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HANOI NATIONAL UNIVERSITY, HANOI UNIVERSITY OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ENGLISH DEPARTMENT GRADUATION PAPER U.S PUBLIC REACTIONS TO THE FIRST CHINESE IMMIGRATION WAVE IN CALIFORNIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE NINETEEN CENTURY Supervisor: Pham Thi Thanh Thuy B, M.A Student: Nguyen Thanh Thuy Course: QH2008.E11 HANOI – 2012 ĐẠI HỌC QUỐC GIA HÀ NỘI TRƯỜNG ĐẠI HỌC NGOẠI NGỮ KHOA SƯ PHẠM TIẾNG ANH KHÓA LUẬN TỐT NGHIỆP PHẢN ỨNG CỦA CƠNG CHÚNG MỸ VỚI LÀN SĨNG NGƯỜI TRUNG QUỐC NHẬP CƯ Ở CALIFORNIA NỬA SAU THẾ KỶ XIX Giáo viên hướng dẫn: Th.S Phạm Thị Thanh Thủy B Sinh viên: Nguyễn Thanh Thủy Khóa: QH2008.E11 HÀ NỘI - NĂM 2012 ACCEPTANCE I hereby state that I: Nguyen Thanh Thuy, QH08E11, being a candidate for the degree of Bachelor of Arts accept the requirements of the College relating to the retention and use of Bachelor‟s Graduation Paper deposited in the library In terms of these conditions, I agree that the origin of my paper deposited in the library should be accessible for the purposes of study and research, in accordance with the normal conditions established by the librarian for the care, loan or reproduction of the paper Signature May, 2012 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This paper would not have been completed if it hadn‟t been for the beneficial help of many people, to all of whom I am indebted First and foremost, I owe an enormous debt of gratefulness to my supervisor Ms Phạm Thị Thanh Thủy B for her constant support, guidance and insightful comments which were fundamental factors in the completion of the study In addition, I would like to express my thankfulness to my parents, my friends, and my classmates for their continual encouragement during the time I conducted this research Last but not least, I would like to show appreciation to my readers for their interest and criticism on the thesis ABSTRACT As a nation of immigrants admitting more than 50 newcomers since its early day, the United States has always been a subject of debates and discussions It comes down to the fact that different ethnic immigrant groups bring different language, religion and culture to the New World Therefore, the question that has constantly been addressed is the assimilation of immigrant groups into American mainstream society Looking back at the U.S history with a massive influx of Chinese immigrants in 1850, the matter will somehow be delivered Like other immigrant groups, many poor Chinese under Manchu Rule decided to venture to the New World for wealth, land and freedom The favorite issue that attracts most attention from readers is question about U.S public reactions to this ethnic group, who had never got access to Western civilization As subsequently be presented in this paper, there are some dominant factors in U.S public reactions to Chinese in California: racial differences, job competition with the whites, economic depression in 1870, practice of opium smoking and prostitution After that, U.S public reactions to Chinese immigrants in California, the state that contained the largest Chinese population in U.S, will be revealed Overall, the first Chinese wave of immigration has such influence on U.S society in general and California in particular Nevertheless, Chinese labor, to a certain extent, changed the appearance of the American West in the second half of the nineteenth century TABLE OF CONTENT Acknowledgement …………………………………………………………………… i Abstract ……………………………………………………………………………… ii List of pictures ……………………………………………………………………… iii CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION I.1 Statement of the Problem and the Rationale for the Study…………………………1 I.2 Aims and Research Questions …………………………………………………… I.3 Methodology ……………………………………………………………………… I.4 Scope of the Study …………………………………………………………………3 I.5 Significance of the Research ……………………………………………………… I.6 Organization ……………………………………………………………………… CHAPTER II: UNDERLYING REASONS FOR THE FIRST CHINESE IMMIGRATION WAVE IN CALIFORNIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ………………………………………………………… II.1 The first Chinese immigration wave to the United States (1850-1890) ………… II.1.1 Origin …………………………………………………………………… II.1.2 Pattern of nineteenth-century Chinese immigration to the United States … II.2 Underlying reasons for the immigration process ………………………………… II.3 Reasons for the first Chinese immigration to the United States ………………… II.3.1 Push factors …………………………………………………………… II.3.1.1 Poverty ………………………………………………………… II.3.1.2 Social disorder ………………………………………………… 10 II.3.2 Pull factors……………………………………………………………… 11 II.3.2.1 The California Gold Rush ……………………………………… 11 II.3.2.2 Job opportunities …………………………………………………12 II.4 Reasons for the 1850 Chinese immigration to California…………………………… 13 II.5 Description of California topographical and ethnological features ………………… 14 II.6 Means: The downfall of the Qing Dynasty …………………………………… 15 II.7 Conclusion …………………………………………………………………………16 CHAPTER III: FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO U.S PUBLIC REACTIONS TO THE FIRST CHINESE IMMIGRATION WAVE IN CALIFORNIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY …………………………… 17 III.1 U.S public in California ………………………………………………………… 17 III.2 Contributing factors to U.S public reactions to Chinese ………………………… 18 III.2.1 Chinese outward appearance ………………………………………… 17 III.2.2 The establishment of Chinatowns ……………………………………… 19 III.2.3 Exhaustion of the Goldfields …………………………………………….20 III.2.4 Job Competition and Economic Depression of 1870 …………………….21 III.2.5 Opium smoking Practice and Prostitution in Chinatowns ……………… 22 III.2.5.1 Opium practice smoking ……………………………………….23 III.2.5.2 Prostitution in Chinatowns …………………………………… 25 III.3 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………… 28 CHAPTER IV: U.S PUBLIC REACTIONS TO THE FIRST CHINESE IMMIGRATION WAVE IN CALIFORNIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY ………………………………………………………… 29 IV.1 Calling for anti-Chinese legislation ……………………………………………….29 IV.1.1 State legislation ………………………………………………………….30 IV.1.2 Federal legislation ……………………………………………………….32 IV.2 Rioting against Chinese ………………………………………………………… 34 IV.3 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………… 35 CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………37 V.1 Major Findings and Contribution to the Research………………………………….37 V.2 Limitations of the Research ……………………………………………………… 38 V.3 Suggestions for Further Studies ……………………………………………………38 REFERENCES ……………………………………………………………………… 40 LIST OF PICTURES Picture Chinese American family in the nineteenth century Picture Chinese gold miners in California Picture Underground opium den, 1880, in San Francisco‟s Chinatown Picture A Chinese bagnio in a red light district in San Francisco‟s Chinatown, 1870 CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION I.1 Statement of the Problem and the Rationale for the Study From the history of making the nation, the United States of America is often known as a land of immigrants from all over the world Most ethnic groups are motivated to come to the New World for better life and economic opportunities Though immigration provides one of the most colorful chapters in American history, there have always been a number of problems that need to be dealt with Lewis Sitzer (2006) comments it is cultural differences and language barriers that have arouse hostilities between different ethnic groups Moreover, “the inability to quickly assimilate themselves into the mainstream society has often prevented immigrants from seizing economic opportunities”, says Lewis Sitzer (2006) It comes down to the fact that the United States has the largest Chinese population outside Asia Moreover, Chinese Americans are also the oldest and largest Asian group in this country Nowadays, Chinese Americans are considered as productive members of U.S society thanks to their great success in science, technology, music, literature, the media and other areas However, despite their notable progress in gaining acceptance as Americans, Chinese Americans are still treated unfairly in government, education and the workplace In other words, the U.S general population still view Chinese Americans as “the other”, though attitudes towards this ethnic group have been improved remarkably Throughout history, Chinese Americans also experienced more than 60 years of legal exclusion (Min Zhou, 2009) Judy Jung, Gordon H Chang and Him Mark Lai (2006) acknowledge racial discrimination and hostility were directed at Chinese almost from the start It can be seen that life in the host country did not live up to the expectation of many Chinese immigrants Min Zhou (1995) comments AngloAmericans call them the “yellow peril”, the “Chinese menace” and the “indispensable III.7 Conclusion In conclusion, U.S public in California often shared some emotions: fear, hatred and hostility towards Chinese immigrants were viewed as complete outsiders, gold stealers, job competitors, health and moral threats These emotions were shaped by their self-identification as social superiors (unwelcome outsiders and gold stealers), but some resulted from what Chinese caused for the whites (job competitors, health and moral threats) 28 CHAPTER IV: U.S PUBLIC REACTIONS TO THE FIRST CHINESESE IMMIGRATION WAVE IN CALIFORNIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY In the previous chapter, dominant factors in U.S public reactions to Chinese immigrants have been presented to help readers learn about the relations between the two ethnic groups As a result, it would facilitate their understanding about U.S public reactions to Chinese immigrants in California in the second half of the nineteenth century IV.1 Calling for Anti-Chinese Legislation In fact, most Chinese resided in California, the state that possessed mineral wealth, railroads, harbors, long-established cities and towns Therefore, reactions of Californians to this ethnic group are supposed to be much stronger than those in other states of the American West For example, Min Zhou (1995) comments competition in terms of hired labor gradually fueled a desire to exclude Chinese from opportunities to get ahead It is true that Californians saw the defense of what they defined as Anglo culture and rights as crucial to further development, civilization and morality Chinese outward appearance, “dedication” to work, opium dens and brothels helped to convince Californians: That he is a slave, reduced to the lowest terms of beggarly economy, and is no fit competitor for an American freeman That he herds in scores, in small dens, where a white man and wife could hardly breathe, and has none of the wants of a civilized white man That American men, women and children cannot be what free people should be, and compete with such degraded creatures in the labor market That wherever they are numerous, as in San Francisco, by a secret machinery of their own, they defy the law, keep up the manners and customs of China, and utterly disregarded all the law of health, decency and morality 29 That they are driving the white population from the state, reducing laboring men to despair, laboring women to prostitution, and boys and girls to hoodlums and convicts (as cited in Elmer Clarence Sandmeyer, 1990, p 25) This range of the motives served as the bases of the anti-Chinese agitation in California in the second half of the nineteenth century Looking back to the history of the American West in the second half of the nineteenth century, California was the state enacting numerous discriminatory laws against Chinese immigrants It is explained that Anglo-Americans took a strong anti-Chinese stance and exerted their influence on state and national legislation T Campbell, Matthew Pratt Guterl, & Robert G Lee (2008) comment: Anti-Chinese agitation is unique in the history of American nativism for … its success in capturing the major worker‟s organizations as well as both national political parties, and ultimately, for its success in winning legislation that singled out one national group for total exclusion (T Campbell, Matthew Pratt Guterl & Robert G Lee, 2008, p 243) IV.1.1 State legislation It comes down to the fact that, in an effort to prevent Chinese from taking jobs away from Anglo-American miners and workers, California adopted a lot of discriminatory tax laws Charles J McClain (1996, p 11) acknowledges one element in the legislative program of John Bigler, California‟s third chief executive, was “the enactment of a state taxation program that would fall heavily on the Chinese and thus tend to discourage their continued presence” It can be inferred that Bigler gave a powerful impetus to the anti-Chinese movement of white workingmen in California In 1850, the first Foreign Miners Tax was passed, requiring foreigners to pay $20 per month In 1852, the state continued to enact Foreign Miners License Tax, forcing non-Americans to pay $20 per month for their license Until 1870, this tax was raised up to $20 per month Charles J McClain (1996) mentions a report issued in April 1852, suggesting California revive a tax imposed on foreign miners in the state, the Foreign Miners License Tax Specifically, it urged legislation action at state level to 30 “differentiate between those who had declared their intention of becoming American citizens and those who had not” The report criticizes Chinese immigrants: Most of these persons [vast number of the Asiatic races, including Chinese] had not come to California voluntarily but rather had been imported as servile labor by foreign capitalists and were held to labor under contracts not recognized by American law They had no desire to become U.S citizens …, and their presence demeaned American laborers already in California and deterred the immigration of additional (white) citizens (as cited in Charles J McClain, 1996, p 10) It can be seen that because Chinese were believed to be sojourners, they became the prime target for most of the tax collectors Min Zhou (1995) implies the plight of Chinese whose low wages were deducted each month by their labor contractors and heavy taxes In addition, “The tax they paid make up one of the largest sources of revenue for the new state of California”, says Min Zhou (1995, p 27) Sue Fawn Chung (2011) shares the same view that thanks to Foreign Miners Tax of 1850 and 1852, California collected $5 million, making up 25% to 50% of the state‟s revenue Furthermore, “commutation tax” was adopted in 1853, levying a $50 tax on any foreigners docking in California This legislation is considered another attempt to restrict Chinese immigration Charles J McClain (1996, p 12) comments: “It is clear from the context of the times that this tax was aimed primarily at the Chinese, though like the miner‟s tax, it did not mention them by name But where the Foreign Miners‟ License Tax was implemented to burden the pursuit of the mining trade by the Chinese who were already in California …, the commutation tax was designed to discourage their coming in the first place” However, it did not put a stop to the anti-Chinese agitation of Anglo-Americans in this state In 1863, “California police tax” started to impose a direct tax on all natives of China residing in the state It is also entitled “an act to protect free white labor against competition with Chinese coolie labor and discourage the immigration of the Chinese into the State of California” The legislation forced every Chinese over the age of 18 to pay a $2.50 per month tax, except those “who were operating businesses, who had licenses to work in the mines, or who were engaged in the production or 31 manufacture of sugar, rice, coffee, or tea” (Charles J McClain, 1996, p 26-27) In the 1870s, anti-Chinese campaigns held by labor unions took place in California, followed by a state legislation in the 1880s preventing Chinese from working on dam, levee or irrigation projects In 1873, Chinese laundries using horse-drawn vehicles were taxed $4 per year, while those with no vehicles were taxed $60 per year In addition, California also enacted a number of laws in attempt to stop Chinese from gaining too much economic power in the state In 1875, for instance, law to regulate the size of shrimping nets was passed, followed by the Fishing Act of 1880 prohibiting Chinese from engaging in any fishing business In 1879, California state constitution prohibited corporation and municipal works from recruiting Chinese labor Additionally, Chinese night-time laundries were forced to shut down due to antiironing ordinance passed in 1880 (Charles J McClain, 1996) It can be seen that California legislations against Chinese were mostly related to taxation However, levying taxes, together with a number of legislation on work and recruitment, aimed at discouraging the presence of Chinese in California and contributing to the state treasury Though not all propositions offered by California white workingmen‟s delegation were passed, they could be used to justify the anti-Chinese stance Below is one of the propositions: Aliens should not be allowed to trade, peddle or carry on any mercantile business; no person not eligible to be a citizen should be allowed to settle in the State, and any person encouraging such should be fined; aliens, ineligible to citizenship, should be prohibited … from fishing in the inland waters of the State and from employment on public works, a per capita tax of $250 should be levied on each Chinese immigrant (as cited in Min Zhou, 1995) IV.1.2 Federal legislation: Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and 1888 Federal legislators passed the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and 1888 to “exclude a whole group of people based merely on national origin”, which was a result 32 of the political campaign by the white working class (Min Zhou, 1995) It can be inferred the outcries of white labor in California were responsible for shaping this legislation In other words, their anti-Chinese stance eventually flamed into a campaign slogan: The Chinese must go! The first Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 clearly stated that: … the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States be, and the same is hereby, suspended; and during such suspension it shall not be lawful for any Chinese laborers to come, or, having so come after the expiration of said ninety days, to remain within the United States … the master of any vessel who shall knowingly bring within the United States on such vessel, and land or permit to be landed, any Chinese laborer, from any foreign port or place, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine of not more than five hundred dollars for each and every such Chinese laborer so brought, and may be also imprisoned for a term not exceeding one year … thereafter no State court or court of the United States shall admit Chinese to citizenship; and all laws in conflict with this act are hereby repealed (as cited in Min Zhou, 1995, p 29) The second Chinese Exclusion Act of 1888 prohibited the entry and re-entry of Chinese Moreover, “Chinese laborers” were redefined as “salesmen, clerks, buyers, bookkeepers, accountants, managers, shopkeepers, apprentices, agents, cashiers, …, restaurant owners and cooks, housekeepers, laundrymen, peddlers” (as cited Min Zhou, 1995) The legislation stated: That from and after the date of exchange of ratification of the pending treaty between the United States and His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of China, signed on the twelfth day of March, anno Domini eighteenth hundred and eighteight, it shall be unlawful for any Chinese person, whether a subject of China or of any other power, to enter the United States … That from and after the passage of this act, no Chinese laborer in the United States shall be permitted, after having left, to return thereto … … And that no Chinese laborer shall be permitted to re-enter the United States without producing to the proper officer of the customs at the port of such entry the return certificate herein required (as cited in Min Zhou, 1995, p 30) It can be seen that the two acts, designed to drive all Chinese out of the United States, seemed to fulfill the expectation of U.S public in general and those in California 33 in particular For opponents of opium smoking practice, cutting off Chinese immigration meant ending opium importation and health and moral threats to the Anglo-American race, though this ideal did not always correspond to the reality that opium could be smuggled into the country for huge profits For the white working class, “demands to end job competition dominated the appeals for Chinese exclusion” (Diana L Ahmad, 2004) The act also satisfied those who kept in their mind that Chinese did not contribute anything to the local American economy These U.S citizens at this time were working on an assumption that Chinese gained too much economic power within the white community and sent their savings to strengthen the China economy (Diana L Ahmad, 2004) To sum up, in response to Chinese supposedly-negative impacts on the whites, U.S workingmen in California called for state and federal legislation to discourage and expel Chinese from the United States The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and 1888 were considered the biggest effort of the whites in U.S in general and in California in particular to re-gain their benefits IV.2 Rioting against Chinese Much of what is assumed that Chinese immigrants constantly contested the workplace with Anglo-Americans might lead to several anti-Chinese riots Paul A Gilje (1999, p 123) acknowledges “long-standing competition for jobs might operate as an undercurrent, creating mutual animosities that exploded into outbreaks of rioting” In addition, anti-Chinese riots might break out if any members of the whites were hurt by Chinese In fact, Chinese in California were singled out for ill treatment in the second half of the nineteenth century Roger Daniels (1988) acknowledges most of the early violence against Chinese happened in California Thirty-one urban centers, from Los Angeles in the South to Red Bluff in the North, were listed, which “underwent burnings of Chinese stores and residences and expulsions of Chinese residents” (Elmer 34 Sandmeyer, as cited in Roger Daniels, 1988) In February 1867, an attack by four hundred whites against Chinese railway workers in San Francisco caused at least twelve people to be injured and several shanties and sheds at the work site to be burned or destroyed (Paul A Gilje, 1999) Roger Daniels (1988) talks about an anti-Chinese riot in Los Angeles in 1871: “… twenty-one Chinese were shot, hanged, or burned to death by white mobs that must have involved a sizable percentage of the non-Chinese male population” Moreover, a number of Chinese homes were burned and fleeing occupants were shot by a mob in Truckee, California, in 1876 Ten months later, the Order of Caucasians killed several Chinese in Chico, California In July 1877, San Francisco witnessed a three-evening riot in which white workers destroyed Chinese warehouses and assaulted Chinese workers (Paul A Gilje, 1999) In the same year, another riot in this city destroyed 30 Chinese laundries The Chinese Massacre of 1871 in Los Angeles was considered one of the largest and most violent riots in American history The incident arouse from two Chinese men‟s gunfight over a prostitute After the death of an Anglo-American and a police officer, white mobs gathered to take revenge “Chinatown was guttered, the houses were looted, and fifteen Chinese were hanged Several others were also killed during the pogrom” (Paul A Gilje, 1999, p 127) It can be seen that the Los Angeles riot of 1871 provides a convincing evidence of ethnic hostility towards Chinese To sum up, rioting against Chinese was another U.S public reaction to Chinese immigrants in California from 1850 to 1890 This may be considered as an “attempt” by Anglo-Americans to “directly” drive Chinese out of California as well as the United States IV.3 Conclusion In conclusion, calling for state and federal anti-Chinese legislation and rioting against this ethnic group are two public reactions in the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century These reactions were triggered by reception shared by U.S 35 public, from fear and hatred to hostility As a result, it can be concluded that racial discrimination was a painful reality for the first Chinese immigration wave 36 CHAPTER V: CONCLUSION The preceding chapters have provided a certain amount of knowledge about the background of Chinese immigrants, reasons for their early passage to the New World in general and to California in particular, factors in U.S public reactions, and the consequential public reactions of the U.S citizens to these Chinese immigrants in California In this concluding chapter, major findings of the paper, limitations of the research, and some suggestions for further studies will be presented V.1 Major Findings and Contribution to the Research On the whole, this graduation paper introduces the first Chinese immigration wave to the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century Facing two overlapping problems of poverty and social disorder under the Qing Dynasty, Chinese decided to venture to the New World in search of more economic opportunities and better life Arriving at a time when Anglo-Americans, imbued with a strong sense of superiority, were laying claim to the West‟s land and riches, Chinese immigrants fell into victim of racial discrimination due to their outward appearance To a certain extent, Chinese immigrants were associated in the public mind with false assumptions about China Furthermore, Chinese were seen as gold stealers, job competitors, health and moral threats due to their re-buying “dried up” claims, working for low wages, smoking opium and running brothels As a result, Chinese supposedly-negative impacts on the whites soon evoked strong anti-Chinese stance among U.S public California adopted numerous legislation on taxation, mining rights, land holding and employment, which was a result of U.S public influence Moreover, riots taking place in California were convincing evidence of anti-Chinese stance The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and 1888 marked the period of legal exclusion of Chinese from the United States 37 V.2 Limitation of the Research Despite constant efforts of the researcher, certain limitations could be identified in this study First, when it comes to the underlying reasons for early Chinese passage to the U.S, the paper only focuses on two main points: poverty and social disorder However, according to Min Zhou (1995), “a change in mentality and tradition for the emigrating Cantonese” and “kinship connections” also accounted for early Chinese emigration As a result, there is a variety of other aspects that should be taken into consideration Second, with regard to U.S public reactions to Chinese in California, the study basically presents and analyses information that was mostly collected from books written by Chinese American and American scholars The lack of Chinese primary sources made it difficult to compare and explore U.S actual reactions to this ethnic group in the second half of the nineteenth century With more time, efforts and materials, the paper may be more appreciated Regardless of the drawbacks mentioned above, the researcher believes this work has preserved the dependability and genuineness of the outcomes However, it is beneficial to take these drawbacks into consideration for further studies on this subject in the future V.3 Suggestion for Further Studies Though many studies on the relations between ethnic immigrant groups in U.S have been carried out, a vast variety of fields and areas are still open to exploration This paper only deals with a small part of many interesting topics about the subject Even when talking about U.S reactions to Chinese immigrants in the 1850s, an extensive range of other aspects can be examined For instance, the life of Chinese in California Gold Rush years may be taken into account for deeper insights Discovering a country, especially the United States, is always a great source of 38 inspiration Besides economic, politics, education, etc., ethnic relations are also worth studying 39 REFERENCES Anita A Stamper & Jill Condra (2011) Clothing through American History: The Civil War through the Gilded Age, 1861-1899 ABC-CLIO Birgit Zinzius (2005) Chinese America: Stereotype and Reality History, Present, and Future of the Chinese Americans Peter Lang Charles J McClain (1996) In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle Against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America University of California Press Crag K Elwell & Marc Labonte (2007) Is China a Threat to the U.S economy Retrieved on December 11, from http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33604.pdf Diana L Ahmad (2004) The Opium Debate and Chinese Exclusion Laws in the Nineteenth-Century University of Nevada Press Elmer Clarence Sandmeyer (1990) The Anti-Chinese Movement in California University of Illinois Press Haiming Liu (2002) The Social Origins of Early Chinese Immigrants In Susie Lan Cassel (Ed.), The Chinese in America: A History from Gold Mountain to the New Millennium (pp 21-33) Henry Kittredge Norton (2010) Gold Rush and Anti-Chinese Race Hatred In Sen Hu & Jienlin Dong (Ed.), The Rocky Road to Liberty: A Documented History of Chinese Immigration and Exclusion (pp 81-87) Jane Leung Larson (2009) Still the “Other?” Public Attitudes Towards Chinese and Asian Americans Retrieved on December 15, from http://committee100.typepad.com/committee_of_100_newslett/2009/04/still-the-otherare-chinese-and-asian-americans-still-seen-as-perpetual-foreigners-by-the-generalpu.html John Soennichsen (2011) The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 Greenwood Publishing Group Jonathan H X Lee (2011) Chinese immigrants In Ronald H Bayor (Ed.), 40 Multicultural America: An Encyclopedia of the Newest Americans (Vol1, pp 277352) ABC-CLIO Judy Yung, Gordon H Chang & Him Mark Lai (2006) Chinese Americans Voices: From the Gold Rush to the Present University California Press Kathleen R Arnold (2011) Anti-Immigration in the United States: A Historical Encyclopedia ABC-CLIO Kay Melchisedech Olson (2002) Chinese Immigrants 1850-1900 Capstone press Lewis Sitzer (2006) American Immigration Past and Present: A Simulation Activity Retrieved on November 11, from http://score.rims.k12.ca.us/activity/immigration/ Michael Rutter (2005) Upstair Girls: Prostitution in The American West Farcountry Press Min Zhou (1995) Chinatown: The Socioeconomic Potential of an Urban Enclave Temple University Press Min Zhou (2009, May 28) Contemporary Chinese America: Immigration, Ethnicity, and Community Transformation Temple University Press Neil Larry Shumsky & Larry M Springer (1981) San Francisco’s Zone of Prostitution, 1880-1934 Retrieved from May 2, from http://isites.harvard.edu/fs/docs/icb.topic464958.files/SF%20Zone%20of%20prostituti on%20Shumsky%20Springer.pdf Paul A Gije (1999) Rioting in America Indiana Pyong Gap Min (2006) Asian Americans: Contemporary Trends And Issues Pine Forge Press Randall E Rohe (2003) After the Gold Rush: Chinese Mining in the Far West, 1850- 1890 In Arif Dirlik (Ed.), Chinese on the American Frontier (pp 4-6) Rowman & Littlefield Rhonda Tintle (2004) A history of Chinese immigration into Arizona Territory: A Frontier Culture in the American West 41 Retrieved in May 4, from http://www.hilwerda.com/A%20HISTORY%20OF%20CHINESE%20IMMIGRATIO N%20INTO%20ARIZONA%20TERRITORY.pdf Robert Asher (2004) Chinese Immigrants Infobase Publishing T Campbell, Matthew Pratt Guterl, & Robert G Lee (2008) Race, Nation, and Empire in American History Read How You Want – Your Customized Book Source Xiao-huang Yin (2000) Chinese American Literature since the 1850s University of Illinois Press 42 ... factors contributed to U. S public reactions to Chinese immigrants in California in the second half of the nineteenth century? What were U. S public reactions to Chinese immigrants in California in. .. ideas for further studies CHAPTER II: UNDERLYING REASONS FOR THE FIRST CHINESE IMMIGRATION WAVE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY II.1 The first Chinese immigration wave to the United... to the first Chinese immigration wave in California in the second half of the nineteenth century? ?? I.2 Aims and Research Questions The first and foremost aim of this paper is to explore U. S public