsic curiosity, creativity, and mental independence (see Hess and Azuma, 1991); the pa e t s task is to p o ote su h a se se of pe so al age u tu i g the hild s i he e t atte pts to master her world From this view, too much criticism and negative feedback are seen as processes that thwart the development of a sense of personal agency and threaten self-esteem Promoting Self-Cultivation in Chinese Families The Chinese concept of self-cultivation is understood as a life-long and effortful process of perfecting the self The task of promoting self-cultivation in children is one that involves (a) modesty, hard work, and incremental learning; (b) discipline, corrective feedback and the threat of familial shame, albeit within the context of a close, loving mother-child relationship As indicated above, learning is not Cultivating Learning Motivation simply seen as a form of practical activity directed toward specific outcomes; life-long learning is viewed as morally constitutive of what is required to become a fully developed human being Modesty, hard work and incremental learning The process of cultivating an orientation toward hard work, modesty and incremental learning can be illuminated by an analysis of how Chinese parents and educators interact with children in everyday learning activities Liu (2000) describes the Chi ese edu atio al ideal fo the ulti atio of the hole hild : They must be strong enough to prepare themselves to meet challenge, to meet success and to meet setbacks with a correct attitude They should not be proud when they succeed and they should not be downhearted when they fail The cultivation of the psychological quality should start from an early age Evaluation from teachers, parents and the society plays a very important role in education Praises help them see their achievements, while criticisms help them see their weak points and lead them to find a way to overcome them (p 5) One can readily observe the manifestation of these principles in the ways in which parents and teachers respond to children in everyday learning tasks When a child succeeds in an everyday task, Chinese parents will generally acknowledge the success approvingly, but without the effusive praise that calls attention to the role of the child in attaining a particular outcome In addition, a Chinese parent might urge the child to continue to work hard to develop the skill in question, and might provide corrective feedback about how to so Further, through the use of social self-effacement, Chinese parents model and teach their children the importance of modesty and respect for others in contexts in which they succeed in learning tasks Tobey (2004) provides illustrative examples of these principles in a study assessing interactions between English-speaking Chinese-immigrant mothers and children in the United States Mother and daughter are kneeling on the floor, with the puzzle spread in front of them Daughte is holdi g a pie e, a d the othe sa s, Let e take a look The a e uiet a d fo used, looki g Mothe sa s, Ok, try this side, and the daughter puts the puzzle in the o e t slot Mothe espo ds ith uh-huh a d the said, The hat s e t? Fi d the hai pa t fi st Whe e s he hai , he e s he hai ? Look at this, look at this The daughte pi ked up anothe pie e a d the othe said, es, es Uh-oh , the daughte said, a d put t o pie es I got it Mothe asks, What else? The daughte epeatedl t ied to fit the sa e puzzle piece into a series of other puzzle pieces The mother responded to ea h of the hild s failed atte pts sa i g o Mothe a d hild o ti ue to look at the puzzle The 10 Cultivating Learning Motivation continue in similar manner, the daughter repeatedly attempting to fit a piece of the puzzle into slots, a d the othe o e ti g ith, Let s t this o e , ight he e, o g, a d The hi h o e? In this scenario, the mother responds in ways that would be unexpected in the eyes of many Americans First, the mother is quite directive with her child; rather than allowing her child to manipulate, discover or experiment with the puzzle pieces, the mother directs the child to perform particular actions Second, the emotional demeanor of the interaction is quiet, controlled and focused on learning rather than animated and focused upon play Third, the mother does not offer effusive praise when the child is su essful I o pa a le tasks, A e i a pa e ts a e o se ed offe i g p aise a d high fi es fo even simple successes such as fitting two puzzle pieces together (see Mascolo & Harkins, 1998) Finally, the pa e t f eel uses te s a d ph ases like o o that s ot ight i offe i g feed a k to he hild This stands in opposition to the more American idea that such statements might be damaging to a hild s self-esteem In fact, Chi ese pa e ts ill ofte e ou age thei hild e to pla a o plish e t Mas olo, Fis he & Li, ; Ng, Po e a tz & La , ole of othe s i tea hi g a d suppo ti g a hild s a hie e e t Ki & Pa k, ou a d to a k o ledge the 04) The role of discipline and shame in self-cultivation Fung (1999; Fung & Chen, 2001) has provided a series of thickly described accounts of the moral socialization of young children in Taiwan Fu g s o k p i a il o tai s des iptio s of pa e tal reactions to rule transgressions; however, because learning is seen as a moral domain, the processes of socializing proper learning and correct behavior are likely to be similar Fung & Chen (2001) describe an exchange between Wenwen (42 months) and her younger brother (Honghong, 27 months), who are playing in their living room Ho g o g egi s to tea apa t We e s olo i g sheet We e app oa hes he othe fo help The following interchanges occur: Mothe eplies, Yes, he s doi g the ight thi g Wh e t ou put the a a ? Mo has told ou You got to put ou stuff a a ; othe ise Ho gho g ould tea up e e thi g [Ho gho g th o s o e pape s out.] We e sa s Do t th o it a a Mo a, t … Since the child is still whining, Mothe sa s, I ot go a a e fo ou I e al ead told ou 11 Cultivating Learning Motivation efo e, ut ou did t elie e it I ot go a a e fo ou fi e if ou keep i g I e al ead told ou efo e Oka , oka , stop ei g oguish o The hild fi all stops i g and begins to pi k up he stuff a d put the i to the d a e [Mothe add esses esea he :] Do t k o what to do! She, she is especially selfish, never allows her brother to touch her stuff while her othe espe iall likes to p o oke he [We e stops crying and picks up her coloring Mothe sa s:] Do t dle thi gs i g A hild i g like this is ot ou ageous at all Fi all holdi g We e i he a s, Mothe sa s to he softl , No , e e thi g is put a a a d ou othe o t reach them, right? He cannot get them, right? Honghong has his own stuff a d o t take ou s, u de sta d? Do ou u de sta d? Do t e e e so oguish, othe ise I o t a e fo ou i the futu e [To esea he :] A e kids i othe fa ilies as naught as ou s? “he is e selfish! p -432) This passage illustrates a variety of important principles about the nature and function of shaming in Chinese socialization Several features of this narrative would be experienced as alien to Western ears Fi st, i espo se to We e s plea fo help, the ho, hi self appea s to e e gagi g i othe appea s to take the side of the ou ge ule iolati g o du t i.e., tea i g We the mother uses language can be described as lo e ithd a al i.e., I ou keep o e s pape s “e o d, ot goi g to a e fo i g Thi d, speaki g to the esea he i f o t of the hild, the hild s a te i dispa agi g te o pa iso s to othe hild e s i.e., “he is espe iall selfish a d also i.e., Do t k o ou s? It is i po ta t to ote that the o othe does ot si pl des i e he othe des i es he akes implicit hild i sha eful te s, hat to do? a d A e kids i u i ate the ole of the fa il i the hild s As is lea i Fu g s des iptio , the ou if hat to do! ; A e kids i othe fa ilies as aught as ut she also sha es i the hild s sha e He state e ts Do t k o othe fa ilies as aughtie as ou s? hild, is eha io othe s see i gl sh i te e tio s a e o ganized by her desire to inculcate social values in her child, including (a) sharing her belongings so as not to be selfish ; to lea up afte he self, to o t ol he e otio , d to e ou age , a d e to understand the practical (e.g., her younger brother will tear her papers) and emotional (i.e., shame) o se ue es of he a tio s de a ds, the It is i po ta t to ote that afte the hild o plies ith the othe s othe s see i gl sh dis ipli e is te pe ed ith lo i g a d e pla atory acts (i.e., No , e e thi g is put a a a d ou othe o t ea h the , ight? … 12 Cultivating Learning Motivation Self-Evaluative Emotions and the Development of Learning Orientations in the USA and China Figure depicts alternative trajectories in the socialization and development of learning motivation in preschoolers in the United States and China This discussion is based upon the presupposition that the development of learning motivation is organized around self-evaluative emotions that arise in interactions between children and socialization agents within socio-cultural contexts All emotions, including complex self-evaluative emotions like pride, shame, or modesty, are composed of at least four categories of interlocking processes These include appraisals of the relation et ee e e ts a d a pe so s goals, oti es a d o e s e.g., I did a good jo sa i g affe ti e feeli g to e the phe o e al feel of a e otio ; feeli g up , st o ge o ABC s ! ; ig i p ide ; motive-action tendencies (actio s that fu tio i the se i e of o e s app aisals; e.g., ele ati g o e s accomplishment), and self-regulation strategies, which consist of higher-order appraisals and control st u tu es fo egulati g e otio al a tio e.g., I ust e hu le De elop e tal ges a e spe ified usi g Fis he s Fis he & Bidell, ; Mas olo & Fis he , 2004) dynamic skill theory as a guide Skill theory provides a set of conceptual and empirical tools for identifying the structure and developmental level of action, thinking and feeling as they occur within specific social contexts Each step in Figure corresponds to a different level of self-evaluative appraisals and action tendencies that arise in particular learning contexts involving high levels of adult support or scaffolding (Mascolo, 2006) As can be gleaned from Figure 1, although American and Chinese children start off in similar places, they soon begin to diverge toward different trajectories In their approaches to learning, American children develop a conception of learning as a self-evaluative practical activity; Chinese children develop a sense of learning as an incremental and effortful moral process1 Educating the Youngest: The Need for Cultural Dialogue These trajectories will be described in further detail in the oral presentation of this paper 13 Cultivating Learning Motivation In all of the foregoing, I have attempted to locate issues related to American and Chinese education not in schools, but instead within cultures An analysis of ways in which Chinese culture frames educational experience illuminates the ways in which cultural values permeate learning at all levels of society, and particularly at the intersection of families and schools Chinese children become dedicated learners not because of any particular practices that take place in the school or home, but instead as a product of the ubiquitous value placed on learning, education and achievement throughout society The question of how to educate the youngest – and particularly the question of preparing children emotionally for educational challenge is not a question that can be answered simply by focusing on the first three years of life Instead, it is a question that requires analysis of deeply held socio-cultural and moral assumptions about what it means to teach, learn and to be a moral person In many (but by no means all) ways, the cultural foundations of Chinese and American learning are mirror opposites As a result, they exhibit contrary strengths and challenges On the one hand, Chinese students routinely outperform American students in a variety of different subjects; expend much more effort; adopt a growth-and-development approach to learning, and are consistently more ordered and well-behaved On the other hand, American students have been described as more creative and innovative (Zhou, 2005), and more able to perform open-ended problems (Miller, Smith, Zhu & Zhang, 1996) American schools experience problems of aggression, antisocial behavior, externalizing and under-controlled behavior at much higher rates than Chinese schools In contrast, Chinese students appear to suffer from high rates of depression (Chen Cen, Li & He, 2005) and anxiety (Hesketh & Ding, 2003), often hidden (Lau & Takeuchi, 2001), leading, arguably, to higher rates of suicide attempts and related acts (Hesketh, Dong & Jenkins, 2002) It is interesting to note that many Chinese educators are looking to the West for ways to address the problems that they perceive in their educational systems (Zhao, 2005) Given the complementary issues faced by American and Chinese education, perhaps both cultures can profit from intra- and inter-cultural dialogue 14 Cultivating Learning Motivation Paradoxically, it may be possible to focus intercultural dialogue on shared values about the nature of the powers of the individual as the source of success in life The American Dream is founded upon the idea of hard work and equal opportunity; the Chinese conception of self-cultivation is organized with reference to the idea of incremental and effortful self-perfection through filial piety While the social conceptions surrounding these ideas differ, both place emphasis on the ideal of commitment, dedication and hard work A possible rapprochement between American and Chinese conceptions – one that would certain profit American students – a lie i D e k s D e k, ; Dweck, Hue & Hong, 1995; Dweck & Leggett, 1988) distinction between fixed entity and versus incremental growth mindsets toward learning Dweck and her colleagues have differentiated between individuals who hold entity versus incremental theories about intelligence and human behavior I di iduals ho hold e tit du ; pe so s ho hold i theo ies elie e that i tellige e is fi ed i.e., I failed the test e ause I e e tal theo ies elie e that hu a att i utes a e allea le, step-by- step products of hard work a d effo t e.g., I failed e ause I did t stud d e ough D e k a d her colleagues have found individuals who adopt or can be taught to adopt an incremental mindset tend to see difficult learning situations as challenges to be overcome; individuals ho adopt a e tit mindset are more likely to give up in challenging tasks For incremental theorists, failure is not seen as a efle tio o a fla ed self; i stead, it is see as i di ati e of the eed to edou le o e s effo ts I contrast, for entity theorists, failure is indicative of low ability, and thus presents a threat to self-esteem Pe so s ho adopt a e tit ie of hu a att i utes a e thus o e likel to e oti ated to preserve an existing sense of self, whereas incremental theorists are more likely to be motivated to work hard to develop novel skills and abilities The growth mentality bears similarity to the Chinese conception of self- ulti atio ; the e tit model fuels the American notion that self-esteem is a pre-requisite (rather than product) of successful activity (Damon, 1996) However, the concept of growth mentality is one that is consistent with 15 Cultivating Learning Motivation elements of both American and Chinese worldviews Education of the youngest must go beyond establishing curricula to promote the development of skills and knowledge It must embrace the need to prepare children emotionally for the task of learning Western parents and educators alike can agree on the value of establishing loving authoritative relationships with their children; of providing rich opportunities for play and social interaction between peers; and of nurturing active, self-directed individuals However, I would argue that there is a pressing need to reclaim the moral foundations of education and learning as embodied in hard work, effort and the life-long cultivation of moral selves Such a step must begin with the youngest learners It would require nothing short of a reconsideration of deeply held cultural assumptions about the nature of learning, parenting and development 16 Cultivating Learning Motivation References Au io, P., Nie i i ta, M., Hauta aki, J., Va Luit, J E H., “hi, J., & )ha g, M You g h il e s number sense in China and Finland Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 50, 483-502 Baumrind, D (1971) Current patterns of parental authority Developmental Psychology Monograph, 4, 1-103 Bellah, R N., Madsen, R., Sullivan, W M., Swidler, A., & Tipton, S M (1985) Habits of the heart NY: Harper & Row Bond, M H., Leung, K., & Wan, K.-C (1982) The social impact of self-effacing attributions: the Chinese Case The Journal of Social Psychology, 118, 157-166 Cai, J (2001, January) Improving mathematics learning: Lessons from cross-national studies of Chinese and U.S Students, Phi Delta Kappan, 400-404 Chall, J S (2000) The academic achievement challenge New York: Guilford Press Chen, C., & Stevenson, H W (1989) Homework: A cross-cultural examination Child Development, 60, 551-561 Chen, R (1993) Responding to compliments: A contrastive study of politeness strategies between American English and Chinese speakers Journal of Pragmatics, 20, 49-75 Chen, X., & Li, B-S (2000) Depressed mood in Chinese children: Development significance for social and school adjustment International Journal of Behavioral Development, 24, 472-479 Chen, X., Rubin, K., et al (2003) Compliance in Chinese and Canadian toddlers: A cross-cultural study International Journal of Behavioral Development, 28, 428-436 Chen, X., Hastings, P D., et al., (1998) Child-rearing attitudes and behavioral inhibition in Chinese and Canadian toddlers: A cross-cultural study Developmental Psychology, 34, 677-686 Ching, J (1993) China’s religions Orbis 17 Cultivating Learning Motivation Chong, S C F., Werker, J F., Russell, J A., & Carroll, J M (2003) Three facial expressions mothers direct to their infants Infant and Child Development, 12, 211-232 C stal, D “., & “te e so , H W Mothe s pe eptio s of hild e s problems with mathematics: A cross-national comparison Journal of Educational Psychology, 83, 372-376 Damon, W (1996) Greater expectations New York: Free press Dumont, L (1992) Essays on individualism Chicago: The University of Chicago Press Dweck, C.S (1999) Self-Theories: Their role in motivation, personality and development Philadelphia: Psychology Press Dweck, C S., Chiu C-Y., & Hong, Y Y (1995) Implicit theories and their role in judgments and reactions: A world from two perspectives Psychological Inquiry, 6, 267-285 Dweck, C S., & Leggett, E L (1988) A social-cognitive approach to motivation and personality Psychological-Review, 95, 256-273 Fischer, K W (1980) A theory of cognitive development: The control and construction of hierarchies of skills Psychological Review, 87, 447-531 Fischer, K W & Bidell, T (2006) Dynamic development of psychological structures in action and thought In W Damon (Ed.) 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Further, through the use of social self-effacement, Chinese parents model and teach their children the importance of modesty and respect for others in contexts in which they succeed in learning. .. examples of these principles in a study assessing interactions between English-speaking Chinese- immigrant mothers and children in the United States Mother and daughter are kneeling on the floor,... trajectories in the socialization and development of learning motivation in preschoolers in the United States and China This discussion is based upon the presupposition that the development of learning motivation