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Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za Commissioned by the Nelson Mandela Foundation and compiled by the Democracy and Governance Research Programme of the Human Sciences Research Council. Published by HSRC Press Private Bag X9182, Cape Town, 8000, South Africa www.hsrcpress.ac.za © 2005 Human Sciences Research Council First published 2005 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. ISBN 0-7969-2090-7 Cover by FUEL Design Production by comPress Distributed in Africa by Blue Weaver Marketing and Distribution PO Box 30370, Tokai, Cape Town, 7966, South Africa Tel: +27 +21 701-4477 Fax: +27 +21 701-7302 email: orders@blueweaver.co.za Distributed worldwide, except Africa, by Independent Publishers Group 814 North Franklin Street, Chicago, IL 60610, USA www.ipgbook.com To order, call toll-free: 1-800-888-4741 All other enquiries, Tel: +1 +312-337-0747 Fax: +1 +312-337-5985 email: Frontdesk@ipgbook.com Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za Contents Foreword by Nelson Mandela ix Preface xi Acknowledgements xv About the authors xvii List of abbreviations xviii 1 South Africa’s role in the Burundi peace process: why does it matter? 1 2 International intervention in Burundi: background considerations 5 The legal basis for international interventions in conflict-torn countries 6 The United Nations in Burundi: the limits to action 8 The regional context of South African involvement in Burundi 12 3 War and the decline of human security in Burundi 21 Geographic and economic fundamentals 21 The socio-economic impact of war 22 Violations of human rights 24 The international response 28 4 The roots of the crisis 31 From ethnicity to race? 32 The Hutu revolution in Rwanda 40 Counter-revolution in Burundi: political struggles after independence 41 The general election of 1993 45 5 Democracy aborted: from coup to civil war 49 The ‘creeping coup’ of 1993–94 49 6 Arusha I: background to the Arusha Peace Accord 55 Early summits: Mwanza and Arusha I, April–July 1996 57 The road to Arusha II, August 1996–June 1998 59 Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za 7 The Arusha II negotiations: from Nyerere to Mandela 63 Who should be allowed to talk? The issue of inclusion 63 Talking through committees 65 8 Madiba magic? Nelson Mandela’s role as mediator 71 Weaving the magic: Mandela’s approach to the negotiations 73 The signing of the Arusha Agreement 77 The signing of a ceasefire 79 The Donors’ Conference of December 2000 81 Towards the transition 82 9 South Africa’s continuing role 85 ‘Our boys in Burundi’ 85 From protection to peacekeeping 88 Building on Madiba: South Africa’s continuing diplomacy 89 10 Burundi’s fragile transition: from Buyoya to Ndayizeye 91 Regional attempts to stabilise the transition 92 Ceasefire agreements between the government and three rebel groups 93 The (limited) deployment of the African Union Peacekeeping Force 94 The Presidential transition from Buyoya to Ndayizeye 95 11 Burundi’s transition under Ndayizeye: from impasse to a fragile deal 101 Regional differences in the lead up to the September 2003 Summit 102 Consultative talks at Sun City, 21–24 August 2003 107 The Regional Summit of 15–16 September: the end of the road for Arusha? 108 Sunshine after the rain? The making of a deal 112 Faltering forward steps: the FNL talks to Ndayizeye 116 The regional imbroglio: one step forward, two steps back? 120 12 The contradictory dynamics of democratisation and demilitarisation 129 Cantonments and reform of the army 131 Refugees, resettlement and the challenge of domestic order 133 Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za The conduct of prospective elections 136 Political competition and electoral dynamics 140 The prospects for peace 143 Can Burundi’s elites make a pact for peace? 144 Towards a ‘generosity moment’? 146 Towards reconciliation? 147 13 Burundian civil society and South African linkages 149 Civil society in Burundi 150 The exclusion of civil society from the peace process 152 ACCORD’S engagement in Burundi 154 The involvement of the Action Support Centre in Burundi 158 Knocking on the door: calls from civil society for inclusion in the peace process 159 14 Sustaining the peace: lessons from South Africa? 163 Overcoming race and ethnicity as tools of division 164 A reconciliation with history 169 Amnesty and justice: will a Truth Commission work for Burundi? 171 Military dominance, minority rule and human rights 176 Material inequality and the need for redress 179 Achieving civic responsibility 182 15 Concluding observations: Mandela, South Africa and Burundi 191 Mandela’s contribution 191 South Africa’s involvement in Burundi 194 Working for peace: the responsibility of Burundians 195 Postscript: ‘We cannot accept to die like hens’ – Tutsi fears and regional peace 199 ‘The last steps are the hardest’: Tutsi parties baulk at election 200 Crisis in the Great Lakes 203 Bibliography and other sources 209 Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za Foreword by Nelson Mandela Africa has for too long been mired in wars which have brought untold misery to her peoples and stunted her development prospects. However, in recent years there have been enormously encouraging signs that Africa is putting her house in order. There are hopeful indications that peace and civil order are being brought to countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia, whilst major constructive initiatives, such as the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development, point to the determination of the continent’s peoples to forge a better and brighter future. Burundi is one of those countries which has suffered greatly from political turbulence and civil war. From independence in 1962 it faced enormous developmental challenges which were to be greatly exacerbated by divisions between the Tutsi ruling minority and the Hutu majority. These tensions were to eventuate in a civil war in 1993 which, fueled by conflicts in neighbouring states (Rwanda, DRC and Uganda), dragged on interminably at immense human cost. When, in late 1999, I was invited to serve as mediator of peace negotiations which had been set in motion by the Organisation of African Unity and regional presidents, like other South Africans, I knew very little about Burundi. I had to learn fast! Fortunately, I was able to build upon the impressive foundations for the peace process which had been laid by the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, whose untimely death had led to my being invited to take his place. Without his hard work, I doubt that we would have been able to make the progress we did. This was to culminate in the signing of the Arusha Accord by the Tutsi-dominated government and Hutu-dominated parties on 28 August 2000. The Arusha Accord provided for a process of transition in which power would be shared between Tutsis and Hutus in a lead up to democratic elections. It ix Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za was undoubtedly an imperfect agreement, and has been roundly criticised by some observers for failing to secure the adherence of important Hutu rebel movements which continued to wage war against the government. Nonetheless, for good or ill, it was to provide a broad framework for continuing efforts to end the war. Although always extremely complicated and perpetually subject to delays, these appear, at long last, in 2004, to be bearing fruit in terms of securing the agreement of outstanding rebels to join their fellow countrymen in constructing peace through a shared political process. I am immensely proud that, after I withdrew from active involvement in the peace process, following the signing of the Arusha Accord, South Africa has continued to play a major role in bringing this outcome about. Much praise is due to the indefatigable efforts of Deputy President Jacob Zuma who, with the full backing of President Mbeki and regional partner states, has engaged in exhausting rounds of shuttle diplomacy between the different parties. Equally, too, I am full of admiration for the crucial role which has been played by contingents of the South African National Defence Force, who are continuing to play an important role in safeguarding the transition process. South African civil society, too, has played its own vital part. This is something for all South Africans to be proud of. We must be cautious, of course, that we don’t assume too much. The peace process remains fragile, and it could yet unravel. South Africa must work closely with its regional partners and the international community to ensure that it doesn’t. At the end of the day, only Burundians themselves can forge the peace that their country so badly needs, and deserves. We must all continue to give them our support. The research presented by Kristina Bentley and Roger Southall of the Human Sciences Research Council attempts to understand the complex causes of the civil conflict in Burundi, to outline the dynamics of the negotiations process, and to assess the longer-term prospects for peace. However, their particular focus is to explain to ordinary South Africans why South Africa has become so intimately involved in Burundi, and why peace in that small, far away country, actually matters for our own prospects for development. This is an important task, and I would like to warmly commend this study to the South African public. AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS x Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za [...]... was Professor of Political Studies at Rhodes University from 1990 to 2001, and prior to that, taught and undertook research at universities in Uganda, Lesotho, Canada and the UK He is General Editor of the Journal of Contemporary African Studies and has published widely on African and South African politics xvii AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS Free download from www.hsrcpress.ac.za List of abbreviations Burundi... Network IRIN-Central and Eastern Africa New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development Non-Governmental Organisation National Party Organisation of African Unity Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania Rassemblement Congolaise pour la Démocratie Movement for National Resistance (Mozambique) Rwandan Patriotic Front Southern African Development Community South African Defence Force South African National Defence... supported by the Rwandan army, which culminated in the fall of Kisangani, Mbuyi and Lubumbashi in March and April 1997 With the Zairean army totally unable to put up any effective resistance, the South African government, backed by the US, agreed to mediate, and President Mandela held talks with Mobutu and Kabila on board a South African vessel just outside Zairean territorial waters, and later on a ship... responsibility as the emerging regional power (or hegemon) in Eastern and Southern Africa 11 AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS The regional context of South African involvement in Burundi It must be constantly recalled that the South African government sees the bringing of peace and democracy to Burundi as just one piece, albeit an extremely important one, of a far larger jigsaw it is trying to construct throughout... Banyamulenge) The Western powers, which dominated the Security Council, although deeply concerned by a power vacuum at the heart of the continent, remained deeply reluctant after the Somalian and Rwandan debacles to engage themselves in the crisis They therefore avoided any serious responsibility by calling for an African solution’ to an African problem’, and referred the matter to regional organisations... possible, and to present as balanced a view as they can if they are not to add fuel to fire further conflict.2 That challenge is an even greater one to would-be peacemakers, and whether or not it has been met by South Africa constitutes an important factor in the drive for peace, and hence an important theme of this study Following a discussion of why it is important for South Africans to consider their country’s... whilst Zambia, Tanzania and Ethiopia supported the AFDL more discreetly They had joined for security, geopolitical and economic interests, which remained largely the same in 1998 Hence it was very much a continental alliance that collapsed when Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi turned against Kabila, for by now Angola and Zimbabwe had extensive vested interests in the DRC As indeed did Uganda and Rwanda, but they... the Zairean army capitulated and the AFDL forces took Kinshasha Mobutu, dying of cancer, went into exile and Kabila took power, 13 AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS renaming the country the DRC However, rather than establishing a broadbased regime, Kabila alienated many forces which had previously been opposed to Mobutu, and his AFDL regime rapidly became viewed as Tutsi oppressors, even though Kabila and most... the legitimacy of the DRC government and called for a ceasefire pending political dialogue • DRC, Angolan, Namibian and Zimbabwean troops defeated rebels in Kinshasa, but the rebels progressively took charge of territory equivalent to 15 AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS • • • 16 one-third of the country To limit division within the SADC, Mandela declared that the SADC had unanimously supported the military intervention... Central African region Second, this international hesitancy is underwritten by quiet recognition in the West that France regards Francophone Africa, and Rwanda and Burundi in particular, as part of its unofficial sphere of influence, and that Anglophone interference is regarded jealously This reinforces US reluctance to become deeply involved, whilst strengthening the position of the European Union . (Mozambique) RPF Rwandan Patriotic Front SADC Southern African Development Community SADF South African Defence Force SANDF South African National Defence. is General Editor of the Journal of Contemporary African Studies and has published widely on African and South African politics. xvii Free download from www.hsrc p ress.ac.za

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