Chapter 6: LEXICAL EXPRESSION OF CAUSED MOTION
6.3.1. Construction grammar of LEsCM in Vietnamese
This section refers to the structure of the predicate of motion, which sheds light of the combination with some external arguments, termed as argument structures. On the basis of cognitive grammar, this section provides an in-depth insight into some aspects denoted by the cause verbs under the title of event structures.
6.3.1.1. Argument structures of LEsCM in Vietnamese
Table 6.6 summaries the argument structures of LEsCM in Vietnamese, which focuses on the number of arguments, types of arguments, the cause verbs and their frequency.
Table 6.6. Argument structures of LEsCM in Vietnamese
Number of Args Argument structures Verbs %
3 a. V [Figure Path Ground] 12 13.6
b. V [Agent Figure Path] 57 64.7
4 c. V [Agent Figure Path Ground] 63 71.5
a. V [Figure Path Ground]
There are 12 cause verbs, making up 13.6 % found in the data (e.g., cắm, cuộn, hất, thổi, phóng, hạ, lao, đổ, nâng, lăn, tung, etc) which can combine with three arguments such as
Figure, Path and Ground. In reality, the external force makes the Figure itself move while the Agent giving rise to that external force is not mentioned or implied. Thus, these verbs could be concluded to be active and intransitive verbs and the Figure is somewhat metaphorized as in (6.28).
(6.28) Chiếc L.19 như chiếc ô tô sắp lăn bánh xuống phà.(VN01-703) The L.19 like a car is going to move down the ferry.
In this example, the Path “xuống” has a role in constituing the configuration of the direction of motion while the Ground “phà” provides the perspectival location of motion.
b. V [Agent Figure Path]
There are three arguments in this structure such as the Agent, Figure and Path. First, the Agent may give rise to both internal and external forces causing the Figure to move. Next, the Path takes an important role in constituting the configuration of directions for motion, which consists of both the goal paths (e.g., lên, xuống) and source paths (e.g., vào, ra, tới, về). There 57 cause verbs found in the data, making up 64.7% (e.g., chất, chêm, chỉ, thổi and phun, etc.,). However, the Ground is not mentioned in this expression as follows as in (6.29).
(6.29) Rồi thị kéo hắn lên. (VS07-39)
Then she pulled him up.
c. V [Agent Figure Path Ground]
This structure consists of four arguments, which are the Agent, Figure, Path and Ground.
This structure generally denotes that when an external force from the Agent is transmitted to the Figure, and this force causes the Figure to move toward the Ground. Additionally, the forces in this expression can be both external like “vác” in (6.30a) and internal forces like
“cho phép” as in (6.30b). There are 63 cause verbs, making 71.5%, found in the data
denoting this structure, so it may have great popularity in English.
(6.30) a. Đồng chí nào vác mấy bao gạo ướt ra đây cho tôi? (VS06-438) Who carries some sacks of rice out for me?
b. Chính ủy cho phép Khuê về đơn vị. (VS10-375)
The party leader permits Khue to return her office.
6.3.1.2. Event structures of LEsCM in Vietnamese
The event structures are concerned with an investigation into the lexical aspects denoted by the cause verbs. Table 6.9 summarizes the event structures of LEsCM including (i) event of States, (ii) event of Activities, (iii) event of Achievement, and (iv) event of Accomplishments.
Table 6.7. Event structures of LEsCM in Vietnamese
Event structures Types of Lexical Verbs %
events aspects
a. States Bounded Atelic 16 18.1
Punctual Perfective
b. Activities Unbounded Atelic 5 5.7
Durational Imperfective
c. Achievements Unbounded Telic/ Atelic 42 47.7
Punctual Imperfective
d. Accomplishments Bounded Telic 25 28.4
Durational Pefective
Total 88 100
a. Event of States
The verbs denoting this type of event consist of two lexical aspects, which are the Atelic and Perfective. When the cause verbs are the atelic verbs, they do not always require endpoints, thus they can be either transitive or intransitive verbs as in (6.31). When the cause verbs have the perfective verbs, they are the stative verbs which cannot express the progressive situations. There are 16 cause verbs (making up 18.1%) found in the data (e.g., chỉ đạo, dẫn, giúp đỡ and mời, etc). More particularly, these verbs only can give rise to internal forces, which are considered as a kind of speech acts.
(6.31) Ông con bảo con mời ông xuống. (VS06-416)
My grandfather told me invite you come to his house.
b. Event of Activities
The verbs denoting this event have two lexical aspects, namely the Atelic and Imperfective. First, when these verbs are Atelic, they do not require endpoints to
complete events (e.g., rung, lắc, bắn, etc). Next, when these cause verbs are the imperfective verbs, they are always dynamic verbs and can express progressive situations (e.g, hạ, xoạy, phun, etc). Additionally, the events denoted by these verbs are occasionally unbounded and durational. That is, when expressing these events, speakers often focus on the whole process of motion from the starting point to the endpoint. With respect to duration, these events take an amount of time to complete.
However, these verbs denoting this event are intransitive because the Figure is directly concerned with motion. The Agent giving rise to external forces causing the Figure to move is not mentioned or implied as in (6.32) because the Figure “Sàn Gác” cannot shake by its self. In other words, this event may be considered as a conceptual metaphor of motion. As a result, this event is the least common in Vietnamese, which has only 5 cause verbs (5.7%) found in the data.
(6.32) Sàn gác rung giữ dội. (VS08-517)
The watch-tower shaked seriously.
c. Event of Achievements
The event of achievements consists of two lexical aspects which are the Telic and Imperfective. The first aspect depicts that this event always requires endpoints;
therefore, the cause verbs are always transitive. In other words, these verbs denote the Agent’s direct impact on the Figure, which causes the Figure to move. The second aspect posits that these cause verbs are dynamic. More importantly, this event is bounded and durational. When it is a bounded event, it depicts that speakers do not focus on the whole process of motion, but on only the endpoint of motion. For example, the speaker does not the whole trip of carrying the dead body (xác của em). Instead, the speaker only places his focus on the endpoint of motion (rừng). Finally, this event denotes duration, that means this motion must last a certain length of time.
(6.33) Chúng tôi được mang xác của em về rừng.(VS04-107) We are allowed to carry the dead body to the forest.
This event occupies the greatest popularity among events including 42 verbs, making up 47.7% such as chất, chêm, cuốn, mang, khuân, vác and nhồi nhét.
d. Event of Accomplishments
The verbs denoting this event consist of two lexical aspects including Telic and Perfective. The cause verbs with the telic aspect depict that this event always has the endpoints, so they must be transitive verbs. The cause verbs with the second aspect are stative verbs, which cannot denote progressive situations or events. This event consists of 25 cause verbs, making up 28.4% found in the data, namely duỗi, hất, ném, tung, and phóng, etc.
Take the verb “ném” as an example, the speakers only place their focus on the endpoint of motion “ném”, the emergency of the Figure “ hai người” outside the Ground
“phòng”, in other words because this is a bounded event. Moreover, the motion of the verb
“ném” takes a length of time for the Figure to move from the inside to the outside.
(6.34) Hắn nhanh chóng ném hai người ra ngoài phòng. (VN03-259) He quickly threw two people out of the room.