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Commissioned by the Nelson Mandela Foundation and
compiled by the Democracy and Governance Research Programme
of the Human Sciences Research Council.
Published by HSRC Press
Private Bag X9182, Cape Town, 8000, South Africa
www.hsrcpress.ac.za
© 2005 Human Sciences Research Council
First published 2005
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in
any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, including photocopying
and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission
in writing from the publishers.
ISBN 0-7969-2090-7
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Contents
Foreword by Nelson Mandela ix
Preface xi
Acknowledgements xv
About the authors xvii
List of abbreviations xviii
1 South Africa’s role in the Burundi peace process: why does it matter? 1
2 International intervention in Burundi: background considerations 5
The legal basis for international interventions in
conflict-torn countries 6
The United Nations in Burundi: the limits to action 8
The regional context of South African involvement in Burundi 12
3 War and the decline of human security in Burundi 21
Geographic and economic fundamentals 21
The socio-economic impact of war 22
Violations of human rights 24
The international response 28
4 The roots of the crisis 31
From ethnicity to race? 32
The Hutu revolution in Rwanda 40
Counter-revolution in Burundi: political struggles
after independence 41
The general election of 1993 45
5 Democracy aborted: from coup to civil war 49
The ‘creeping coup’ of 1993–94 49
6 Arusha I: background to the Arusha Peace Accord 55
Early summits: Mwanza and Arusha I, April–July 1996 57
The road to Arusha II, August 1996–June 1998 59
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7 The Arusha II negotiations: from Nyerere to Mandela 63
Who should be allowed to talk? The issue of inclusion 63
Talking through committees 65
8 Madiba magic? Nelson Mandela’s role as mediator 71
Weaving the magic: Mandela’s approach to the negotiations 73
The signing of the Arusha Agreement 77
The signing of a ceasefire 79
The Donors’ Conference of December 2000 81
Towards the transition 82
9 South Africa’s continuing role 85
‘Our boys in Burundi’ 85
From protection to peacekeeping 88
Building on Madiba: South Africa’s continuing diplomacy 89
10 Burundi’s fragile transition: from Buyoya to Ndayizeye 91
Regional attempts to stabilise the transition 92
Ceasefire agreements between the government and three
rebel groups 93
The (limited) deployment of the African Union Peacekeeping Force 94
The Presidential transition from Buyoya to Ndayizeye 95
11 Burundi’s transition under Ndayizeye: from impasse to a
fragile deal 101
Regional differences in the lead up to the September 2003 Summit 102
Consultative talks at Sun City, 21–24 August 2003 107
The Regional Summit of 15–16 September: the end of the road
for Arusha? 108
Sunshine after the rain? The making of a deal 112
Faltering forward steps: the FNL talks to Ndayizeye 116
The regional imbroglio: one step forward, two steps back? 120
12 The contradictory dynamics of democratisation
and demilitarisation 129
Cantonments and reform of the army 131
Refugees, resettlement and the challenge of domestic order 133
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The conduct of prospective elections 136
Political competition and electoral dynamics 140
The prospects for peace 143
Can Burundi’s elites make a pact for peace? 144
Towards a ‘generosity moment’? 146
Towards reconciliation? 147
13 Burundian civil society and South African linkages 149
Civil society in Burundi 150
The exclusion of civil society from the peace process 152
ACCORD’S engagement in Burundi 154
The involvement of the Action Support Centre in Burundi 158
Knocking on the door: calls from civil society for inclusion
in the peace process 159
14 Sustaining the peace: lessons from South Africa? 163
Overcoming race and ethnicity as tools of division 164
A reconciliation with history 169
Amnesty and justice: will a Truth Commission work for Burundi? 171
Military dominance, minority rule and human rights 176
Material inequality and the need for redress 179
Achieving civic responsibility 182
15 Concluding observations: Mandela, South Africa and Burundi 191
Mandela’s contribution 191
South Africa’s involvement in Burundi 194
Working for peace: the responsibility of Burundians 195
Postscript: ‘We cannot accept to die like hens’ – Tutsi fears
and regional peace 199
‘The last steps are the hardest’: Tutsi parties baulk at election 200
Crisis in the Great Lakes 203
Bibliography and other sources 209
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Foreword
by Nelson Mandela
Africa has for too long been mired in wars which have brought untold misery
to her peoples and stunted her development prospects. However, in recent
years there have been enormously encouraging signs that Africa is putting her
house in order. There are hopeful indications that peace and civil order are
being brought to countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Sudan, the
Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia, whilst major constructive
initiatives, such as the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development,
point to the determination of the continent’s peoples to forge a better and
brighter future.
Burundi is one of those countries which has suffered greatly from political
turbulence and civil war. From independence in 1962 it faced enormous
developmental challenges which were to be greatly exacerbated by divisions
between the Tutsi ruling minority and the Hutu majority. These tensions were
to eventuate in a civil war in 1993 which, fueled by conflicts in neighbouring
states (Rwanda, DRC and Uganda), dragged on interminably at immense
human cost.
When, in late 1999, I was invited to serve as mediator of peace negotiations
which had been set in motion by the Organisation of African Unity and
regional presidents, like other South Africans, I knew very little about
Burundi. I had to learn fast! Fortunately, I was able to build upon the
impressive foundations for the peace process which had been laid by the late
Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, whose untimely death had led to my being invited to
take his place. Without his hard work, I doubt that we would have been able
to make the progress we did. This was to culminate in the signing of the
Arusha Accord by the Tutsi-dominated government and Hutu-dominated
parties on 28 August 2000.
The Arusha Accord provided for a process of transition in which power would
be shared between Tutsis and Hutus in a lead up to democratic elections. It
ix
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was undoubtedly an imperfect agreement, and has been roundly criticised by
some observers for failing to secure the adherence of important Hutu rebel
movements which continued to wage war against the government.
Nonetheless, for good or ill, it was to provide a broad framework for
continuing efforts to end the war. Although always extremely complicated and
perpetually subject to delays, these appear, at long last, in 2004, to be bearing
fruit in terms of securing the agreement of outstanding rebels to join their
fellow countrymen in constructing peace through a shared political process.
I am immensely proud that, after I withdrew from active involvement in the
peace process, following the signing of the Arusha Accord, South Africa has
continued to play a major role in bringing this outcome about. Much praise is
due to the indefatigable efforts of Deputy President Jacob Zuma who, with the
full backing of President Mbeki and regional partner states, has engaged in
exhausting rounds of shuttle diplomacy between the different parties. Equally,
too, I am full of admiration for the crucial role which has been played by
contingents of the South African National Defence Force, who are continuing
to play an important role in safeguarding the transition process. South African
civil society, too, has played its own vital part. This is something for all South
Africans to be proud of.
We must be cautious, of course, that we don’t assume too much. The peace
process remains fragile, and it could yet unravel. South Africa must work
closely with its regional partners and the international community to ensure
that it doesn’t. At the end of the day, only Burundians themselves can forge the
peace that their country so badly needs, and deserves. We must all continue to
give them our support.
The research presented by Kristina Bentley and Roger Southall of the Human
Sciences Research Council attempts to understand the complex causes of the
civil conflict in Burundi, to outline the dynamics of the negotiations process,
and to assess the longer-term prospects for peace. However, their particular
focus is to explain to ordinary South Africans why South Africa has become
so intimately involved in Burundi, and why peace in that small, far away
country, actually matters for our own prospects for development. This is an
important task, and I would like to warmly commend this study to the South
African public.
AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS
x
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[...]... was Professor of Political Studies at Rhodes University from 1990 to 2001, and prior to that, taught and undertook research at universities in Uganda, Lesotho, Canada and the UK He is General Editor of the Journal of Contemporary African Studies and has published widely on African and South African politics xvii AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS Free download from www.hsrcpress.ac.za List of abbreviations Burundi... Network IRIN-Central and Eastern Africa New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development Non-Governmental Organisation National Party Organisation of African Unity Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania Rassemblement Congolaise pour la Démocratie Movement for National Resistance (Mozambique) Rwandan Patriotic Front Southern African Development Community South African Defence Force South African National Defence... supported by the Rwandan army, which culminated in the fall of Kisangani, Mbuyi and Lubumbashi in March and April 1997 With the Zairean army totally unable to put up any effective resistance, the South African government, backed by the US, agreed to mediate, and President Mandela held talks with Mobutu and Kabila on board a South African vessel just outside Zairean territorial waters, and later on a ship... responsibility as the emerging regional power (or hegemon) in Eastern and Southern Africa 11 AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS The regional context of South African involvement in Burundi It must be constantly recalled that the South African government sees the bringing of peace and democracy to Burundi as just one piece, albeit an extremely important one, of a far larger jigsaw it is trying to construct throughout... Banyamulenge) The Western powers, which dominated the Security Council, although deeply concerned by a power vacuum at the heart of the continent, remained deeply reluctant after the Somalian and Rwandan debacles to engage themselves in the crisis They therefore avoided any serious responsibility by calling for an African solution’ to an African problem’, and referred the matter to regional organisations... possible, and to present as balanced a view as they can if they are not to add fuel to fire further conflict.2 That challenge is an even greater one to would-be peacemakers, and whether or not it has been met by South Africa constitutes an important factor in the drive for peace, and hence an important theme of this study Following a discussion of why it is important for South Africans to consider their country’s... whilst Zambia, Tanzania and Ethiopia supported the AFDL more discreetly They had joined for security, geopolitical and economic interests, which remained largely the same in 1998 Hence it was very much a continental alliance that collapsed when Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi turned against Kabila, for by now Angola and Zimbabwe had extensive vested interests in the DRC As indeed did Uganda and Rwanda, but they... the Zairean army capitulated and the AFDL forces took Kinshasha Mobutu, dying of cancer, went into exile and Kabila took power, 13 AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS renaming the country the DRC However, rather than establishing a broadbased regime, Kabila alienated many forces which had previously been opposed to Mobutu, and his AFDL regime rapidly became viewed as Tutsi oppressors, even though Kabila and most... the legitimacy of the DRC government and called for a ceasefire pending political dialogue • DRC, Angolan, Namibian and Zimbabwean troops defeated rebels in Kinshasa, but the rebels progressively took charge of territory equivalent to 15 AN AFRICAN PEACE PROCESS • • • 16 one-third of the country To limit division within the SADC, Mandela declared that the SADC had unanimously supported the military intervention... Central African region Second, this international hesitancy is underwritten by quiet recognition in the West that France regards Francophone Africa, and Rwanda and Burundi in particular, as part of its unofficial sphere of influence, and that Anglophone interference is regarded jealously This reinforces US reluctance to become deeply involved, whilst strengthening the position of the European Union . (Mozambique)
RPF Rwandan Patriotic Front
SADC Southern African Development Community
SADF South African Defence Force
SANDF South African National Defence. is
General Editor of the Journal of Contemporary African Studies and has
published widely on African and South African politics.
xvii
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