Mongolian rule in china local administration in the yuan dynasty

MONGOLIAN RULE IN CHINA Local Administration in the Yuan Dynast) ELIZABETH ENDICOTT- WEST T H E Y U A N D Y N A S T Y , - A.D Scale: 1:22.500,000 I Published by the COUNCIL ON EAST ASIAN STUDIES, HARVAi UNIVERSITY, and the HARVARDYENCHING INSTITUTE, and i tributed by the HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS, Cambridge (Ma I! chusetts) and London For Francis W Cleaves and E W Mote Copyright 1989 by The President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America The Harv.vd-Ycnching Institute, founded in 1928 and headquartered at H a n w d University, is A foundation dedicated to the advancement of higher education in the humanities and social sciences in East and Southeast Asia T h e Institute supports adv.inced rcscarch at Harvard by faculty members of certain Asian universities, and doctoral studies at Harvard and other universities by junior faculty of the same universities !t also supports East Asian studies at Harvard through contributions t o the Harvard-Yenching Library and publication of the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies and books on prc-modern East Asian history and literature Libr~tryof Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Endicott-West, Elizabeth Mongolian rule in China : local administration in the Yuan Dynasty / Elizabeth Endicott-West p crn - (Harvd-Yenching Institute monograph series ; 29) Bibliography: p Includes index ISBN 0-674-58525-9 : $23.00 Loc.~lgovernment-China-History China-History-Yuan dynasty, 1260-1368 China-Polities and government-1260-1368 I Title 11 Series JS7352 43E54 1988 352.051 -&l9 88-23553 CIP Preface From the mid-1970's when I first began to study the history of the Yuan Dynasty up to the present, the road has been long On the way, the two people to whom this volume is dedicated, Professor F W Mote of Princeton and Professor Francis W, Cleaves of Harvard, have consistently given me cheerful encouragement, thoughtful criticism, and good advice What more could a traveler on the horizonless steppe ask for? In the course of turning my doctoral dissertation into a publishable manuscript, I benefited from the suggestions of other scholars who were kind enough to read part o r all of the manuscript In particular, I should like to offer thanks to Professors Thomas Allsen, Ch'i-ch'ing Hsiao, Ruby Lam, and Denis Twitchett For any errors remaining in this work, I of course take sole responsiblity A National Endowment for the Humanities Fellowship for College Teachers in 1985-1986 enabled me to revise and expand the manuscript, and I remain grateful to the Endowment for its support Florence Trefethen, Executive Editor at the Council on East Asian Studies Publications, has been most helpful throughout the editing process To my husband, Jay, I again express gratitude for his insistence that the subject of the Mongols' impact on China could be discussed just as fruitfully on a walk into the hills as at one's desk His perspective as an historian of Russia contributed immeasurably to my own rethinking of several issues in Yuan history And now, in the words of the Naiman watchman Qori Subeti, "It is the time and the destiny of the Mongols." Goshen, Vermont August 1987 Contents PREFACE vii 1 INTRODUCTION THETA-LU-HUA-CH'IH-EARLY HISTORY AND OFFICIAL Durm 25 THETA-LU-HUA-CH'IH-APPOINTMENT TO OFFICE AND THE NATIONALITY QUESTION 65 THETA-LU-HUA-CH'IH OF THE APPANAGES 89 YUANLOCALGOVERNMENTAND SOCIETY 105 APPENDIX A: CHART OF YUAN LOCALGOVERNMENT 131 APPENDIX B: YUANDOCUMENTS 133 NOTES 137 BIBLIOGRAPHY 179 GLOSSARY 193 211 ONE Introduction The period of Mongolian rule in China, in its broadest sense 1206-1368, gives the historian an opportunity to examine the process by which two separate cultures and societies coexist, interact, and change one another Neither China nor Mongolia emerged from the Yuan Dynasty unchanged by their century-long interaction Chinese notions of rule and governance were greatly altered by over one hundred years of Mongolian overlordship Similarly, one hundred years of exposure to Chinese culture and immersion in the day-to-day tasks of governing a large sedentary empire could not but have altered Mongolian concepts of rulership The history and folklore interwoven in the later Mongolian chronicles note the importance assigned to the Yuan ~ e r i o din the Mongolian people's historical memory Compared to the Sung and Ming ~eriods,the Yuan period has suffered from historians' readiness to skip over the period entirely1 and from their tendency to ascribe the origins of the less appealing features of the late imperial Chinese socio-political landscape to a negative legacy bequeathed by the Mongolian emperors of China.2 This book does not intend to paint a rosy picture of China under Mongolian rule; but it is "revisionist" to the extent that it seeks to air certain of the musty stereotypes about the nature of the Yuan political system and to see whether they can stand the test of exposure to fresh lines of inquiry While recent monographs on Yuan history have concentrated on Introduction military institutions and legal codes, very little attention has been focused on civilian administration on the regional and local levels.' By examining the nitty-gritty, day-to-day workings of Yuan government, I believe that a more accurate assessment of some of the larger issues in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Chinese and Mongolian history will evolve And, by investigating the details of Yuan civilian bureaucracy in action, we may then seek to define the nature of Mongolian concepts of rule and how those concepts were reflected in the practical running of a large sedentary bureaucracy In fact, only by studying government at the local level can we with reasonable confidence tackle the difficult questions of centralization, systematization, and effective controlquestions historians of the Yuan have long been debating Because the input of both Mongolian and Chinese notions of rule detcrmined the exact form the civilian local administration would take, the topic of Yuan local administration straddles both Chinese and Mongolian history Mongolian practices of population management that were appropriate for the steppe obviously had to be compromised for governing the world's largest sedentary empire, China Yet, the Mongols tenaciously clung to certain of their pre-conquest notions and practices, thereby producing sources of bureaucratic inefficiency and corruption that were new even to the Chinese Thus, one must face the topic of civilian administration in Yuan China armed with a knowledge of both Chinese and Mongolian institutional practice In addition, the Turkic contribution of such Central Asian peoples as the QipZaq, Qangli, and Uiyur constitutes a third dimension.' The key institution in the Mongols' administration of China on the regional and local levels was the office of ta-Iu-hua-ch'ih,a Chinese transcription of the Mongolian word daruyazi This office was created by the Mongols with the express purpose of controlling conquered territories; yet, during the century and a half of Mongolian rule in China, the office evolved from a military-conquest institution into a civilian bureaucriitic institution The substance of this book is devoted to an investigation of the duties of this office, the way in which they were carried out, and the inciividu.il OLzr:~*~.z?i'ls interaction with local society The daruyati institution is t h e key to >i more exact understanding of the way in which Yuan government functioned, not only because it was a Mongolian insti- Introduction tution grafted onto a Chinese-style bureaucracy, but also because the office and its occupants were involved in virtually every aspect of civilian government It is difficult to find a set of Yuan documents on local government without mention of the daruyaft's involvement In fact, as I hope this book will show, the history of Yuan local government can be written mainly through the history of the office of d m y a f i LOCALGOVERNMENTS CHINA BEFORE THE YUAN - While those administrative institutions peculiar to the Yuan period alone will be the focus of later chapters, a chronological overview of the salient characteristics of pre-Yuan local governments in China will provide some sense of how the Yuan borrowed and diverged from earlier institutional practices As will be seen, the Yuan owed more to northern conquest dynasties and far less to indigenous Chinese dynasties Starting with the Han Dynasty (206 B.c.-A.D 220), we find a threelevel system of submetropolitan government: the chou, the chiin, and the hsien In addition, a territorial-administrative unit called a tao was created to encompass non-Chinese populations in border areas5 Under the Han,the central-government capital appointed only the principal official of each of the local government offices; the principal official selected his own subordinates.* The staff of the average chin has been estimated to have numbered many hundred officials.' Although there is little information on the terms of office of Han local officials, we know that there was no established system of tenure, but that long terms, some more than ten years, were the rule.8 Han local officials appointed by the capital were subject to a rule of avoidance whereby, for instance, inspectors (tz'u-shih)could not serve in their home chou, chin administrators (chfin-shou)could not serve in their home chin, and prefects and chiefs (ling, chang) as well as their subordinates, assistants (ch'eng) and commandants (we!), not only could not serve in their home hsien, but also not in the larger chCn of rig in.^ Outside the chou-chun-hsien structure of Han local government were the fiefs o r kingdoms (wang-kuo).After the uprising of the Seven Kingdoms in 154 B.c., the capital appointed all officials and personal staff of the kings, and strengthened fiscal control over the kings This tension Introduction Introduction between the regular bureaucracy directed by the capital and the personnel of fiefs, run by imperial relatives, is a recurrent theme in Chinese history In the Yuan, however, Mongolian notions of population and territorial control were to add a different twist, as Chapter 4's analysis of the appanages (tbn-hsia)will make clear During the period of disunion that followed the fall of the Han dynasty military and civil officials were often one and the same on the local level, and territorial jurisdictions were not clearly demarcated The systen1 of staffing local offices under the Northern Wei dynasty (386-534) merits particular description as a precursor of Yuan practices The Turkic Hsicn-pei rulers of the Northern Wei instituted a system of triple staffing of principal officials at each of the three levels of regionallocal g o ~ e r n m e n tEach ~ ~ chou had three inspectors (tz'u-shib)of the 6th rank; one of the three was a member of the Hsien-pei tribe Each chzin established three commandery administrators (thi-shou)of the 7th rank; and each hsien established three prefects (ling) of the 8th rank This system did not last long; a two-level system of chou and hsien was instituted, and triple staffing of principal offices was discontinued." As a predecessor of the method of dual staffing of principal local offices in the Yuan dynasty, the Northern Wei attempt at triple staffing represents an institutional practice peculiar to the administration of Chinese territory by steppe peoples Like the Northern Wei custom of reserving one of the three offices for a member of the ruling ethnic group, the Yuan government iittempted to reserve the office of dar~rfatifor Mongols; the exit-in 10 which Mongols actually filled the office of daruyafi is analyzed in Chapter Another institution favored by "northern" dynasties during the postHan period was the hsing-t'ai or regional administration.12 The term hsing-chi can be traced back to A.D 257 when, under the San-kuo Wei dynasty (220-26-+),it was used to refer to temporary branch administrations set up in local areas The hsing-t'ai in the third to seventh centuries had predominantly military functions, and, in the Northen Wei period, the term came to designate the senior official in a military regional administration The proclivity of "northern" dynasties towards dependence upon military arms of authority (with varying degrees of participation in civil administration) was shared by the Jurchen Chin dynasty (1126-1234) and the Mongolian Yuan dynasty, both of which attached the prefix hsing to temporarily established civil-military organs of administration In both the early Sui and early Tang periods of consolidation, regional presidential councils (hsing-thishang-shu-sheng)were created for a brief time but later abolished In the Tang, for instance, the hsing-chi represented military administrations that were abolished by the end of Kao-tsu's reign It is only fair to point out, however, that the governments-general (tu-tufi) were far more important in early T'ang history as military commands set up over the organs of civilian administration than were the bsing-thi The unifying Sui and Tang dynasties (581-617; 618-907) are usually credited by historians with initially concentrating unprecedented authority at the very top.13 O n e major advance towards control of the localities by the capital did indeed occur in Sui and Tang times: All appointed officials in civil offices were selected by the capital The earlier practice of principal local officials appointing their own subordinates was thus ended The Sui dynasty reduced local government to a two-level system of chou and hsien, abolishing the chin Local government regulations included a rule of avoidance, prohibiting local officials from serving in their places of origin Short terms of office were instituted to prevent too much official involvement with local interests: three or four years for principal local officials, and four years for subordinate officials Apointments to local office were made by the Board of Civil Office in the capital, and three times a year representatives of the chou attended assemblies in the capital at which local officials' performance in office was reviewed.14 Tang Tai-tsung followed the Sui dynasty precedent of simplifying the structure of local government by reducing the number of localgovernment units The local government as constituted under T'aitsung consisted of chou and hsien Circuits (tao) existed on paper, but had no administrative staff O n occasion, censors were delegated by the central government to carry out investigations within a particular circuit The leading officials of the chou and hsien, the inspectors (tz'u-shih) and prefects (hsien-ling),were appointed by the capital, specifically by Introduction the Board of Civil Office The chief local officials were not permitted to serve in their chon of origin, and were subject to transfer about once every three years.15 Under Tang Hsuan-tsung there were attempts to revitalize the systern of circuits by redividing and increasing their number from 10 to 15, but i t was n o t until after the An Lu-shan Rebellion of 755-763 that the circuit was recognized as a tier in government with its own staff.16 As is well known, in the wake of the An Lu-shan Rebellion the Tang Court remrted to the appointment of military governors (chieh-tu-shih),previously used only in frontier areas, in the interior In order to retain the loyalty of areas under nominal Court control after the Rebellion, serious comproinises were made by the Court: allowing the military governors long tenure in office, conferring legitimate office on usurpers, and asking local garrisons for their opinions concerning Court appointees to local posts.17 Among those subordinate officials appointed to the staffs of the late Tang military governors were the ya-ya and the tu-ya-ya, whose duties were primarily those of high-level military administrators with great discretionary power in the management of affairs The similarity in official nomenclature between the Tang ya-ya (the primary meaning of ya being to affix a seal) and the Yuan Dynasty daruyaci (one meaning of darnbeing to affix a seal) makes it tempting to see the late Tang office of yaya JS an institutional precedent, diffused westward into Inner Asia, for the Mongolian dartt-{a?;." Direct, connective evidence, however, is lacking Nonetheless, it is worth noting certain similarities: Both offices began as military, not civilian, offices, and both gradually usurped aspects of civilian governance, although the Yuan daruya?i took on far more substantial tasks than the Tang ya-ya in the realm of civilian government Also, it was quite common for the Tang ya-ya to 'hold another office concurrently, while, to my knowledge, it was unusual for the Yuan d.zrw/,zci to hold a concurrent post Sufi members serving the post-An Lu-shan Rebellion military governors often encroached upon the civilian realm of local government For instance, civil administration and civil legal cases often came under the jurisdiction of one such staff member, the tu-yu-hou, thus depriving Introduction I - his civilian government counterpart, the hsien-wei, of his duties and authority.19 The militarization of local governments in North China was a trend that continued from late Tang times through the Five Dynasties period to be weakened only by the Sung dynasty.20 In the Five Dynasties period, the staff members of former chieh-tu-shib who had successfully established their own kingdoms became members of a central government bureaucracy Thus the tn-ya-ya and ya-ya, for instance, took on central government civilian, military, and finance duties Under the various kingdoms, the central government organization was virtually identical to local government organization, the main difference being that a selfstyled emperor, as opposed to a chieh-rid-shih,reigned The new emperors put defense commanders (chen-chiang)in charge of the territories under their jurisdictions.21 A coterminous development beginning in mid-Tang times consisted of the growing power of large regional administrations imposed between the metropolitan and local levels of government Robert M Hartwell's research on demographic and administrative changes from midT'ang through early Ming times convincingly shows a trend (though by n o means a steady one) away from central government dominance of regional and local levels of government, and towards the growing influence of these intermediary administrations In Tang China of the post-An Lu-shan Rebellion period, the military governorships and various intendencies and commissionerships were, in Hartwell's opinion, precursors of the regional administrations (hsing-sheng) of the Chin and Yuan governments The Sung dynasty's centralizing tendencies, however, make the Sung an anomaly in this administrative evolution.22 After the period of disunion that followed the collapse of the Tang, the Sung dynasty established a three-tiered system of local administration: at the top, the route (In), which corresponded to the circuit (tao) of Tang times; then, the ~refecture(fu o r chou), inherited from Tang times and corresponding to the chfin of Han times; and the county (hsien), the lowest unit The total number of Southern Sung civil officials has been roughly estimated at 12,000, with 8,000 in capital offices, and 4,000 in local offices.23 Thus, under a dynasty known by historians Introduction Introduction for its "centralizing" tendencies, local officials were obviously thinly distributed Sung local government reflected the Court's concern about, and desire to avoid, the separatist rebellions and disorder that had plagued the late Tang and the period of the Five Dynasties-Ten Kingdoms (907960) Two institutions exemplify the Court's concern First, the office of gneral controller (t'ungp'an), which was established in the prefectures, represented the capital on the local level Although nominally second in command to a prefect, the general controller was in fact a capital official who had the authority to memorialize the Throne directly concerning local officials' actions, and without whose signature n o order of the prefect could be carried out Second, capital officials were often given temporary assignments as "administrators of the affairs of x prefecture" (chih fit shih); by this means the early Sung Court avoided the supposed dangers of appointing real prefects This institution of ad hoc commissions has led one historian to write that the Sung did not have a real local government, but only capital-commissioned, temporary overseers of local affairs." The Sung office of general controller was superficially similar to the office of ta-lu-ha-ch'ih in the Yuan, though the authority of the la-di-hua-ch'ih was far more extensive Along with the Northern Wei dynasty, two other non-Han dynasties of conquest, the Liao (907-1125) and the Chin (1126-1234), shared features of local government institutions similar to those of the Yuan The basis of Liao administption was the five-capital system, borrowed from the Po-hai kingdom.25 Each of the five capitals administered a circuit (tao) of the same name, and the circuits were divided into subprefectures (chou) and counties (hsien) What is of particular significance in the Liao administration is the lack of clear demarcation between civil and military functions in government offices Each of the five capitals was administered by two sets of offices, the civil and the military At the subprefectural level, subprefects were entrusted with both military and civil tasks.z6 Such overlapping of military and civil duties is typical in the governments of conquest dynasties, and the Yuan was n o exception Although the Yuan rulers, particularly Qubilai (the Emperor Shih-tsu, ruled 12601294), attempted to separate civil and military functions, the military and civilian bureaucracies were never completely disengaged, as various imperial decrees translated in Chapter make clear,27H F Schurmann's hypothesis that the political structure of the Yuan was based on "an essentially Mongol monarchy and military" and "essentially Chinese bureaucracy" needs to be refined.28 Evidence from the Liao, Chin, and Yuan Dynasties supports the notion that, in dynasties of conquest, the military tends to encroach upon the civilian sphere with no clear separation between the two It is precisely this lack of clear demarcation that is a distinguishing trait of the governments of conquest dynasties The Chapter description of the often military nature of the duties of the civilian bureaucracy's d a ~ o y a fattests i to the absence of a clear line separating the Mongolian military from the Yuan civilian administration In the early Chin period, as in the Liao, military and civil functions were merged at various levels of the administration The meng-an and mou-k'e, the designations for Jurchen military units of thousands and hundreds respectively and also the names of the heads of those units, acted as local officials in newly conquered territory in the early Chin At the same time, the chou and h i e n of the Liao dynasty were retained by the Chin, and were staffed by Khitan and Chinese officials under the close supervision of Jurchen meng-an and mou-kk personnel garrisoned ~~ the Chin ruler Hai-ling Wang (ruled 1149in the l ~ c a l i t i e s Under 1161), Chin territory was divided into 14 routes (h), each headed by : general aministrator (tsnng-kuan}, always a Jurchen, who controlled thi meng-an and mou-k'e.10 There is no doubt that the Jurchen rulers, liki their Khitan predecessors in North China, gave greater ~recedencet< military than to civilian business O n e institution the Chin borrowed from earlier northern dynastic was the regional presidential council (hsing-t'ai shangshu-sherag) As a n gional arm of the Presidential Council (Shang-shu-sheng) in the capita the regional presidential councils were created to manage both militar and civilian affairs, but gradually came under the aegis of military get erals, until they were abolished in 1150 The hsing-chi shang-shu-she7 were revived with the shorter appellation hsing-shat~g-shii-shengin tt late Chin, particularly after 1195, to exercise military and civilian autho ity in areas considered unstable The number of hsing-shang-shu-shengit creased as the war with the Mongols esca1ated.J' It is clear th 10 Introduction Introduction the Chin hg-shtzng-sbu-shengwas the model for the Yuan hsing-chungshu-sheng, or regional secretariats.-'2 Like its Chin predecessor, the Yuan regional secretariat held both military and civilian authority Since the Yuan regional privy councils (l~~ing-shu-mi-yuan) were established only for temporary purposes, the permanently established regional secretariats managed garrison troops on the provincial level.-" Even in such a brief overview of pre-Yuan local governments in China, the debt the Yuan owed to such non-Han dynasties of conquest as the Northern Wei, the Liao, and the Chin becomes obvious The Northern IVei triple staffing of top offices, the overlapping of the civilian and military spheres in Liao and Chin times, and the use of "temporary" branch administrations (bsing-t'at) in local areas, a practice dating from the third century, A.D and further developed by the Chin dynasty, all were reflected in Yuan bureaucratic structure and practice The following sections on the structure of Yuan local government and the position of the fa-lu-ha-ch'ih in that government will point to specific Yuan borrowings as well as to Mongolian organizational practices with no apparent precedents in Chinese history Any scholar familiar with imperial Chinese bureaucracy knows that the official nomenclature that inevitably carries over from one dynasty to the next Joes not necessarily reflect the continuation of the same functions and range of authority of each office Thus, the fact that the Mongols employed an official nomenclature derived in large part from previous dynasties' terminology does not tell us a great deal beyond the formal structure of government Each of the offices in the Yuan regionallocal hierarchy of offices from the regional secretariat (hsing-chung-shusheng) down to the circuit (tao), the route (h), the prefecture (fu), the subprefecture (chou), and the county (hsien) did indeed have its counterpart in earlier periods of Chinese history What is unusual about the Yuan is the sheer number of territorialadministrative units in regional-local government Whereas previous dynasties used a two- or three-level system of sub-metropolitan administration, the Yuan, at its most complex, employed an unprecedented sys- tem: in descending order, regional secretariats, circuits, routes, prefectures, subprefectures, and counties, o r in other words, tiers It should be pointed out that, while the routes (lu) always outranked the prefectures (/a), it is clear that the terms 114 andfi referred to virtually identical administrative units The lu, however, greatly outnumbered the fu.^ The complexity of the Yuan administrative hierarchy becomes obvious when one glances at the "Chart of Yuan Local Government" (Appendix A)." A might be linked directly to the regional secretariat with n o intermediary offices intervening, or a fu might be responsible to a lu which in turn would be responsible to a tao which in some cases might be administered by a so-called pacification office (hsttitn-/Â¥~vei-ssu) Why the Mongols felt it necessary to institute so many levels of administration is an important question The multiplicity of levels of government is only one aspect of a tendency towards duplication and redundancy of functions and responsibilities which Mongolian government exhibited in China Why the Mongols felt comfortable with such extraordinary arrangements is an issue to which we shall return For now, it is important to stress the unprecedented and complex nature of Yuan regional-local government The pacification office in the Yuan regional-local bureaucracy merits a brief discussion as an office with both military and civilian duties Located between the regional secretariats and local offices, the Yuan pacification offices administered a circuit (tao), although some tao were administered directly by regional secretariats In their admixture of civil and military functions, the pacification offices were similar to the Liao dynasty's use of dual civil and military offices and to the Chin dynasty's bsing-t'ai shang-shu-sheng The Yuan shih offers the following description of the pacification offices:36 fu È 11 The pacification offices (hswn-wei-ssu)manage military and civil affairs They are divided by the circuits (tao)J7through which they supervise the [subordi- nale] localities (chiin-hsien).[Whenever] a regional secretariat (hinphengPa handles an official order, then [the pacification office] proclaims it below; [whenever] the localities have a request, then [the pacification office] transmits it up to the regional secretariat (sheng)."l When in the frontier areas there are military affairs, then [the pacification office] concurrently holds the head [the concurrent military office of the military command (LU-yuan-slJu.si-fu); r I Bibliography 88 Bibliography Pciech, Luciano "Sang-ko, a Tibetan Statesman in Yuan China," Acta OriendLa Academic Scicntiarum Hungaricae 34:193-208 (1980) Pcierstm C A "Coun and Province in Mid- and Late Tang." In Denis Twitchctt, cd The Cambridge History of Chiru Vol Ill, Sui and Tang China, 589-906 Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1979 Poppc, Nicholas Gramrn.v of Written Mongolian Wiesbaden, O t t o Harrassowitz, 1974 - "Die Norninalstammbildungssuffixe im Mongolischen," Keleti S z e d e 20:89- 126 (1927) j ^p T h c R.ssu!id Hexaglot: A Yemeni Polyglot Dictionary" (Fourteenth-Century Gloss-irics i n Arabic Persian, Turkic, Mongolian, Greek and Armenian) Ed T Ha1x.i-kun, P B Golden, 1.Ligeti, and E Schutz Unpublished manuscript R-itchnevsky, Paul "2um Ausdruck 't'ouhsia' in der Mongolenzeit." In C o l l e c ~ Mongolica: Festschrift Professor Dr Rintc/~enzurn 60 Geburtstag Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz, 1966 - Un code des Yuan Volume I Paris, Librairie Ernest Leroux, 1937 - Un code des Yuan Volume 11 Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1972 - and Francoise Aubin Un code des Yuan Volume 111 Paris, Presses Universimires dc France, 1977 Riasanovsky, Valentin A F u n a h e n t a l Principles of Mongol Law Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1965 Originally published in Tientsin, 1937 Rossabi, Morris "The Muslims in the Early Yuan Dynasty." In John D Langlois, Jr., ed., Chim under Mongol Rule Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1981 2% & fe flk ~ - "Ô> $ -$ - & &# & & + @&A fts fe *? $& ^ - "\10r.~oliaz Tributary Practices of the Thirteenth Century," HarvardJ0um.d 19:334-389 (1956) - "Problems of Political Organization During the Yuan Dynasty." fS & 5 fS^ &&^ @ $ , Taipn, Kuo-li ku-kung po-wu-yuan, 1976, reprint of the Yuan ed Tanaka Kenji S , jt- $$ @ Gentenshs hih lit, i m c w [ m k u J L ~#'J f9lfU& Kyoto, Kyoto University Press, 1964 Tao, Jing-shen "The Influence of Jurchen Rule on Chinese Political Institutions," Jogrnal of ~ s i a nStudies 30.1:121-130 (November 1970) The lurehen in Twelfth-Century China: A Study of Sinicization Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1976 Ti0 T ~ n g - i Nan-ts'un rho-tCTgl:( Peking, Chunghua shu-chu, 1959 T'o-t'o ( T o ~ K ~et) al Chin Aih ij8 Peking Chung-hua shu-chii, 1975 - Liao shihftk & Peking, Chung-hua shu-chii, 1974 - Sung shih &, Peking, C h u n g h u a shu-chu, 1977 Tsi! Mci-piao et al Chmg-km t h & i b VOI VII Peking, Jen-min ch'u- an she, 1983 - a n - t ~ pi i - h ~~ K à ˆ à ˆ ~ + $ Language Schools) & Mi-li-chi (son of I-ssu-mai-li) g%!& mien-p'i (niyurj (face) [Ô& (civilian and artisans) lu-shih-sin(districts under direct mm c/iarzs Li-pu (Board of Personnel) $_@ Li-pu (Board of Rites) jurisdiction of routes and prefectures) o] 1; (statutes) li-ihih (clerks' affairs) li-shu (clerks) "Lun Chi-nan Lu so-hsia ta-luhua-ch'ih h o ch'ien-chum shih- ruin-hii (civil household) ^, f> min-kuan (civil officials) {^/ rnhsiing (civil lawsuits) &% ming (given name[s]) -& Mifig-u'eichiang-chain (Luminous Li-li-pu (Joint Board of Personnel and Rites) -@ 5$$ &% 54 2$ $ È Li T a n (a rebel) Li Ting-chih, General "Kuo-yu chieh" (A chapter in the Chin sh:h that explains the Jurchen language) fj^ @-@ K'uo-tuan (KOdOn) g li-jen kou-tang (to be appointed to Vx;;g-t':cr (public lands) @ f> fan-i (men and things gone I& $162 Liao (people) Liao-wang (Prince of ~iao)&Z lien-fanc-fen-ssu(surveillance branch bureau) Jk 3$51 lien-fang-ssu(surveillance bureau[s]) j& a s] ling (Han dynasty prefect; directive) /Â¥ -7 /& f rf chuang" ("a discussion of the ks and Augusl General) 6flk&$ circumstances of ta-lu-hua-ch'ih under the jurisdiction of Chir,linpen (document of instrucnan route for w h o m it is tion) B@ appropriate t o be transferred rnou-k'2(Jurchen military unit of in office," by Wang Yun) hundreds) < ^ Ma-wu (Ma'u) (grandson of Chan&a& mu-kuan (secretarial official) ch'e Pa-tu-erh) $$7L I-? Mai-chu (a Tangut ~ a n i ~ i t f t ) a @ Â¥SqifeSfi-ffffSfl^-tr^S#$~K mu-chih-ming(tomb inscription) Glossary 206 Shih-mo Shan-te-na (brother of Shih-mo ~ e h - h s i e n ) & j ~ @ & Shi 11-mo Yeh-hsien ,Z &Jib-.% Shih Tien-iso shih-tsii (clan[s] and tribe[s])k3% ~3 Shih-tsu, Emperor (Qubilai) &;?B ~h~ii-chting (to keep [in one's office]) $L$ shou-kum (to keep and p a r d ) &f shou-ling-kuan (document-router) M E -5 Tai-tsung, Emperor (Og6dei),^.^ tan (volume measure) ,& Ta ch'eng-hsiang Chung-wu Kung