Ancient discipline, modern concern geographers in the field of energy and society (2)

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Ancient discipline, modern concern geographers in the field of energy and society (2)

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Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Energy Research & Social Science journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/erss Original research article Ancient discipline, modern concern: Geographers in the field of energy and society Martin J Pasqualetti a , Marilyn A Brown b,∗ a b Arizona State University, USA Georgia Institute of Technology, USA a r t i c l e i n f o Article history: Received 17 January 2014 Received in revised form March 2014 Accepted March 2014 Keywords: Geography Spatial analysis Energy resources Energy security Landscapes a b s t r a c t If energy and society are parts of the same cloth, geography is the thread that ties them together As a social science, geography has become more critical than ever to our understanding of how inhabitants of our planet interact and how the quest for energy is affecting economic and political stability everywhere There is no avoiding the important interplay of energy, geography, and society More, importantly, when we bring the three together it helps us better understand what we have created and what we will be facing Despite its growing value, however, we have directed only periodic attention to the contributions of geography Future research needs to consider the expansive concept of energy security as a place and context-specific condition Energy externalities, spillovers, leakages, and free riders loom large as policy challenges with geographic dimensions Understanding spatial variations in the link between affluence and pollution is important, because increased prosperity may eventually enable sustainable development Facilitating the spatial diffusion of energy innovations and the process of technology learning are also key to solving energy/society problems Finally, optimizing polycentrism as an approach to “scaling up” energy and climate policy would also benefit from geographic analysis Published by Elsevier Ltd Like energy, geography is deeply rooted in our lives The relationships between energy and society are too numerous to fully enumerate, too ingrained to boldly stand out, and too significant to overlook Yet, despite their importance, these relationships have heretofore lacked a scholarly journal suitably targeted for their collection and emphasis [1] Among other social sciences, the perspective of the discipline of geography has been conspicuously underdeveloped [2] At the same time, scholars in other disciplines increasingly use geographical perspectives to examine the energy issues facing our planet This trend reflects a “spatial turn” that extends broadly across the physical, social, economic, and policy sciences [3,4] As a result, we also weave into our review some of the key concepts and findings from other disciplines that have focused on geographical aspects of the nexus between energy and society Our goal here is to illuminate how geography can enrich our understanding of energy and society, to identify what ∗ Corresponding author at: School of Public Policy, Dean’s Professor, Ivan Allen College, Brook Byers Professor, Institute of Sustainable Systems, Georgia Institute of Technology, DM Smith Building, Room 312, 685 Cherry Street, Atlanta, GA 303320345, USA Tel.: +1 404 385 0303 E-mail address: Marilyn.Brown@pubpolicy.gatech.edu (M.A Brown) http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2014.03.016 2214-6296/Published by Elsevier Ltd is unique and helpful about combining geography with energy and society, to explain some of the techniques and applications that have come from the hands of geographers who focus their attention at this busy intersection, and to suggest areas of future research Geography in the study of energy and society Across the long history of geographic inquiry, the most enduring goal has been to understand the surface of the earth as modified by human action, that is, the cultural landscape Of all the cultural landscapes humans produce, some of the most idiosyncratic come from our need for energy These landscapes have many shapes, forms, and functions, including coal mines, expansive fields of drilling rigs and wind turbines, hydroelectric dams, the rounded domes of nuclear power plants, and ever-present transmission lines that must connect those who supply power with those who consume it Some of these energy landscapes, such as oil drilling derricks, are temporary Others such as Alberta oil sands development, mountain-top removal in West Virginia, and the ‘dead zone’ near Chernobyl leave long-lasting imprints Whatever form they take, and wherever they exist, energy landscapes have often been a visible reflection of the society’s that M.J Pasqualetti, M.A Brown / Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 creates them, a reference point in many cases to their economic status While the lines are beginning to blur more and more, slash and burn agriculture suggests an agriculturally based economy, whereas massive strip mines and mountain-top removal suggest a fully industrial one As they read the landscape, geographers are tuned to such differences and implications The attention that these altered landscapes attract from geographers conveys a natural curiosity about the form, function, distribution, evolution and permanence of the world around them, whether the territory in question is rural or urban In rural energy locations, for example, geographers seek understanding about origins, purpose, temporal changes, culture and economic development, and likely post-energy disposition In urban environments, geographers might seek amplification about clustering and agglomeration, human migration and relocation, public perceptions, transportation routes and means, urban morphology, and microclimates Taken together, all phases of energy supply and demand are likely to attract the interest of geographers Indeed, one might well argue that geography offers the most expansive and appropriate perspective in the study of energy, at any scale Of course, geography is not the lone social science interested in energy Historians, economists, sociologists, anthropologists, lawyers, architects, planners—to name a few—all contribute to our understanding The sphere of geography is, however, particularly helpful understanding environmental and geopolitical ramifications of the entire supply chain In this way, the three elements we are discussing here—geography, energy, and society—form a triangle, one that embraces within its boundaries all the important activities that occupy our interest in today’s world Such importance has not always been so apparent Until roughly 1973, the topic of energy was mostly abstract, something we took for granted when we flipped on a light switch, squeezed the handle of a fuel pump, or pressed down the accelerator of our car The Arab oil embargo changed that, shaking us awake to the economic, social, and political repercussions of our rising reliance for energy—especially oil—something that had escaped our notice when it was cheap and plentiful Soon, we were talking about OPEC, transportation chokepoints, and the political vulnerability that had come while we were not paying attention We had become overly dependent on imported oil We in the US were not alone Other countries, such as Japan and the UK had also become heavily dependent on oil imported from distant places like Saudi Arabia As dependency rose, so too did concerns about national security and trade imbalances As these concerns increased, so too did military presence in the area, meant to ensure oil deliveries were not interrupted Oil became central to the lives of those living in the First World and to those who aspired to join it As we struggled to adjust to a new reality, we were driven to become more knowledgeable about the geography of oil, paying particular attention to supplying countries, routes of transportation and distribution, applications and uses of oil, and what all these factors would mean in a changing, shrinking, more competitive global marketplace At about the same time, early in the decade of the ‘70s, concerns about energy resources other than oil began bubbling to the surface It was also a time of rising consumer demand, rapid population growth, unprecented environmental laws, increasing intolerance for environmental damage, and quickened messaging No energy resource was immune from increased public scrutiny, and coal became a major target of attention Although we had been using coal for over a century, it took until the 1970s for us to publically acknowledge the high price it was having on our health and safety, plants and animals, water supplies and, indeed, the 123 landscape itself.1 Geographers started contributing to studies about the socioeconomics of coal, coal mining, power plant siting, and downwind impacts of power plant emissions [5–7] What oil had become on the international stage, coal became within our borders, and we started turning more and more to nuclear power to generate our electricity without the traditional emissions and other dangers of coal The peak of enthusiasm for nuclear power came in the late 1970s, when the world total of commercial reactors came to more than 400 As never before, geography and energy converged in the late 1970s and early 1980s The reason was apparent: energy demand—with all its repercussions—was rising at unprecedented rates, and the questions that surfaced were fundamentally geographical in nature The range of topics was wide, but initially attention focused on appropriate site selection, fuel transportation routing, and a wide assortment of environmental impacts, particularly those from coal mining and air pollution [8] Much of the work on these problems took place in universities, but the national laboratories ramped up their attention as well Oak Ridge National Laboratory, for example, came to eventually employ about a dozen PhD geographers in its energy division Universities, national laboratories and the public sector came together to form the Energy Specialty Group (now the Energy and Environment Specialty Group) of the Association of American Geographers in Philadelphia 1979 At almost the same time, just two hours’ drive to the northwest, the partial meltdown of a nuclear reactor at Three Mile Island was to have a smothering effect on the ambitions of nuclear power advocates, and catalyze energy geographers as never before Quickly, geographers were contributing to our understanding of many of the spatial issues uniquely linked to nuclear power Ironically, it turned out to be preparation for the far more serious accident just years later at Chernobyl, 90 miles northwest of Kiev, Ukraine These two accidents more than any other events raised public attention to the human costs of nuclear power and resulted in a burst of geographical studies, particularly the overlooked matters of downwind dispersal of radioactivity, public responses to emergencies and perceptions of risk, limitations to nuclear power plant siting, long-lasting warning markers, nuclear power plant decommissioning, global proliferation, energy ethics, and social justice [9–19] Many of these were brought together in 1984 with the publication of Nuclear Power: Assessing and Managing Hazardous Technology in 1984 [20] These accidents emphasized several core geographical considerations, such as siting, dispersal, distribution, evacuation behavior and many other themes The question might be asked: Why did it take so long? The answer, in part, is found in an educational system that had stripped geography from the curriculum in secondary education and even universities;2 influential policymakers often lacked geographic perspective or even the most basic geographic knowledge; that is, knowing more than just where things are, but understanding the economic and demographic workings that hold the inhabited world together Fortunately, the tide has turned and geography has been gradually making its way back as a module of possessed knowledge expected of an educated person In part, this renaissance occurred because understanding the As one sign that geographers were becoming increasingly involved in studying the cost of coal, they invited Harry Caudill, author of the classic book on the human costs of coal, Night Comes to the Cumberlands, to give the keynote address at the annual meeting of the Association of American Geographers, held in Louisville, Kentucky in 1980 Several universities dropped geography departments, including Harvard, Yale, Stanford, and Chicago 124 M.J Pasqualetti, M.A Brown / Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 Fig Canal originally constructed for coal transport West Virginia Photo by M.J Pasqualetti geography of energy has obvious importance to international affairs and business opportunities Politicians need such knowledge in order to effectively and appropriately enact laws and allocate resources Businesses need that information in order to make money Cities as energy creations As nodes of convenience, trade and mutual protection, cities rely on steady and reliable supplies of energy The more successful cities, at least the early ones, controlled water as well In such places, as agriculture provided food surpluses, people became gradually less nomadic After thousands of years of slow evolution, cities changed more rapidly as the production and use of fossil fuels gained traction These more concentrated forms of energy supported industrialization and cities expanded in population and size There was also, however, an increasing separation of cities from their energy sources, and they could prosper only as long as they could rely on steady contributions from complicated extraction processing and heavy-goods transport Today, with more choices before them, people continue to choose to live in cities In large part, this choice is based on the principal advantage of reliable supplies of many forms of energy Major cities such as London are now served by wire and pipe, but it could prosper even in the early days because coal was carried in caravels plying the waters of the North Sea from Newcastle Other cities—such as Cardiff and Edinburgh—also on the water, grew not just with the use of the coal but with its export, near as both functions are to abundant coal measures Over the years, energy has provided both the seed and the sustenance of cities as diverse as Baku, Houston, Kuwait City, Abu Dhabi, Singapore, and Kogalym, Russia Over time, technological innovations and energy availability gave people more flexibility to choose where they wished to live, including places at substantial distances from energy resources The key element in this has been the growth of an elaborate, expensive and complex energy infrastructure that consists of two essential ingredients Mines, refineries, harbors, and power plants may be considered ‘points’, whereas the features that connect areas of supply to areas of demand are “connectors”, that is, the ways by which energy could be moved In many ways, these connectors have had the most impact In the early days of fossil fuel development, coal was transported along purpose-built canals which were, at the time, the least-cost means available (Fig 1) Some decades later, railroads supplemented and then largely displaced the function of these canals, although the canals tended to remain to this day In both cases, the fixed routes divided the functions of the land and sometimes the social and demographic characteristics as well People might be, for example, from the “wrong side” of the tracks The third type of land-based energy conveyance has grown to be the most ubiquitous and most conspicuous—transmission lines Such lines are noticeable because they are lofty and because they can traverse great linear distances However, at least their elevated position allows activities and movement underneath, something not easy to envision where canals and railroads exist Nonetheless, public response has become heated to the point of violence in many locations, as the demand for power lines has come up hard against their unavoidable visual presence, concern about land values, and their suspected effects on human health Considered together, transmission lines, canals, and railroads are visible expressions of the convergence of geography, energy and society As the energy infrastructure has spread out, proximate energy resources have had a declining influence on where people put down roots Phoenix, Arizona and Atlanta, Georgia, for example, are more than 200 miles from significant supplies of oil, natural gas, coal, uranium, or hydro-power They are entirely dependent on imports for all but a tiny fraction of their energy needs People live in such cities for their comfortable climates and strong economies, but they have lost touch with the source of energy that keeps everything operating It has been a dramatic reversal from the time when cities were founded specifically because energy resources were nearby Despite their growing independence from energy resources, the form of cities still reflects the give and take between energy, geography and society Consider population densities and settlement patterns in European cities such as London Then look at Phoenix, AZ (Figs and 3) Densities are many higher in the European city than in Phoenix because the newer cities took shape before dominant use of the most flexible and convenient forms of energy and transportation, electricity and automobiles Once electricity and cars became ubiquitous, little residual attraction for high density living remained Horizontal growth became commonplace as people spread out to acquire more personal space As wires and roads followed people, electricity and automobiles became the most obvious ties between energy and society Many of these considerations of urban form and function have been addressed by geographers, among them Susan Owens of Cambridge University [21,22] Energy geography matures As useful a service as cities provide in illustrating the interactive nature of energy and society in day-to-day life, they little to explain why the discipline of geography is an appropriate platform for their study For that, we need to consider the differences between the viewpoints of geographers and those from the other social sciences Sociology and psychology, for example, might contribute to our understanding of how to persuade citizens to use mass transit or install more insulation in their homes Geographers, on the other hand, contributed to our understanding of spatial patterns, interactions, influences, and pathways at all scales Moreover, geographers lean—by predilection and training—more heavily toward a spatial focus than other scientists, they also tend emphasize the identifying how and why natural and human meld holistically This emphasis among energy geographers has matured over time, ripening from an early emphasis on mapping the locations of energy resources, to a point when energy geographers have become highly skilled at considering questions about location and development, supply and demand, and the environmental costs of the multiple steps produced along the way M.J Pasqualetti, M.A Brown / Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 Fig High population density in London, England Photo by M.J Pasqualetti Fig Low population density in Phoenix, Arizona Photo by M.J Pasqualetti 125 126 M.J Pasqualetti, M.A Brown / Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 By the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, it was apparent that whoever lived near and controlled energy riches had the opportunity to convert them into financial wealth and political power [23–25] Many publications by energy geographers held a regional flavor, including energy books on New Zealand, Ghana, the Caspian Basin, China, the USSR and post-Soviet Russia, and the United Kingdom [26–31] Narrowing the field of vision, geographers started adding location theory, particularly in terms of facility siting, and transportation and economic exchanges [32] This was followed by closer attention to individual resources such as coal, fuel wood, and oil Later, Manners continued his contributions to energy geography, this time concentrating on the British coal scene [33–37] Indeed, the books listed above each stressed something different, including transportation, siting, logistics, supply, demand, markets, and policy [2] While they reminded us of the broad applicability of geography as a disciplinary foundation to energy studies, viewed from a distance we find that none of these books underscored the value of blending energy and society This came first from the sociologist Fred Cottrell, and 20 years later by Earl Cook, then Dean of Geoscience at Texas A&M University Cook added the geographer’s touch to what Cottrell had begun, providing perhaps the earliest book that blended energy, geography and society into a single volume accessible to a broad range of university students [38,39] Meanwhile, chemist-turned-geographer Daniel Luten, was doing something similar from his perch 1500 miles west at UC Berkeley [40] Subsequently, several other geographers contributed in book form specifically on energy and society [41–43] The role of geography Folding geography into the mix of energy and society came as population pressure, instantaneous communication, national interdependency, skyrocketing demand, shifting political stability, and growing environmental awareness brought us all to a tipping point Environmentalists were wrangling with developers over the value of wilderness, laws were stiffening to increase miner safety in impoverished places like West Virginia, power plant operators were being compelled to more completely control their water and air emissions, social injustice was attracting more attention in Indian reservations, nuclear power was being dismissed as a dangerous mistake, and climate change was becoming a polarizing topic In other words, people everywhere were realizing the vital role of energy to the lives they lived and the lives they sought And geographers were in the middle of the debate It was a role Geography was particularly well suited to play, because geographers were adept at recognizing and evaluating energy issues that were emerging at the meeting of energy and society They saw that social questions had become the dominant ingredient in energy discussions It was no longer just about measuring and verifying climate change, but about the impact of climate change on forced migration from low-lying areas It was not just about the dispersion of power plant emissions, but about how these emissions affected recreational use of rivers and lakes, settlement patterns, and the health and safety of lives downwind It was no longer just about how landscapes were changed by the extraction and processing of energy resources, but who suffered as a result It was no longer enough to know how best to measure solar insolation; it became more important to understand how the use of solar energy could increase the quality of life for those living without access to traditional power grids It was no longer simply a matter of siting new power plants based on the traditional parameters of load, water, and fuel; it was how their expected 40+ years of operation would affect the lives of people who would live near them and the use of the land around them In many cases—such as coal and nuclear plants—people were starting to ask whether, given the social costs involved, it was such a good idea to operate them at all [44] Whereas other social scientists have come to study energy, geographers tend to emphasize a different and often less inclusive set of problems.3 Geography and renewable energy Moving toward the present, we find geographers increasingly interested in the land use conflicts related to the development of two site-specific resources—geothermal and wind—and one that can require large swaths of land—solar The earliest of this work examined geothermal energy in California’s Imperial Valley Geographers asked: is it possible to develop agriculture and energy in the same place, on the same land, at the same time, without losing existing jobs or thwarting economic development [45–47] In a different setting, 90 miles north of San Francisco at The Geysers, a similar question surfaced: Was it possible to develop geothermal energy in proximity to a concentrated area of resorts downwind [48] These and related land use conflicts—which are ideally suited to geographical analysis—continue to challenge geothermal energy in many areas of the world, although installations in the U.S have largely sidestepped new controversy by embracing opportunities in lightly populated areas of Nevada, Utah, and Idaho The incentive for the utility companies is that geothermal power—unlike that generated from wind and solar—is available 24 h a day Wind, also a site-specific resource, attracts public attention for reasons that are ripe for geographic analysis Like geothermal energy, it intrudes on existing landscapes Unlike geothermal power, however, wind turbines rise into the sky 75 m or more, and their spinning unavoidably attracts both a lot of public attention and heated opposition Geographers have contributed strongly to our understanding of the environmental costs, placement, land use considerations, economic development, and public acceptance of wind power [49–61] Solar energy is a third renewable energy resources particularly suited to geographic study While it is not site-specific, it is diffuse Because centralized installations require a great deal of land, the siting of such installations is beginning to encounter opposition over land use issues, even in deserts The problem is that in current deployments, utility companies favor large centralized installations Setting aside the fact that distributed generation is an inherently more suitable application of the resource, solar energy requires about the same amount of land as coal when the entire fuel cycle is accounted, something that geographers recognized 30 years ago [62] Water is one of the common considerations in power plant siting, and has therefore long been of interest to geographers More recently, however, water has begun playing a different role The so-called water/energy nexus has become particularly important consideration in many decisions, especially in the arid areas of the world where the trade-off between the public need for water is bumping up against the public need for energy Many of the problems that have surfaced are geographical in nature, including ‘virtual’ transfers of embodied water, the influence of needs on Kolya Abramsky has edited a recent book on energy and society entitled Sparking a Worldwide Energy Revolution: Social Struggles in the Transition to a Post-Petrol World Oakland, CA: AR Press It, like others, are useful in firming up the relationships between energy and society, but they tend to underplay the role of geography.(defined here to include the lay of the land, geographical interactions and connection, and its scientific study) M.J Pasqualetti, M.A Brown / Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 the siting of fossil plants, the impact of dry-cooling techniques on the price of electricity, and the advantage of solar and wind where water is scarce [63–65] Social geography and policy perspectives to energy research Social geography and policy analysis offer an abundance of perspectives to energy research Over the past several decades, the concepts and frameworks of social geography and policy analysis have matured; at the same time, the energy problems demanding attention have evolved The following highlights of geographical perspectives to energy research illustrate the power of these two approaches applied both individually and in combination, exploiting the strengths of each Energy security The traditional conception of energy security addresses the relative availability and reliability of energy fuels and services; it therefore strongly reflects the variability of energy resource endowment, which is a traditional strength of geographic analysis Over the past decade, the notion of secure energy has broadened in scope, reflecting the complex system of factors that influence it A review of the academic literature reveals that energy security has been tied to four key dimensions: “availability” (reflecting physical access to energy resources); “affordability” (a function of income and energy prices); “efficiency” (a reflection of the energy wasted in providing energy services); and “sustainability” (referring to the impact of energy production and use on the environment) [66] Regions of the world are challenged by different aspects of the energy security dilemma While no countries are energy independent, Japan and many EU nations are facing the prospect of being entirely reliant on imported petroleum and natural gas in combination with energy prices that will challenge their economic competitiveness in world markets Other countries are challenged by air, land, and water pollution from energy production In recent years, Shanghai, Beijing, and other cities in China have experienced levels of air pollution caused by fossil fuel combustion that is shortening life expectancy and prompting the outmigration of many of the wealthiest and most mobile citizens Coal accounts for 70% of the energy consumption in China, on average, and more during its winter heating season Vehicle sales have seen double digit growth each year over the past decade, followed by significant increases in petroleum consumption While new ambient air quality standards were promulgated in 2012, they are significantly less demanding than in the U.S and most E.U nations The literature on energy security has focused on national conditions, but other scales of analysis have been highlighted by geographers, from the individual and social setting to the transnational and global scale The large scales have documented concerns about global energy resource sufficiency for a world population that could double over the next century, and implications of fossil fuel consumption for global climate change To tackle these global problems, Michael Bradshaw calls for a reconfiguration of the discipline of geography, “uniting development geographers, urban geographers, economic geographers, political geographers and cultural geographers to develop an agenda for studying the geographies of energy security, climate change and low carbon transition” [67] At a more micro scale, energy security is a highly contextdependent condition that is influenced by the social environment in which individuals are immersed Research has affirmed the importance of gender, education, and age in shaping perceptions 127 of security – socio-demographic characteristics that also have a strong impact on vulnerability [68,69] Females, individuals with higher levels of education, and liberals are more likely to engage in environmentally responsible behavior [70] With respect to gender, conservative white males in the U.S have a particularly strong propensity to endorse denialist views on climate change [71], and U.S men are more concerned about energy supply aspects of security and are less concerned about the environmental and climate consequences of energy use, relative to U.S women [72] These differences would appear to be correlated with the greater certainty among U.S women that human activities are causing global warming [73] Still, the impact of such socio-economic differences must be contextualized by other factors including public policies, which shape climate and security perceptions Level of development, reliance on oil and strong energy efficiency policies all affect the individual’s sense of energy security Clearly, climate and energy attitudes and policies are complicated by the fact that the impacts of energy security and of climate change are not universally shared The gender bias in the energypoverty nexus is well documented by the Asian Development Bank, the UN Development Program, and others [1] For example, in parts of Africa, Asia and South America where biomass is the dominant source of fuel, women often spend hours each day collecting wood, and then are exposed to carbon monoxide poisoning when they prepare meals for their family The greater vulnerability of developing nations to sea level rise and extreme climate events has been a theme of the climate adaptation literature, where geographer Tom Wilbanks of Oak Ridge National Laboratory, has been an international strategist, leading several key reports by the National Academies and Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) dealing with adaptation [74] Geographical tools Geographic information system (GIS) modeling, network analysis, spatial optimization and multi-regional input/output analysis are core specialties of geography Each has been used to address multiple energy problems such as optimizing the location of energy facilities, designing optimal gas pipeline networks, and estimating the impacts of energy investments on economic development, employment and environmental quality For example, Newell and Vos [75] and Horneret al [76] use GIS-science based approaches to improve the inventorying of carbon emissions and estimates of carbon footprints Southworth and Sonenberg [77] use network analysis to estimate the energy consumption and resulting greenhouse gas emissions associated with passenger and truck freight movements within the 100 largest U.S metropolitan areas Spatial regressions found that the largest energy-based carbon footprints were located in urban areas with lower population concentration, lower employment density, large truck share of vehicle miles traveled, higher metropolitan area wealth, and less-developed public transit systems While vehicle emissions have been analyzed in depth, the inclusion of freight transport introduced contentious issues about the “responsibility” of metropolitan areas for emissions from trucks passing through Reflecting such tensions, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) distinguishes between “territorial” versus “consumption” based GHG inventories Signatories to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change must provide territorial-based inventories on an annual basis These inventories must account for GHG emissions and removals that take place within the territory over which a country has jurisdiction In contrast, consumption-based inventories are allocate emissions to the consumers in each country They are trade-adjusted emissions that take into account the GHG 128 M.J Pasqualetti, M.A Brown / Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 instance, provides evidence that CO2 from energy consumption exhibits a peak and plateau form when applied to data for the U.S states However, the inflection points of the curve vary by location, suggesting that a location-specific analysis is needed When applied to urban areas in the U.S., Cox and Brown are not able to find support for an inverted U-shaped environmental Kuznets curve [84] This is consistent with the failure of others to detect an inverted relationship between income and pollution [85] It is still unclear if affluent societies are becoming too rich to care about pollution or if they will become too rich to accept further environmental degradation Further geographic research is needed on this important question 10 Spatial diffusion of energy innovations Fig The environmental Kuznets curve emissions associated with imports and exports, and they are typically derived by multi-regional input/output analysis [78] Conclusions based on these two alternative inventories can be quite distinct; for instance, some industrialized countries no longer have slowed their emissions over time when calculated on a consumption basis The environmental consequences of public policies such as public transit investments and renewable portfolio standards and subsidies are beginning to be revealed by the research of geographers and policy analysts [79,80] Indeed, geographers have contributed significantly to the assessment of the full spectrum of energy resources Because of the land intensity of bioenergy production, its competition with food production, the impact of monoculture energy crops on ecosystems, and the valuable role of forest carbon sequestration, bioenergy has been the focus of considerable geographical analysis Indeed, of the 24 articles in the special issue of the Annals of the Association of American Geographers had bioenergy as its principal subject [81] Clearly the tools of geographical analysis are well suited to addressing the challenges of energy and society Too rich to care or too rich to live with pollution? Simon Kuznets, 1971 Nobel Prize in Economics hypothesized that as a country develops, market forces drive a natural cycle of economic inequality, at first increasing inequality, and then decreasing it after a certain average income is attained This finding has been carried over to the environmental literature, where increasing incomes have been linked to an initial increase and then decline in pollution – the environmental Kuznets curve The critical question is if continued economic growth will bring ever greater harm to the earth’s environment, or if income and wealth will eventually be reinvested in the earth’s natural capital? The answer to this question is critical for the design of appropriate development strategies for developing countries For some indicators, economic growth brings an initial phase of deterioration followed by a subsequent phase of improvement This turning points is shown in Fig One global study of a range of local environmental pollutants (including urban air pollution and contamination in river basins) suggests that pollution worsens up to a per capita income of approximately $16,000 ($2010), which is portrayed as a “middle income” turning point [82] While countries tend to increasingly import pollution-intensive goods as they become more affluent, as is shown in “consumption-based” GHG inventories, this appears to be too small a trend to be the cause of Kuznets curve A number of studies have reviewed the environmental Kuznets curve as it applies to greenhouse gas emissions Aldy [83], for The dynamics of science and technology policies – operating individually or bundled together – have benefited from theories of technology adoption and innovation diffusion Since the classic work by Everett Rogers [86] on the diffusion of innovation, it is well documented that innovators (the first 2.5% of adopters) are not strongly influenced by the need for “imitation”, while subsequent adopters are motivated more by social norms and imitation, especially relying on “opinion leaders” who have successfully implemented the innovation Word-of-mouth is a particularly important source of information early in the diffusion process, with broader media gaining influence as the innovation process matures These influences were subsequently codified in the Bass model, using coefficients of imitation and innovation [87] Swedish Geographer Torsten Hagerstrand, followed by Ohio State geographer Larry Brown subsequently placed the concept of innovation diffusion into a spatial context, developing the time-geography dimension of social and economic diffusion theory [88,89] They highlighted the role played by the “friction of distance” on the process of “imitation” and “contagion,” and articulated the influence of market and infrastructure developments on adoption decisions Subsequent geographers have applied these theoretical underpinnings to the diffusion of energy innovations [90,91] The geography of policy diffusion has similarly evolved with an appreciation for the impact of geography on the adoption of state and local policy innovations [92] The design of energy information and marketing programs have often reflected concepts derived from the work of these geographers and social scientists, using nuanced dynamic approaches that reflect the maturity of the technology and the readiness of markets to adopt them The timing of R&D assistance and subsidies to consumers has received a great deal of attention in public policy debates It is often tied to theories of institutional finance and technology learning, drawing on concepts of the valley of death, corporate welfare, and the alternative outcome of stimulating vs crowding out private sector R&D 11 Technology learning It has long been known that the unit cost of a product generally declines as a function of increasing cumulative production, but the pace of decline depends on many variables The theory of technology learning was first reported by George Wright who found that the number of labor hours required to produce a single unit of airplane declined as the cumulative production of airplanes increased [93] Arrow subsequently related the learning experience to product manufacturing by introducing the concept of “learningby-doing” [94] Since then, the most common form of a learning curve has been a power function M.J Pasqualetti, M.A Brown / Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 129 12 Externalities, spillovers, leakages, and free riders Fig Cascading model of diffusion Source: Adapted from Herron and Williams [102] The learning rate is defined as the proportion of unit cost reduction each time the cumulative production or capacity doubles, based on the assumption of a power function relationship Since the late 1990s, learning curves have been used to forecast the performance of energy technologies On the energy supply technology side, scholars have studied the cost reduction potentials for both advanced fossil fuel technologies and low carbon technologies A study of the combined cycle gas turbine concluded that this high efficiency equipment has tapped out most of its cost decline potential [95] A study of carbon captures and storage technology concluded that the overall learning rate of this equipment is approximately equally divided between the learning-by-doing and learning by knowledge through R&D [96] Many studies have examined multiple energy supply technologies in a comparative fashion and report a wide range of learning rates [97] Even for the same technology, studies found that there is some level of uncertainties associated with the learning rate, the value of which varies by region and time period [21], by the technological state of subcomponents [22], and by techniques used to estimate the learning rate [98–100] As a tool for informing energy policy, learning curves have been applied to study the design of R&D programs and subsidies to stimulate the deployment of low-carbon technologies Studies have found that effective and efficient R&D support and financial subsidies would need to be designed in accordance with the state of the technology, which is to say that the level and length of any subsidy have to be calibrated according to the learning potential it demonstrates and its market penetration and maturity A study that looked at the optimal subsidization strategies for the spatial diffusion of three climate friendly technologies (solar photovoltaics, wind, and Li-ion batteries) suggested that subsidies are more effective when they are applied in a discontinuous fashion according to the development stage of particular technologies [101] Using solid oxide fuel cells (SOFCs) as an example, the willingness to pay a premium for energy innovations in sub-markets can be constructed (Fig 5) Based on regional climate differences and the “spark spread” between natural gas and electricity prices, regions can be ordered according to their likely market penetration at different SOFC price points These types of studies provide a strong basis for forecasting innovation diffusion trends [102] While a large number of energy supply technologies have been studied using the learning curve approach, little attention has been given to the diffusion of high-efficiency end-use energy technology Across the country and the globe, policy makers continuously debate the involvement of public entities in private affairs When should markets be regulated or incentivized? When is a particular bundle of goods and services best provided by government or a public-private partnership rather than the market alone? When should government agencies regulate or incentivize markets? Many believe that public intervention is justified only when markets are flawed [103] Following this prescription, the U.K developed a “Regulatory State Paradigm” where government provides a governing framework that tackles market flaws and moves economic activity in a defined general direction, but allows the market to select the specific means to reach the end [104] Market failures include externalities, spillovers, leakages, and free riders [105], all of which have spatial dimensions and so have been fertile topics for geographic inquiry For instance, local externalities include coal ash that is impounded in unlined, leaking landfills and methane leakages from pipelines with risks to surrounding communities Higher up the scale, air pollution from power plants impact down-wind communities, and greenhouse gas emissions have global consequences Typically these externalities are monetized and incorporated into cost-benefit analysis using the results of studies that measure human and ecological damage or estimates of benefits using willingness to pay approaches such as contingent valuation But as W Neil Adger notes, the further the impacts are from the types of goods and services traded in markets, the more difficult the assessment process, as when estimating the cost of species extinction or the loss of a visual amenity [106] The valuation of energy externalities can vary widely over space, as a result of population densities and ecological loading; it is therefore ripe for further geographical analysis Leakage from areas that have been regulated are illustrated by states participating in the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) in the Northeastern U.S., which have caps on their regional CO2 emissions from electricity generation In response to this regional initiative, adjacent states have increased their output to sell into the higher-priced RGGI electricity markets [107] Similarly, further south, a New Jersey based company, LS Power, has proposed building a 1200 MW coal plant in Early County, Georgia, to export electricity to Florida because the plant likely would not have been approved in either its home state or Florida By locating in Georgia, the new plant would not face as stringent environmental regulations, even though it would increase the amount of CO2 released by electricity generation in Georgia by 13 percent [108] Government and utility programs offering subsidies to promote energy-efficient products are particularly plagued by the problem of free riders, since consumers who would have purchased the product even in the absence of the subsidy will still receive it The existence of free riders reduces the estimation of energy savings that might otherwise be attributed to an energy efficiency policy or program, sometimes by as much as 50% [109,110] In a time of fiscal constraints on public spending, geographers and other social scientists skillset could be productively capitalized by helping to develop highly targeted and dynamic designs for financing policies and regulation 13 Pollution havens and the race to the bottom Given the mobility of industry and commerce, state and local governments often decline to adopt high environmental standards for fear that any environmental gains would be more than offset by the movement of capital to other areas with lower standards – that is, the “race to the bottom” Community officials typically want to 130 M.J Pasqualetti, M.A Brown / Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 lure industries to relocate or construct new facilities within their jurisdiction If each locality acts similarly, lower standards of environmental quality will proliferate, compared with the preferred higher standards from a binding mechanism that prevents the loss of industry or development [111] The “race to the bottom” assumes that states compete to be the least restrictive in order to attract business, and the revenue it brings [112] Policies that enforce stringent codes run the risk of encouraging economic activity to simply shift to locales and countries with less restrictive policies, which creates “pollution havens” [113] Such havens occur when local officials have been captured by regulatory interests, or may be unwilling to bring enforcement actions against their own local governments or companies The work of Jeff Osleeb on neighborhood air pollution in an environmental justice context is exemplary of the contribution of geographers to this strand of research [114] Taking this line of research one step further, geographers have linked local air toxic emissions to socio-spatial disparities in respiratory health [115] In recent years, a number of state governments have emerged as clean energy policy leaders in the U.S., suggesting that a “race to the top” may be emerging These leaders across the country are adopting policy instruments aimed at carbon mitigation and renewable energy deployment, such as renewable portfolio standards (RPS) The RPS obligates utilities to meet an increasing share of their power generation with renewable resources Using states as a laboratory of democracy, geographers and policy analysts are beginning to identify the preconditions for such leadership – an important topic for research worldwide [80] 14 Policy implementation at different geographic scales The scale of policy implementation can be just as important as the choice of policy instrument The division and authority for environmental protection and economic development between local, state, and national governments has historically lacked a cohesive rationale; as a result, the integration of policies across multiple scales of governance has had variable success The principle of “subsidiarity” has dominated U.S environmental policy, presupposing that whenever possible, problems should be addressed by local and state authorities This principle mirrors the federalist structure of the U.S Government In addition, it would appear to be applicable to many environmental problems, which tend to be local or regional in origin However, many environmental problems have broader geographic dimensions To introduce refinement to the simple subsidiarity principle, the “matching principle” suggests that the level of jurisdictional authority should align with the geographic scale of the environmental externality being addressed This principle would suggest that the geographic match for tackling climate change is international policy action, since a ton of CO2 has virtually the same effect on climate change if it is emitted in New York or New Delhi or Newfoundland Yet while the effects of climate change are certainly global, their underlying cause, at the smallest scale, is individual As a result, the “subsidiarity principle” and the “matching principle” both suffer from over-simplification The bottom line is that policy intervention at all levels must be better aligned with the goals of climate sustainability As the successor to the Kyoto Protocol is being debated, the issue of jurisdictional scale is profoundly important The dilemma is that each scale of action has unique benefits not generally available to the other Local action can provide opportunities for experimentation in designing policy Regulations designed by local agencies can improve both social welfare and administrative efficiency since they are typically tailored to local needs and preferences In their research interviews in Kansas, North Carolina, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, geographers Kates and Wilbanks found a widespread preference for state and local regulatory oversight rather than federal governance or international jurisdiction [116] People shared a belief that state and local regulators were more trustworthy, capable of understanding local problems and resources, and approachable Their findings highlight that bringing climate policy decisions closer to local citizens improves accountability and enhances participation regarding those decisions The argument is based in part on civil republicanism, or the idea that participation in local government is desirable for instilling civic virtue in American citizenry Decentralized decision-making allows for a closer fit between policies and preferences, giving individuals the option to sort themselves among jurisdictions based on which offers the most appealing mix of public goods and policies [117] On the other hand, national and global action ensures consistency, so that states and localities are not at an economic disadvantage by the lack of similar policies elsewhere They also benefit from economies of scale in technology delivery, data collection, R&D, etc., and can minimize transaction costs Standardization can engender a more efficient regulatory regime than a multiplicity of state and local standards, which tend to heighten barriers to interstate trade Uniformity helps provide manufactures and industry with consistent and predictable statutes For example, over time the U.S has moved from minimum energy performance standards at the state level to federal standards that provide greater uniformity and predictability The dominant technologies already benefit from mature and well understood regulatory systems; in contrast, innovations can be stalled by the lack of fully developed regulatory regimes including test procedures, codes and standards, and enforcement systems Smart grid technologies illustrates how the pace of diffusion can be slowed as a new generation of regulations over data security and privacy, renewable energy credits, and interconnection standards are developed [118] National and global action minimizes free riders, the race to the bottom, greenhouse gas emissions leakage, and spillover effects At the same time, it may constrain any race to the top Geographers have already contributed immensely to the debate over scales of energy policy intervention, but much more work is needed to better understand and calibrate their spatial consequences 15 Polycentrism as an approach to “Scale Up” climate policy The magnitude of the climate change challenge demands a scaling up of efforts to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions The existence of multiple governing authorities with overlapping jurisdictions offers the possibility of complementary back-up institutions (at higher and lower levels) that can help offset some of the imperfections of single levels of government This polycentrist approach offers the possibility of more substantial outcomes than either a highly centralized or fully decentralized governance system [119,120] The multiplicity of levels of governance allows the sustainable energy and climate change challenges to be tackled through changes at the energy system level, the firm level, and in the patterns of consumption and behavior that characterize social systems and individuals [104] Polycentric approaches to policy design appear to have many virtues Complementary back-up institutions (at higher and lower levels) can help offset some of the imperfections at any one level Polycentrism captures the “flexibility” benefits of local/state action as well as the “uniformity” and “equity” benefits associated with federal/global action It accepts that multiple jurisdictions with overlapping duties can offer citizens more choice in setting modes M.J Pasqualetti, M.A Brown / Energy Research & Social Science (2014) 122–133 of regulation Yet it still requires that local actors subscribe to a common set of goals and to broader enforcement, minimizing “transaction costs” and the “dilemmas of collective action.” When multiple actors at a variety of scales must compete in overlapping areas, they can often promote innovation as well as cooperation and citizen involvement On the other hand, polycentrism also faces several challenges It requires the coexistence of local, national, and international laws and programs, assessing similar topics Divergent rules and programs can lead to redundancy of regulation, inefficiency, and confusion as people try to figure out which laws apply to them It may take more time for issues to be resolved because disgruntled parties can always appeal to the other levels of government By creating overlapping jurisdiction, regulators and policymakers can blame deficiencies on other levels of government This can give them more ability to create smokescreens, to shirk their responsibilities, and to hope that disgruntled citizens will not discern the proper target for their ire Overall, polycentrism could create important roles for multiple scales of action and multiple stakeholders It would reduce the risk of creating an intellectual commons problem by empowering social, political, and intellectual leaders from a variety of places to contribute to clean and secure energy systems [66] Polycentric governance of the energy infrastructure ecosystem would appear to be particularly fruitful topic for future research As stated by Andreas Goldthau in another article in this inaugural issue, “energy infrastructure systems comprise multiple governing authorities and actors at differing scales Polycentrism therefore offers a promising lens to rethink the governance of energy infrastructure with a view to facilitating a low carbon future” [121] Spatial dimensions of policy analysis offer geographers a fulfilling subject for addressing the need to magnify the impact of policy initiatives on mitigating global climate change 16 Energy resource endowment and energy disparities The role of energy in international competitiveness has become a hot topic with the emergence of pronounced disparities in energy prices While oil is an internationally traded commodity with fairly uniform wholesale prices worldwide, natural gas and electricity prices are diverging Compared with the U.S., natural gas prices are three times higher in Europe and five times higher in Japan Electricity prices are twice as expensive in Europe and Japan as in the U.S These disparities are particularly important to energyintensive industries, where fuel supply and power generation can be 20–25% of total costs, as in the iron and steel, pulp and paper, chemicals, and oil refining industries As a result of these regional energy price disparities, IEA forecasts that the U.S will experience an increase in its share of global exports of energy-intensive goods, while the E.U and Japan will both see a strong decline in their export shares, a combined loss of about one-third of their current share [122] Energy poverty is also a looming issue [123,124] The number of people that are not connected to an electric grid and not have solar systems to generate electricity remains unacceptably high at 1.3 billion, around 20% of the world’s population Despite a wealth of resources, energy use per capita in Africa is less than one-third of the global average in 2035 In addition, almost half of the 1.3 billion people in the world without access to electricity and onequarter of the 2.6 billion people relying on the traditional use of biomass for cooking live in Africa How are we going to continue to provide the energy services of industrialized and newly emerging economies and pull more than a billion people out of poverty 131 without overheating the planet? These issues, among many others, are ripe topics for further geographic analysis 17 Conclusions As geographers continue to explore the challenges being created where energy and society meet, they will help uncover the path to greater clarity, fairness, and equilibrium We have, in the past few pages, outlined some of the contributions geographers have made so far to these topics The agenda for future research is large and important The concept of energy security as a place and context-specific goal plays into the strengths of geographic analysis With tools such as GIS-based modeling, network analysis, spatial optimization and multi-regional input/output analysis, geographers can apply their disciplinary strengths to explain spatial variations in energy security Energy affordability, consumption efficiency, environmental stewardship and issues of energy equity need to become more visible dimensions of the energy security concept, which has traditionally focused more narrowly on energy resource endowment and energy infrastructures This broader range of topics is well suited to geographical analysis Energy externalities, spillovers, leakages, and free riders are inherently geographic challenges intimately tied to energy production and use Their relationship to the creation of pollution havens and the race to the bottom reveals how society can suffer when these challenges are not effectively addressed Describing and explaining spatial variations in the link between affluence and pollution would also be a productive topic for future work, since sustainable development appears to depend upon the manifestation of the environmental Kuznets effect Facilitating the spatial diffusion of energy innovations and the process of technology learning are also key to solving energy/society problems It is well documented that new technologies will be needed to lower the carbon intensity and cost of energy systems Successful solutions will be ones that adapt easily into current socio-economic systems; geographers can assist in evaluating this type of technology readiness, and in developing geographic deployment strategies In this context, policy implementation at different geographic scales is a ripe subject for further analysis, and a focus on polycentrism as an approach to “scale up” climate policy would seem particularly prudent In the final analysis, there can be no consideration of energy and society without a full appreciation and consideration of geography Geography provides the tie that binds, places it in context, highlights scale, and identifies location in reference to all other factors of supply, demand, transportation, consumption, and impact The modern energy world is too complex, too interdependent, and too vulnerable for us to ignore how it all fits together As we have tried to make clear, geography and geographers have been playing an important part in this process, and they will contribute even more in the future References [1] Sovacool BK What are we doing here? 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