INRODUCTION
Rationale
The addressing system is a fascinating linguistic phenomenon that plays a crucial role in conveying attitudes, ideas, and power dynamics in communication Various languages and cultures exhibit different addressing systems, with the Vietnamese system being notably more intricate and nuanced than that of American English This complexity often leads to confusion for both foreigners and Vietnamese speakers during interactions The Vietnamese addressing system reflects cultural values rooted in family and community traditions Similar to American English, it categorizes addressing forms into three main types, including personal pronouns However, the usage of personal pronouns differs significantly between the two languages due to their distinct cultural backgrounds For instance, the American English first-person pronoun "I" corresponds to numerous forms in Vietnamese, creating challenges for speakers of both languages To assist Vietnamese learners of English and facilitate smoother communication with English-speaking foreigners, this study explores the cultural implications of using the first personal pronoun in both Vietnamese and American English.
Aims and Significance of the study
The aims of the study are:
- To present basic characteristics of the Vietnamese and American English addressing system
- To concentrate on how the Vietnamese and American address as well as factors affecting on their choice of using addressing terms
This article explores the cultural differences between Vietnam and America regarding the use of the first-person pronoun "I" in professional settings Understanding these distinctions is crucial for Vietnamese learners of English and beneficial for foreigners seeking insight into Vietnamese culture.
- To find out similarities and differences in the use of the first personal pronoun “I” of the Vietnamese and American
This study's findings aim to enhance translation strategies and contribute to future research, ultimately assisting Vietnamese learners of English in minimizing miscommunication and misunderstandings in their interactions with Americans.
So, the study is aimed to solve these two research questions:
1 What are similarities and differences in the use of addressing terms in general and the first personal pronoun “I” in particular of the Vietnamese and American?
2 What are cultural features lying in the use of first personal pronoun “I” to address?
Methods of the study
The study examines the intricate relationship between culture and language, asserting that they are inseparable It highlights the significance of speech acts, particularly illocutionary acts, in understanding addressing terms Additionally, the research emphasizes the crucial role of politeness as a communication strategy, particularly in the context of addressing terms Furthermore, factors such as age, gender, and occupational status of interlocutors significantly influence the usage of these terms.
The researcher utilized data from American and Vietnamese informants to gain insights into the use of addressing terms and personal pronouns By employing analytical and statistical methods, the researcher examined the collected data, leading to conclusions about the similarities and differences in the usage of these linguistic elements between Vietnamese and American contexts through a synthesizing approach.
Scope of the study
Numerous studies have examined the characteristics of Vietnamese addressing forms in comparison to other cultures; however, the exploration of the first personal pronoun "I" in Vietnamese and American English remains a relatively unexplored topic in Vietnam This study aims to investigate the influence of socio-cultural factors on addressing practices in both languages, focusing specifically on the use of the first personal pronoun "I" and its combinations with other addressing terms Additionally, it will analyze trends in the usage of "I" in workplace settings, providing valuable insights for Vietnamese learners of English who encounter challenges with addressing forms, particularly when interacting with Americans.
Addressing is a fascinating aspect of cross-cultural communication, particularly in the workplace This article examines the similarities and differences in the use of the first-person pronoun "I" between Vietnamese and American cultures, highlighting the cultural perspectives that influence these variations.
Design of the sudy
The study is structured into three key sections: Introduction, Development, and Conclusion The Introduction encompasses the rationale behind the research, its aims and significance, the methods employed, the scope of the study, and its design.
Part 2: Development concludes two chapters Chapter 1 presents Theoretical background which will provide Culture and Languages, Speech acts, Linguistic politeness and Overview of the Vietnamese and American English addressing system that lay the foundations for the next chapter In chapter 2, the findings of the study will be presented and discussed
Part 3: Conclusion presents similarities and differences in using addressing forms in general and the first personal pronoun in particular as well as implications for English language teaching and translation strategies.
Theoretical Background
Culture and language
Culture encompasses various meanings across different disciplines and contexts According to Nguyen Van Do (2004), it is defined as a system of values and standards that shape how individuals in a society interact with nature, their social environment, and themselves Similarly, Larry A Samovar (2007) references Triandis, who describes culture as a collection of human-made elements—both objective and subjective—that enhance survival and fulfill the needs of societal participants who share a common language and coexist in the same time and place Consequently, language, religion, values, traditions, and customs are fundamental components of culture.
Language is an integral component of culture, essential for its preservation and development It enables individuals within a society to communicate ideas, share information, and express feelings, serving as a vital tool for cultural transmission.
The relation between culture and language preciously described and presented through the following model:
Speech acts
Speech acts are essential components of communication, encompassing various functions such as apologies, greetings, requests, complaints, invitations, compliments, and refusals Essentially, a speech act is an utterance that conveys a specific attitude, with its success hinging on the audience's ability to recognize the speaker's intended meaning For example, at a birthday party, remarks like “You have a wonderful smile” or “I really like your skirt” are perceived as compliments However, in a contrasting context, such as a funeral, these same utterances may be interpreted ironically Thus, the interpretation of speech acts can vary significantly depending on the context or situation in which they are expressed.
A speech act can range from a single word, like "Sorry!" for an apology, to more elaborate expressions such as "I’m sorry I forgot your birthday; it just slipped my mind." From the social-interactionist perspective, a speech act is a linguistic phenomenon that occurs when a speaker communicates something to a hearer within a specific context and time, as noted by Austin.
(1962), speech acts are grouped into three ways:
A locutionary act refers to the process of creating an utterance by adhering to grammatical rules and vocalizing the sentence For instance, when someone states, “You can’t do that,” the locutionary act involves formulating a sentence that conveys the literal meaning of the inability to perform the action, achieved through appropriate vocal sounds.
+ Illocutionary act: The act that actually performs an act in uttering the sentence In the same example, the illocutionary act is to prohibit you from doing that
+ Perlocutionary act: The act that tries to accomplish by uttering it That is, by saying the sentence, he stopped you from doing that
Austin (1962) emphasizes the significance of illocutionary acts while distinguishing them from perlocutionary acts, noting that illocutionary acts are conventional, whereas perlocutionary acts are not To execute an illocutionary act, a speaker must adhere to socially accepted conventions, which are essential for imparting social force to their utterances In contrast, perlocutionary acts arise as effects of illocutionary acts This distinction is illustrated by the difference between performing an act "in" saying versus "by" saying; for example, stating "I would shoot him" serves as a threat (an illocutionary act), while the same statement may cause alarm (a perlocutionary act).
Following Austin's speech acts theory, Yule, G (1997) identifies five categories of speech acts based on the functions assigned to them: representatives, directives, expressives, commissives and declaratives
Representatives: speech acts that state what the speaker believes the case or not
Representatives consist of assertions, claims or reports, etc For example, “It is cold today” or
“No one makes a better cake than me''
Directives: speech acts that make the addressee perform an action The different kinds are: suggestions, asking, ordering, requesting, inviting, advising, begging, etc For example:
“Could you close the window?''
Expressives: speech acts that express how the speaker feels about the situation The different kinds are: thanking, apologizing, welcoming, deploring, etc For example: “I am sorry that I lied to you''
Commissives: speech acts that speakers use to commit themselves to some future action The different kinds are: promising, planning, vowing, betting, opposing, etc For example: “I'm going to Paris tomorrow''
Declaratives are speech acts that instantly alter the state of the world, requiring speakers to hold a specific institutional role within a defined context to execute them correctly Examples of declaratives include phrases like “You are fired” or “I now declare you husband and wife,” which illustrate the immediate impact of such statements.
Effective communication hinges on the hearer's ability to recognize the speaker's expressed attitudes, such as belief in statements or desire in requests However, an utterance can still succeed even if the speaker lacks the attitude they are conveying This complexity makes performing speech acts challenging for second language learners, who may struggle with idiomatic expressions and cultural norms or inadvertently apply rules from their first language, mistakenly believing these conventions are universal.
In short, speech acts have great affects on all kinds of communication, among of which is addressing.
Linguistic politeness
Politeness is not an innate trait but a learned behavior developed through socialization It is a socio-cultural and historical construct rather than a natural phenomenon As a result, many linguists have focused on defining the concept of "politeness" in recent decades.
Politeness, as defined by Green (1989:145), encompasses the various methods used to show respect for the feelings or "face" of the person being addressed, irrespective of the social distance that may exist between the speaker and the listener.
Politeness is ultimately determined by the hearer, who plays a crucial role in interpreting the speaker's utterances When defining "politeness," it is essential to consider both the speaker and the hearer, as highlighted by Grundy (1995:139).
Politeness is the term we use to describe the relationship between how something is said and the addressee’s judgment as to how it should be said
Brown and Levinson (1987) argue that politeness is a linguistic universal, evident in both spoken and written communication They categorize politeness into two types: "negative politeness," which focuses on the addressee's desire to avoid imposition and is marked by self-effacement and formality—such as addressing a colleague as "I-first name"—and "positive politeness," which fosters solidarity and is characterized by expressing approval and appreciation of the addressee's personality, often seen in informal language and slang.
Politeness in social interactions is fundamentally a collective construct, as individual actions are shaped by societal norms For an act to be deemed "polite," it must adhere to standards recognized by both the speaker and the listener, or any other participant involved in the interaction.
Overview of the Vietnamese and American English addressing system
1.4.1 Overview of the Vietnamese addressing system
The Vietnamese system of address is complex and varied, with ongoing debates regarding its full scope (Hồ Thị Lân, 1990) Generally, it is accepted that this system includes four main categories: personal pronouns, kinship terms, status terms, and personal names These elements can be used interchangeably to refer to the speaker, the listener, and third parties during social interactions (Lương Huy Vũ, 1990: 4).
The Vietnamese personal pronouns are also referred to as “real personal pronouns” These personal pronouns can be summarized as in Table 1 below, which is modified from Diệp Quang Ban (2003)
Number P1 (addressor) P2 (addressee) P3 (third person referent)
Chúng (bọn, hôi) tao Chúng (bọn, hôi) mày, bay, chúng bay ta/ chúng (bọn, hôi) ta chúng (bọn, hôi) tớ / mình, chúng (bọn, hôi) mình /
Adapted from Diệp Quang Ban (2003: 112)
The 1 st person personal pronouns, ta, mình, Người and chúng ta, were not originally included in his original table, although they are covered in his discussion
The 1 st person singular personal pronoun tao (I) and its reciprocals mày and mi (you) in the 2 nd person (tao and mày are the only Vietnamese personal pronouns that can be used reciprocally) are used mainly among intimates, close friends of the same age to express intimacy Otherwise, they also imply strong disrespect and arrogance The plural form of tao is chúng tao, while its reciprocals can be chúng mày, bay, or chúng bay
In modern Vietnamese society, the first-person personal pronouns "tôi" (I) and "chúng tôi" (we) are neutral terms commonly used in formal situations or among people with distant relationships They are infrequently employed in informal contexts or among close friends and family Unlike second-person pronouns, these terms are often paired with kinship terms, reflecting their neutral expressiveness As a result, "tôi" and "chúng tôi" are increasingly prevalent across various social communication contexts.
The pronoun "ta" can refer to both "I" in singular form and "we" in plural form, functioning similarly to the inclusive plural "chúng ta," which means "I/we including you" in English Both usages are typically reserved for formal contexts However, when "ta" is used as a singular pronoun, it carries an arrogant connotation, suggesting the speaker's superiority over the listener, making it inappropriate for everyday conversations.
In literature, particularly poetry, the term "mình" is often employed to convey intimacy, while the first-person singular pronoun "ta" and its plural forms are exemplified in various contexts.
+ ta singular (arrogant) Đi ra đi, cho ta còn làm việc
Go out go, for I work
“Get off, so that I can concentrate on my work”
Ta đi chứ, các cậu?
We go?, [plural marker] uncle?
In Vietnamese, the first-person singular pronoun "tớ" is commonly used among schoolmates to convey a sense of intimacy Its reciprocal second-person terms include the kinship term "cậu," which means "maternal younger brother" or "uncle," and "đằng ấy," meaning "over there." The exclusive plural form of "tớ" is "chúng tớ."
The pronoun "mình" (I) can represent different persons and numbers, as noted by Diệp Quang Ban (2003) It is used in the first person singular by females when speaking to close intimate equals of any gender, and it can also serve as a second person singular term for spouses or close friends of the opposite sex (Cooke, Joseph, 1968) The identity of "mình" is context-dependent rather than inherent to the pronoun itself (Diệp Quang Ban, 2003) Examples illustrating these various uses are provided by Diệp Quang Ban, along with English translations by the researcher.
- mình as 1 st person singular
Hãy tin mình, mình không bao giờ để Sự phải khổ đâu
Believe self (I), self (I) never leave Su must miserable
“Believe me, Su, I‟ll never give you a hard time”
- mình as 2 nd person singular
Mình xem bức tranh này có đẹp không?
Self (you) look picture this yes beautiful no?
“Do you think this picture is beautiful?”
- mình as 1 st person inclusive plural
Nước mình như vậy, suốt đời không được mó đến khẩu súng
Country self (we) as such, throughout life no touch gun
„This is the way our country is, we never have a chance to possess guns”
Tôi tự động viên mình như thế
The third person singular personal pronouns, hắn („he/she‟), y („he‟), and nó
The pronouns "he," "she," and "it" can refer to individuals, with their use among peers indicating closeness and familiarity However, using these pronouns in other contexts may come across as disrespectful or derogatory Additionally, "it" is applicable when referring to objects, animals, and inanimate things.
In the 3 rd person reference range there is also another pronoun which is greatly different from all the others in socio-cultural meaning and pragmatic implication This is
Người that is used exclusively to express a very high degree of respect That is probably the reason why it is written with an upper case first letter
The 3 rd person plural họ („they‟) is a neutral term used of a group of adults It is more respectful than chúng and chúng nó (also meaning „they‟ in English) which are used when speaking of children or to imply gross addressee inferiority
Trần Ngọc Sanh (2003) highlights the use of personal pronouns like "chàng" and "nàng" as third-person references in Vietnamese While these pronouns are infrequently used in contemporary language, they often appear in literary contexts, where they convey a sense of intimacy and familiarity.
In Vietnamese, there are five common personal pronouns for the first-person singular, with corresponding plural forms typically created by adding "chúng" to the singular, except for "mình" and "ta," which can also denote plural "Mình" serves multiple roles, including as a second-person singular pronoun and a reflexive for all persons Notably, not all first-person pronouns have direct counterparts in the second-person system; for instance, "tao" can reciprocally pair with "mày" or "mi," while others are often combined with kinship or status terms The third-person reference includes four singular and three plural pronouns, with the usage of personal pronouns reflecting intimacy or a lack of deference, particularly among close friends of the same age According to Luong Huy Vũ, using these pronouns among family members suggests a breakdown in formality and solidarity The third-person pronoun "Người" is distinct, reserved for individuals of high rank or deities, indicating a level of respect not afforded to other pronouns.
In Vietnamese, kinship terms play a more significant role in addressing and referencing individuals than pronouns do Cooke (1968) notes that these terms, primarily denoting blood relations, are nouns that are both numerous and varied Their complexity can pose challenges not only for foreign learners of Vietnamese but also for native speakers in using them correctly Luong Huy Vũ (1990) highlights that these kinship terms are commonly used not just for referring to others but also in addressing and self-referencing, underscoring their pervasive presence in the language.
According to Nguyen Quang (2002:159), there are 34 kinship terms in the Northern dialect of Viet Nam like cố-chít, mẹ-con, anh-em, etc
Apart from personal pronouns and kinship terms, Vietnamese also makes use of status terms According to Cooke (1968), status terms comprise occupational titles such as bác sĩ
In Vietnamese, status terms such as "doctor," "teacher" (male), and "lawyer" are primarily used in the second person These terms often function as nouns of reference, highlighting the importance of social roles in communication.
In Vietnamese culture, personal names play a significant role in the system of address and reference Individuals typically address each other using the given names, which are the last part of their full names, either on their own or paired with kinship or status terms Using a personal name without any additional terms suggests familiarity and intimacy but may come across as disrespectful This form of address is generally reserved for peers or by superiors when speaking to inferiors Conversely, when inferiors address superiors, they usually include a kinship or status term to convey the appropriate level of respect.
In summary, the Vietnamese addressing system is complex and can confuse foreign speakers due to its reliance on various factors such as age, gender, social status, occupation, and the context of interaction These elements significantly influence the choice of addressing terms in social communication.
1.4.2 Overview of the American English addressing system
The study
The survey questionnaire
The study utilized questionnaires in both Vietnamese and English, featuring five questions that explore the cultural factors influencing how individuals address one another and the use of the first-person pronoun "I" in professional settings within two communities.
The survey questionnaire is specifically crafted to address the research questions outlined in the introduction Its primary aim is to explore the similarities and differences in the use of the first-person pronoun "I" in the workplace, as well as the significant influence of various socio-cultural factors on communication styles in Vietnam and America.
Respondents are instructed to select their preferred options, and at the conclusion of the fourth and sixth questions, a blank space is provided for them to express their personal opinions.
Also, the researcher designs the survey questionnaire with some clear tables and ready parameters for the informants to tick the answer easily.
The informants
The study involved forty Vietnamese informants, equally divided between 20 females and 20 males, aged between 20 and 55 They primarily work as university officials, doctors, businessmen, and mathematicians, all based in the city Notably, all informants were born and raised in Vietnam, minimizing the influence of other cultures and ensuring the reliability of the research findings derived from their responses.
The study surveyed American informants, primarily scientists, officers, and teachers, from the University of Minnesota, aged between 25 and 60 The demographic breakdown revealed that 40% of the informants were female, while 60% were male Despite the multicultural nature of the United States, all participants were Native American citizens, similar to the Vietnamese informants, which indicates minimal influence from other cultural perspectives Consequently, the data gathered from these American informants is deemed highly reliable.
Data collection
The data was collected and analyzed from a cultural perspective To gather information from Americans, the researcher emailed a survey questionnaire in English to a Vietnamese friend who has been living and working in America for eight years This friend kindly distributed the questionnaire to his American acquaintances.
For Vietnamese informants, data collection is facilitated by face-to-face interviews, allowing researchers to ask open-ended questions and clarify any ambiguities in the survey questionnaire.
Data analysis: Findings and Discussion
The research data is systematically organized into tables and charts for analysis The researcher examines the questionnaire responses question by question to gain a comprehensive understanding of personal pronoun usage and factors influencing workplace address This analysis reveals the similarities and differences in addressing terms and personal pronouns between Vietnamese and American professionals Ultimately, the study's findings provide valuable implications for English language teaching and translation strategies.
This section presents a detailed analysis of the questionnaire, focusing on the responses gathered from informants in both Vietnam and America The analysis is conducted meticulously, ensuring the reliability of the survey results obtained by the researcher.
2.2.1 Consideration of selecting addressing terms
Consideration of selecting addressing terms age 70% gender 15% context of interaction 10% occupational status 5% attitude of addressee 0% age gender context of interaction occupational status attitude of addressee
A recent study aimed to identify the key factors influencing how individuals address their colleagues The findings revealed that a significant 70% of Vietnamese respondents prioritize age as the most important factor, while 20% consider gender Only 10% focus on the context of interaction, and none of the participants selected occupational status or the addressee's attitude as influential factors.
Vietnamese culture is rooted in agricultural civilization, particularly wet rice cultivation, which fosters a community-oriented society where members support one another This society functions like an extended family, characterized by a hierarchical structure that places a high value on respect for elders Additionally, age plays a significant role in interpersonal communication, influencing how individuals address one another Consequently, many Vietnamese individuals emphasize the importance of these cultural factors in their social interactions.
In addressing colleagues, age is deemed the most significant factor by some, while American informants prioritize the context of interaction, with 80% highlighting its importance in selecting appropriate address terms for effective communication Additionally, 15% of informants consider occupation status, and only 5% take relationship into account Notably, none of the informants focus on age, gender, or the attitude of address, as depicted in the accompanying chart.
Vietnamese and American cultures exhibit both similarities and differences in their approaches to addressing others, largely influenced by cultural perspectives Vietnamese individuals prioritize "age" in their forms of address to avoid offending and to maintain the addressee's "face." In contrast, Americans tend to overlook the age factor, as their culture emphasizes individualism and equal power dynamics in communication, allowing for clearer expression of personal characteristics Despite these differences, both groups share a commonality in that neither prioritizes the attitudes of interlocutors when determining forms of address, indicating that feelings play a minimal role in this aspect of communication.
2.2.2 Frequencies of using addressing terms
There are differences in frequencies of using addressing terms to call colleagues at various ranges of age and working position
“How often do you use these addressing terms when communicating to colleagues?”
Table 3: Frequencies of using addressing terms when communicating to colleagues in
Consideration of selecting addressing terms
15% 5% 0% context of interaction occupational status relationship age,gender,attitude of addressee
FA N FN LN FuN TLN T “I” KT
In Vietnamese workplace communication, kinship terms are frequently used by 97% of informants to address colleagues, while 100% report never using last names, full names, or titles combined with last names Additionally, 80% of respondents indicate that first names are rarely used, and a significant number prefer to use the first personal pronoun.
“I” as never to be used at work, accounting for 85% There is a few informants choose seldom using first name (15%), kinship term (3%) and the first personal pronoun “I”(17%)
Table 4: Frequencies of using addressing terms when communicating to colleagues in
FA N FN LN FuN TLN T “I” KT
American informants exhibit different preferences in addressing colleagues compared to their Vietnamese counterparts Among 40 American participants, approximately 95% occasionally use first names for higher-ranking colleagues, while the personal pronoun "I" is used at work by 90% of respondents In contrast, Vietnamese informants favor kinship terms, which are largely avoided by Americans Notably, 100% of American informants report never using last names, full names, titles, or combinations of these with kinship terms.
In Vietnam, kinship plays a crucial role in society, resulting in a complex hierarchy of relationships that is reflected in the Vietnamese language's extensive use of honorific pronouns These pronouns signify the speaker's status and promote positive politeness in communication Consequently, there are significant differences in how individuals address colleagues In contrast, Americans value privacy and prefer personal space during conversations In American families, it is common for children to use the simple dyad "I-you" when speaking to their parents, highlighting the American emphasis on privacy, independence, and individualism.
2.2.3 Frequencies of combining the first personal pronoun “I” with other addressing terms
Com bination betw een personal pronoun "I" w ith other addressing term s
A study revealed that 85% of Vietnamese and 78% of American participants prefer the "I-title" dyad in workplace interactions when the speaker is older but holds a lower status than the listener This approach allows the speaker to convey respect and politeness For example, a fifty-year-old man addressing a much younger manager might use the dyad "tôi - Hiệu trưởng" to maintain a respectful tone.
- Xin Hiệu trưởng cho tôi nghỉ phép 2 ngày
Beg Rector for me rest 2 days
“ Can I have 2 days off, Rector?”
In Vietnamese culture, as relationships develop over time, the terms of address may shift to "tôi-cô/chú-em," reflecting humility and closeness while acknowledging the other person's superior status For instance, an employee might initially address their boss in a formal manner before transitioning to a more familiar and respectful form of communication.
- Xin Trưởng phòng cho tôi biết một vài thông tin về kế hoạch tuyến sinh năm nay?
Beg head for I know one few information about project enrollment this year?
“ Can you give me some information of enrollment schedule this year?”
However, after amount of time knowing each other, the same request can be presented as follows:
- Chú có thể cho tôi biết một vài thông tin về kế hoạch tuyển sinh năm nay được không?
Uncle can for I know one few information about project enrollment this year
“ Can you give me some information of enrollment schedule this year?”
In Vietnamese culture, 45% of informants utilize kinship terms when a director or manager communicates with an older officer, demonstrating respect and politeness The choice of terms such as “anh/chị,” “cô/chú,” “bác,” “ông/bà,” and “cụ” is influenced by the age difference between the speaker and the listener For instance, a young director may respectfully ask a 40-year-old officer to complete a task by using appropriate kinship language, which reflects the importance of hierarchy and respect in their interactions.
Tôi muốn chú phải hoàn thành dự án này vào cuối tháng
I want uncle must complete project this in end month
“ I really want you to finish this project by the end of this month”
Only 2% of American informants report using both "I" and kinship terms in conversation, indicating a general reluctance to incorporate kinship language Those who do use this combination typically refer to colleagues who are also relatives, but this usage is infrequent and often supplanted by the more common "I - You" dyad.
The dyad "I - first name" is a popular form of address in the workplace, accounting for 32% of interactions, particularly among Vietnamese individuals aged 20 to 30 This addressing style is predominantly used when the speakers are of different genders, with the speaker typically being older than the listener It serves to bridge the gap between interlocutors and foster a friendly communication atmosphere For instance, a 30-year-old man new to his workplace may use the dyad "I - first name" when requesting documents from a female colleague, demonstrating an effort to create a more approachable and congenial interaction.
Phương ơi, cho tôi mượn tài liệu liên quan đến hợp tác với Mỹ
Phuong, give I borrow some documents relate to cooperation with the USA
“Can I borrow some documents relating to American cooperation, Phuong?”
In American workplaces, the use of "I" followed by a first name is a widely accepted form of address, with 78% of respondents favoring this approach This method fosters a sense of solidarity, friendliness, and intimacy, particularly at the start of conversations.
Limitations of the study
1 MAIN SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES IN USING ADDRESSING TERMS AND THE FIRST PERSONAL PRONOUNS OF THE VIETNAMESE AND AMERICAN AT WORK
Vietnam's rich cultural heritage is deeply intertwined with its historical development, emphasizing respect for elders and family values, particularly evident in the language used for addressing others In contrast, American culture prioritizes individualism and independence, often favoring neutral forms of address like "I - You." Despite these differences, both cultures exhibit similarities in their addressing conventions, reflecting their unique social dynamics.
Both American and Vietnamese informants believe that the "attitude of the addressee" is not a significant factor when choosing how to address someone They assert that the hearer's mood, whether positive or negative, does not influence their choice of addressing terms Additionally, while gender and occupational status are considered, they are not the primary factors in selecting appropriate terms for addressing colleagues.
In workplace communication, both Vietnamese and American cultures share a common practice of avoiding the use of full names or titles with last names when addressing colleagues Instead, when interacting with younger colleagues or those of the same age, both cultures prefer using first names This approach fosters a sense of solidarity, intimacy, and friendliness between the speaker and the listener.
CONCLUSION
Main similarities and differences in using addressing terms and personal pronouns of
Vietnam's rich cultural heritage, deeply rooted in its history and wet rice agriculture, emphasizes respect for elders and family values, influencing various aspects of daily life, including forms of address In contrast, American culture prioritizes individualism and independence, favoring a more neutral approach to communication, such as the use of "I - You." Despite these differences, both cultures share some similarities in their addressing conventions, reflecting a blend of respect and familiarity in interpersonal interactions.
Both American and Vietnamese informants believe that the "attitude of the addressee" is not a significant factor in their choice of addressing terms They assert that the mood of the listener, whether good or bad, does not influence how they address someone Additionally, while gender and occupational status may have some impact, they are not the primary considerations when selecting appropriate terms for addressing colleagues.
In workplace communication, both Vietnamese and American cultures share a common practice of avoiding the use of full names or titles without last names when addressing colleagues Instead, when interacting with younger colleagues or peers, both cultures prefer the use of first names This choice fosters a sense of solidarity, intimacy, and friendliness between the individuals involved, strengthening their interpersonal relationships.
By contrast, they never use last name, full name, title and last name to address the younger or at the same age colleague
A notable similarity between the two nations is the practice of using the personal pronoun "I" alongside a title in workplace communication, particularly when the speaker holds a lower status but is older than the listener.
Culture plays a crucial role in how individuals address one another, with both Vietnamese and Americans emphasizing its significance In the U.S., it is common for people to address their President by first name, such as Obama or Clinton, while in Vietnam, this form of address is seen as disrespectful; instead, they use formal titles like “Thủ tướng Nguyễn Tấn Dũng” to convey respect Additionally, both cultures prioritize occupational status and the context of communication as key factors influencing address forms in professional settings Conversely, geographical location is not regarded as a significant factor in determining how people choose their addressing terms.
Understanding the similarities in addressing terms, especially the use of the first-person pronoun "I," between Vietnamese and American cultures is crucial for Vietnamese learners of English and those interacting with Americans By recognizing these commonalities, individuals can mitigate culture shock and enhance their communication skills in English-speaking environments, ultimately improving their study and work experiences.
The addressing systems of both nations share similarities, comprising four primary subclasses: personal pronouns, kinship terms, status terms, and proper names However, significant challenges arise in the use of addressing terms, particularly personal pronouns, highlighting the differences between the two cultures.
A significant cultural difference between Vietnam and the United States lies in the importance placed on age when choosing forms of address In Vietnam, age is a crucial factor in determining how individuals address one another, reflecting respect and social hierarchy Conversely, Americans tend to prioritize a more casual and flexible approach, often addressing colleagues without regard to their age This reflects a more egalitarian attitude in American culture, where the "I-you" dynamic allows for easier communication regardless of age differences.
In Vietnamese culture, knowing the age of a conversation partner is crucial for selecting appropriate addressing terms, as it reflects respect and helps maintain the addressee's face Unlike in American culture, where asking about age is often considered impolite, Vietnamese speakers prioritize age in their interactions Initially, interlocutors may not know each other's ages, but they quickly learn this information to use suitable terms of address throughout the conversation This emphasis on age highlights its significance in effective communication within Vietnamese social norms.
While the Vietnamese pay the most attention to the factor “age”, the American consider the context of interaction the most In different context, they will use different addressing form
The use of addressing terms among colleagues varies significantly between Vietnamese and American cultures Vietnamese individuals often prefer kinship terms and mixed personal pronouns when communicating, while Americans typically opt for first names and the personal pronoun "I." This difference highlights the distinct approaches to interpersonal communication in the workplace between the two cultures.
In Vietnamese culture, it is common for individuals to use the combination of the first-person pronoun "I" with kinship terms to convey politeness, particularly in professional settings when addressing someone older However, this practice is generally viewed as inappropriate in American workplaces, where directness and equality in communication are often prioritized.
In American workplaces, the use of the dyad "I-title + last name" is common at the start of conversations, as it is perceived as a sign of respect However, in Vietnamese culture, this formality is often viewed as unnecessary and insignificant in communication, as it creates an unexpected distance between speakers.
The use of the dyad "I - You" varies significantly between Vietnamese and American cultures Vietnamese individuals prefer to use kinship terms in professional settings, as these terms foster intimacy, politeness, and friendliness in communication This practice reflects the diverse and flexible nature of Vietnamese addressing terms, which are commonly used not only within families but also in social and workplace environments, highlighting a unique cultural aspect of Vietnam In contrast, Americans tend to favor the dyad "I - You" in the workplace, as they generally overlook factors such as age, occupational status, or the attitude of the person being addressed.
Implications for English language teaching and translation strategies
In today's globalized world, proficiency in English is crucial for success, making the study of the language essential for enhancing economic, educational, and cultural exchanges among nations This underscores the importance of research into the relationship between languages and cultures, which can significantly improve foreign language teaching and translation efforts Culture plays a vital role in second language acquisition, highlighting the need to explore addressing terms in both Vietnamese and American English from a cultural perspective While there are similarities and differences in these addressing terms, many English learners struggle with communication and translation, often due to the influence of their mother tongue, leading to confusion when translating between Vietnamese and English.
Vietnamese individuals place great importance on the age of the person they are addressing, while Americans focus more on the context of the interaction This difference can make it challenging for Vietnamese learners of English to grasp communicative situations, ultimately affecting their ability to choose the appropriate terms of address.
The addressing terms in Vietnamese and American English do not have complete equivalence, as the American system is significantly simpler This simplicity arises from the presence of a neutral dyad, "I - You," which is commonly used in communication.
The Vietnamese addressing system lacks a direct equivalent to the English dyad "I - You" due to various socio-cultural factors influencing its structure While "I" and "You" can be translated into Vietnamese personal pronouns, such as "tao-may" or "to-ban," the context significantly alters their meaning According to Nguyen Quang, there are 14 dyads in Horizontal Relationship Type I within Vietnamese addressing forms that do not have English counterparts, highlighting the absence of true equivalence between the two languages English pronouns are neutral and devoid of socio-cultural implications, whereas Vietnamese pronouns often convey intimacy, familiarity, or disrespect based on context The pronoun "tôi" is the only neutral term, yet its use can imply disrespect in hierarchical family situations or distance in close relationships Therefore, when translating "I - You," it is essential to utilize the diverse range of Vietnamese personal pronouns to ensure the translation aligns with local contexts.
In American communication, the use of first names is common, regardless of the addressee's age, occupation, or gender, exemplified by how even President Obama is referred to simply as "Obama." In contrast, Vietnamese culture reserves first names for addressing those younger or of the same age and different gender, leading to potential culture shock for Vietnamese learners of English or those interacting with Americans This cultural difference highlights the importance of being mindful of first-name usage in translation and interpretation, particularly in meetings, to ensure respectful and appropriate communication.
Vietnamese culture places a strong emphasis on kinship terms in both family and social interactions, making their usage much more complex than in American English These terms convey not only blood relationships but also a wide array of meanings when used among non-relatives, reflecting various degrees of intimacy, respect, affection, or even sarcasm In contrast, English kinship terms primarily serve a denotative purpose, lacking the nuanced emotional expressions found in Vietnamese This cultural difference sometimes influences how Vietnamese individuals address Americans and translate these terms into English, highlighting the intricacies of kinship language in Vietnamese society.
Ông liệu tống cổ thằng ấy ra khỏi nhà này không tôi giết nó (“Không Có Vua”, p 51)
Grandfather consider kick neck guy that out house no servant kill him
“ You better throw that guy out of the house before I kill him” (“Without a King”, p.37)
Con xin lỗi bố (“Không Có Vua”, p.54)
It is remarkable that Vietnamese kinship terms are translated into the dyad “I – You” in almost situations at work place, in society conversation or even in family
Many Vietnamese English learners study in environments where American English is not the primary language, limiting their chances to interact with native speakers This lack of exposure can lead to misunderstandings during face-to-face conversations To enhance their conversational skills, it is essential for learners to practice in diverse contexts that introduce various addressing terms.
To help learners avoid mistakes with addressing forms and personal pronouns, it is essential to conduct a contrastive comparison between Vietnamese and American English By exploring the similarities and differences in usage, we can minimize unexpected errors Additionally, integrating the study of English with an understanding of the cultural contexts, customs, and habits of both Vietnam and America is crucial for accurate language use This approach aims to enhance the teaching and learning experience, ultimately contributing to a better understanding of personal pronouns in both languages and alleviating challenges faced by Vietnamese learners of English.
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This questionnaire is intended solely for research purposes, focusing on the usage of personal pronouns in Vietnamese and English within the workplace Your participation and insights are greatly valued and appreciated.
1 Which factor you pay attention the most when address your colleagues? Please choose one answer only
Occupational status Attitude of addressee
2 How often do you use these terms of addressing while communicating to colleagues?
Terms of addressing Frequencies of addressing
3 Which of these addressing terms do you combine with personal pronoun “I” at work ? (You can choose more than one answer) a Title b Kinship term c First name d Last name Please satisfy your answer by explain in which cases these combinations are used
4 In your opinion, which factor (or factors) thereinafter has great impacts on the way people address? (You can choose more than once answer) a Context of interaction b Culture c Occupational status d Dwelling area
4 Do you agree that we should you personal pronouns often at work? a Agree Because:
I do not have to take their age, occupational status, attitude, etc into consideration
I want there still has the distance between our relationships
It cannot show my attitude to the addressee
There are many other terms of addressing making our relationship closer
Thank you for your co-operation!
Chúng tôi thực hiện khảo sát này để nghiên cứu cách sử dụng đại từ nhân xưng trong môi trường làm việc của người Việt Nam trong các tình huống cụ thể Tất cả thông tin thu thập sẽ được sử dụng cho phân tích trong bài luận văn và không phục vụ cho bất kỳ mục đích nào khác Mong các bạn hỗ trợ bằng cách trả lời các câu hỏi trong phiếu điều tra.
1 Khi bạn xưng hô với đồng nghiệp, yếu tố nào sau đây bạn quan tâm nhất?
Giới tính Bối cảnh giao tiếp
Vị trí công tác Thái độ đối tác
2 Bạn thường dùng các từ xưng hô nào sau đây khi giao tiếp với đồng nghiệp?
Hiếm khi Không bao giờ
Chức danh và tên họ
Chức danh Đại từ nhân xưng (tôi, tao, tớ )
Từ thân tộc (anh, chị, cô, chú, )