Terrorism and anti-terrorism in the three speeches by American President Barack Hussein Obama in 2009 and 2011: A critical discourse analysis

VIETNAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY, HANOI UNIVERSITY OF LANGUAGES AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES FACULTY OF POST- GRADUATE STUDIES ……………………. …………………… ĐỖ THU TRANG Terrorism and anti-terrorism in the three speeches by American President Barack Hussein Obama in 2009 and2011: A Critical Discourse Analysis (PHÂN TÍCH DIỄN NGƠN PHÊ PHÁN VỀ CHỦ NGHĨA KHỦNG BỐ VÀ CHỦ NGHĨA CHỐNG KHỦNG BỐ TRONG BA BÀI PHÁT BIỂU CỦA TỔNG THỐNG MỸ BARACK HUSSEIN OBAMA VÀO NĂM 2009 VÀ 2011) M.A MINOR PROGRAMME THESIS Field: English Linguistics Code: 60220201 HANOI – 2014 VIETNAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY, HANOI UNIVERSITY OF LANGUAGES AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES FACULTY OF POST- GRADUATE STUDIES ……………………. …………………… ĐỖ THU TRANG Terrorism and anti-terrorism in the three speeches by American President Barack Hussein Obama in 2009 and2011: A Critical Discourse Analysis (PHÂN TÍCH DIỄN NGƠN PHÊ PHÁN VỀ CHỦ NGHĨA KHỦNG BỐ VÀ CHỦ NGHĨA CHỐNG KHỦNG BỐ TRONG BA BÀI PHÁT BIỂU CỦA TỔNG THỐNG MỸ BARACK HUSSEIN OBAMA VÀO NĂM 2009 VÀ 2011) M.A MINOR PROGRAMME THESIS Field: English Linguistics Code: 60220201 Supervisor: Dr Ngơ Hữu Hồng HANOI – 2014 DECLARATION To the best of my knowledge and belief, this minor thesis contains no material which has previously been submitted and accepted for any other degree in any university The thesis is my own work and based on my own research It involves no material previously published or written by any other person, except where due reference is made in the paper Hanoi, 2014 Đỗ Thu Trang i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS On the completion of the course work, I wish, first of all, to express my deepest gratitude and indebtedness to my supervisor Dr Ngô Hữu Hoàng for his hearty guidance and his valuable criticism, which helps me so much in accomplishing my research I also would like to thank my classmates for their advice and assistance in keeping my progress on schedule My great thankfulness is also given to the teachers of Faculty of Postgraduate Studies for their ideas to my paper and many thanks to all my friends who have encouraged and helped me during the time of collecting necessary data, information for the study Eventually, the study has been completed to the best of my knowledge; however, mistakes and shortcomings are unavoidable Therefore, I am looking forward to receiving comments and suggestions from any readers for the perfection of the course work ii ABSTRACT Over the past few years, Barack Obama, the first African-American president in American history, has captured the world‘s attention when he applied his rich language expressions, impassioned speeches and wholehearted attitude to try to gain the public‘s support Out of Obama‘s speeches, Terrorism and Anti-terrorism are the frequently-occurring concepts; therefore, in order to explore Obama‘s military ideology on terrorism and anti-terrorism, the author uses his three speeches as the data and applies a qualitative analytical approach based on Fairclough‘s Critical Discourse Analysis model Through the study, the readers can have a better understanding about the political purpose of the selected speeches Furthermore, the study has implications for Critical Discourse Analysis theory and for further studies on terrorism iii FEAGURES AND TABLES Page Figure 1: Interpretation 10 Figure 2: Explanation 10 Two ideological contrastive classification schemes 16 Pronouns 18 Table 1: Table 2: iv ABBREVIATIONS CDA: Critical Discourse Analysis CL: Critical Linguistics MR: Member’s Resources SFL: Systemic Functional Language v TABLE OF CONTENTS Declaration i Acknowledgement ii Abstract iii Figures and Tables iv Abbreviations v PART A: INTRODUCTION 1 Rationale Scope of the study Aims of the study Research questions Design of the study PART B: DEVELOPMENT Chapter 1: Theoretical Background and Literature Review 1.1 DA and Approach to DA 1.1.1 What is DA? 1.1.2.Approach to Discourse Analysis: 1.1.2.1 Textual Analysis: 1.1.2.2 Critical Discourse Analysis: 1.2 CDA approach of Norman Fairclough 1.2.1 Description 1.2.2 Interpretation: 1.2.3 Explanation: 10 1.3 Review of previous studies 11 Chapter 2: Methodology 14 2.1 Context where the three speeches by Obama came out .14 2.2 Method of the study 14 2.3 Data Collection 15 2.4 Data Analysis 15 Chapter 3: A CDA of the three speeches 16 3.1 An Analysis of textual description 16 vi 3.1.1 Vocabulary used 16 3.1.2 Grammatical features 18 3.1.2.1 The use of personal pronoun 18 3.1.2.2 Modes of the sentences 20 3.1.2.3 Modality 21 3.1.2.4 Connective values of the text 22 3.1.3 Macro-structure of the text 25 3.2 Interpretation 27 3.2.1 Interpretation of situational context 27 3.2.2 Intertextual context and presupposition 29 3.2.3 Speech acts 31 3.2.4 Frames, Scripts and Schemata 32 3.2.5 Topic and point 33 3.3 Explanation 33 PART C: CONCLUSION 37 Summary of Findings 37 Conclusion 38 Implications 38 Suggestions for further study 39 REFERENCES 40 APPENDIX: …………………………………………………………………………I I Protecting our security and values II New Strategy in Afghanistan III A Moment of Opportunity vii PART A: INTRODUCTION Rationale Language in use is considered as a kind of social activity which is associated with other social activities It is also known as ―Discourse‖ in which the first function is to serve human beings‘ needs and communication purpose in all fields of life It can be understood that discourse is meta-function as it takes control over other functions in mankind‘s activities With this function, Discourse always plays an important role in creating interaction and affecting communication (Hoang, 2014) Through mass media discourse such as TV, newspaper, magazine and radio, people have known about terrorism and anti-terrorism concepts Terrorism and antiterrorism have received a lot of debate in the last decades Hardly does a week go by without an act of terrorism taking place somewhere in the world and indiscriminately affecting innocent people Because of this reason, politicians create interaction with their citizens and people in other nations by using discourse to gain the public support for antiterrorism and military engagements Terrorism is one of the greatest threats to the country‘s national security and that the war against terrorism should be a major focus of national policy Countering this scourge is in the interest of all nations and the issue has been on the agenda of the United Nations for decades Each nation has its own way against terrorism Many countries usually take advantages of using the power of discourse to convey their propaganda against terrorism and the U.S is not an exception Speeches on terrorism have been part of American politics for a long time Of these speeches seem to be most popular with the first African-American president, Barack Hussein Obama As D‘Souza (2006) once stated that the U.S sees itself as the freest and most powerful society and has a policy of ―no-negotiation-with-terrorists‖; thus it takes advantage of such speeches to criticize, warn and invoke fear in the so-called terrorists As a student of English Linguistics major at Post-graduate Department at University of Languages and International Studies and the one who is interested in Discourse Analysis (DA), I realize that DA is a useful tool for not only studying linguistics but also broadening knowledge in socio-culture I am also aware that antiterrorism is a matter of great urgency Everybody in the world should join hands towards a peaceful world with no wars Because of that, I decided to examine Obama‘s persuasive strategies and find out his covert ideology on terrorism and anti-terrorism through his three speeches APPENDIX II Speech 2: New strategy on Afghanistan Delivered on December 1st 2009 Line 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 Good evening To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the men and women of our armed services, and to my fellow Americans I want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan the nature of our commitment there, the scope of our interests, and the strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this war to a successful conclusion It is an honor for me to so here at West Point where so many men and women have prepared to stand up for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country To address these issues, it is important to recall why America and our allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first place We did not ask for this fight On September 11, 2001, 19 men hijacked four airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people They struck at our military and economic nerve centers They took the lives of innocent men, women and children without regard to their faith or race or station Were it not for the heroic actions of the passengers on board one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the great symbols of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda a group of extremists who have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the world's great religions, to justify the slaughter of innocents Al Qaeda's base of operations was in Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban a ruthless, repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda and those who harbored them an authorization that continues to this day The vote in the Senate was 98 to The vote in the House was 420 to For the first time in its history, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article the commitment that says an attack on one member nation is an attack on all And the United Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to respond to the 9/11 attacks America, our allies and the world were acting as one to destroy al Qaeda's terrorist network, and to protect our common security Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy and only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden we sent our troops into Afghanistan Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of its operatives were killed The Taliban was driven from power and pushed back on its heels A place that had known decades of fear now had reason to hope At a conference convened by the U.N., a provisional government was established under President Hamid Karzai And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war in Iraq The wrenching debate over the Iraq War is well-known and need not be repeated here It is enough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq War drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention and that the decision to go into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the world Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsible end We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011 That we are doing so is a testament to the character of our men and women in uniform Thanks to their courage, grit and perseverance , we have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are successfully leaving Iraq to its people IX 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 But while we have achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation in Afghanistan has deteriorated After escaping across the border into Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda's leadership established a safe haven there Although a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan people, it has been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient Security Forces Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government Gradually, the Taliban has begun to take control over swaths of Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and devastating acts of terrorism against the Pakistani people Throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fraction of what they were in Iraq When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these reinforcements did not arrive That's why, shortly after taking office, I approved a long-standing request for more troops After consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between our war effort in Afghanistan, and the extremist safe havens in Pakistan I set a goal that was narrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate our military and civilian efforts Since then, we have made progress on some important objectives High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we have stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda world-wide In Pakistan, that nation's Army has gone on its largest offensive in years In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a presidential election, and although it was marred by fraud that election produced a government that is consistent with Afghanistan's laws and constitution Yet huge challenges remain Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it has moved backwards There is no imminent threat of the government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum Al Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in the same numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe havens along the border And our forces lack the full support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan security forces and better secure the population Our new commander in Afghanistan Gen McChrystal has reported that the security situation is more serious than he anticipated In short: the status quo is not sustainable As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger Some of you have fought in Afghanistan Many will deploy there As your commander in chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of your service That is why, after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy Let me be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troop deployments before 2010 so there has been no delay or denial of resources necessary for the conduct of the war Instead, the review has allowed me ask the hard questions, and to explore all of the different options along with my national security team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners Given the stakes involved, I owed the American people and our troops no less This review is now complete And as commander in chief, I have determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S troops to Afghanistan After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home These are the resources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan I not make this decision lightly I opposed the war in Iraq precisely because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions We have been at war for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and resources Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity on national security issues X 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisan backdrop for this effort And having just experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people are understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people to work here at home Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you a military that, along with your families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens As president, I have signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American who gives their life in these wars I have read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed I have visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed I have traveled to Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their final resting place I see firsthand the terrible wages of war If I did not think that the security of the United States and the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly order every single one of our troops home tomorrow.So no -I not make this decision lightly I make this decision because I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan This is the epicenter of the violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda It is from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak This is no idle danger; no hypothetical threat In the last few months alone, we have apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror This danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate with impunity We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and to that, we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners in the region Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear This is not just America's war Since 9/11, al Qaeda's safe havens have been the source of attacks against London and Amman and Bali The people and governments of both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to believe that they would use them.These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies Our overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan We must deny al Qaeda a safe haven We must reverse the Taliban's momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government And we must strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan's security forces and government, so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan's future We will meet these objectives in three ways First, we will pursue a military strategy that will break the Taliban's momentum and increase Afghanistan's capacity over the next 18 months The 30,000 additional troops that I am announcing tonight will deploy in the first part of 2010 -the fastest pace possible so that they can target the insurgency and secure key population centers They will increase our ability to train competent Afghan security forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility to the Afghans Because this is an international effort, I have asked that our commitment be joined by contributions from our allies Some have already provided additional troops, and we are confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks ahead Our friends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan Now, we must come together to end this war successfully For what's at stake is not simply a test of NATO's credibility what's at stake is the security of our Allies, and the common security of the world Taken together, these additional American and international troops will allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011 Just as we have done in Iraq, we will execute this transition XI 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground We will continue to advise and assist Afghanistan's security forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul But it will be clear to the Afghan government and, more importantly, to the Afghan people that they will ultimately be responsible for their own country Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can take advantage of improved security This effort must be based on performance The days of providing a blank check are over President Karzai's inauguration speech sent the right message about moving in a new direction And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance We will support Afghan ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat corruption and deliver for the people We expect those who are ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable And we will also focus our assistance in areas such as agriculture that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades They have been confronted with occupation by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering We have no interest in occupying your country We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of their fellow citizens And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect to isolate those who destroy; to strengthen those who build; to hasten the day when our troops will leave; and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your partner, and never your patron Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan We are in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through that country But this same cancer has also taken root in the border region of Pakistan That is why we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who have argued that the struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use violence But in recent years, as innocents have been killed from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people who are the most endangered by extremism Public opinion has turned The Pakistani Army has waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan share a common enemy In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly Those days are over Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual interests, mutual respect and mutual trust We will strengthen Pakistan's capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries, and have made it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe haven for terrorists whose location is known, and whose intentions are clear America is also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan's democracy and development We are the largest international supporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting And going forward, the Pakistani people must know: America will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan's security and prosperity long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its people can be unleashed These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to create the conditions for a transition; a civilian surge that reinforces positive action; and an effective partnership with Pakistan I recognize that there are a range of concerns about our approach So let me briefly address a few of the prominent arguments that I have heard, and which I take very seriously XII 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we are better off cutting our losses and rapidly withdrawing I believe this argument depends upon a false reading of history Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency And most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are plotting along its border To abandon this area now and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance would significantly hamper our ability to keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our allies Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can't leave Afghanistan in its current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we have But this would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions there It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed to train Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a timeframe for our transition to Afghan responsibility Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort one that would commit us to a nation building project of up to a decade I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what we can achieve at a reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests Furthermore, the absence of a timeframe for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government It must be clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in Afghanistan As president, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, our or interests And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation faces I don't have the luxury of committing to just one Indeed, I am mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who in discussing our national security said, "Each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs." Over the past several years, we have lost that balance We have failed to appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our friends and neighbors are out of work and struggle to pay the bills, and too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children Meanwhile, competition within the global economy has grown more fierce So we can't simply afford to ignore the price of these wars All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan approached a trillion dollars Going forward, I am committed to addressing these costs openly and honestly Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely to cost us roughly $30 billion for the military this year, and I will work closely with Congress to address these costs as we work to bring down our deficit But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we must rebuild our strength here at home Our prosperity provides a foundation for our power It pays for our military It underwrites our diplomacy It taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in new industry And it will allow us to compete in this century as successfully as we did in the last That is why our troop commitment in Afghanistan cannot be open-ended because the nation that I am most interested in building is our own Now, let me be clear: none of this will be easy The struggle against violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership in the world And unlike the great power conflicts and clear XIII 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 lines of division that defined the 20th century, our effort will involve disorderly regions, failed states, diffuse enemies So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we end wars and prevent conflict We will have to be nimble and precise in our use of military power Where al Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish a foothold whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere they must be confronted by growing pressure and strong partnerships And we can't count on military might alone We have to invest in our homeland security, because we can't capture or kill every violent extremist abroad We have to improve and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step ahead of shadowy networks We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction That is why I have made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose nuclear materials from terrorists; to stop the spread of nuclear weapons; and to pursue the goal of a world without them Because every nation must understand that true security will never come from an endless race for ever-more destructive weapons true security will come for those who reject them We will have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of an interconnected world acting alone I have spent this year renewing our alliances and forging new partnerships And we have forged a new beginning between America and the Muslim world -one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity Finally, we must draw on the strength of our values for the challenges that we face may have changed, but the things that we believe in must not That is why we must promote our values by living them at home which is why I have prohibited torture and will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay And we must make it clear to every man, woman and child around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny that America will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend to the light of freedom, and justice, and opportunity, and respect for the dignity of all peoples That is who we are That is the source the moral source of America's authority Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of our grandparents and greatgrandparents, our country has borne a special burden in global affairs We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents We have spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies We have joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions from the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank that provide for the common security and prosperity of human beings We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times made mistakes But more than any other nation, the United States of America has underwritten global security for over six decades a time that, for all its problems, has seen walls come down, markets open, billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific progress, and advancing frontiers of human liberty For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination Our union was founded in resistance to oppression We not seek to occupy other nations We will not claim another nation's resources or target other peoples because their faith or ethnicity is different from ours What we have fought for what we continue to fight for is a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if other peoples' children and grandchildren can live in freedom and access opportunity As a country, we are not as young and perhaps not as innocent as we were when Roosevelt was president Yet we are still heirs to a noble struggle for freedom Now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the challenges of a new age In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength of our arms It XIV 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 derives from our people from the workers and businesses who will rebuild our economy; from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer new industries; from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service of those who work in our communities at home; from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hope abroad; and from the men and women in uniform who are part of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people and for the people a reality on this Earth This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue nor should we But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our leadership nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time if we allow ourselves to be split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national discourse It is easy to forget that when this war began, we were united bound together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the determination to defend our homeland and the values we hold dear I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that unity again I believe with every fiber of my being that we as Americans can still come together behind a common purpose For our values are not simply words written into parchment they are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest of storms as one nation, as one people America, we are passing through a time of great trial And the message that we send in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is just, our resolve unwavering We will go forward with the confidence that right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes Thank you, God Bless you and God Bless the United States of America XV APPENDIX III Speech 3: A moment of opportunity Delivered in May 19th, 2011 Line 10 11 12 13 14 Today, I would like to talk about this change – the forces that are driving it, and how we can respond in a way that advances our values and strengthens our security Already, we have done much to shift our foreign policy following a decade defined by two costly conflicts After years of war in Iraq, we have removed 100,000 American troops and ended our combat mission there In Afghanistan, we have broken the Taliban‘s momentum, and this July we will begin to bring our troops home and continue transition to Afghan lead And after years of war against al Qaeda and its affiliates, we have dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader – Osama bin Laden Bin Laden was no martyr He was a mass murderer who offered a message of hate – an insistence that Muslims had to take up arms against the West, and that violence against men, women and children was the only path to change He rejected democracy and individual rights for Muslims in favor of violent extremism; his agenda focused on what he could destroy – not what he could build Bin Laden and his murderous vision won some adherents But even before his death, al Qaeda was losing its struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents did not answer their cries for a better life By the time we found bin Laden, al Qaeda‘s agenda had come to be seen by the vast majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and North Africa had taken their future into their own hands 15 16 17 18 19 20 That story of self-determination began six months ago in Tunisia On December 17, a young vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi was devastated when a police officer confiscated his cart This was not unique It is the same kind of humiliation that takes place every day in many parts of the world – the relentless tyranny of governments that deny their citizens dignity Only this time, something different happened After local officials refused to hear his complaint, this young man who had never been particularly active in politics went to the headquarters of the provincial government, doused himself in fuel, and lit himself on fire 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 Sometimes, in the course of history, the actions of ordinary citizens spark movements for change because they speak to a longing for freedom that has built up for years In America, think of the defiance of those patriots in Boston who refused to pay taxes to a King, or the dignity of Rosa Parks as she sat courageously in her seat So it was in Tunisia, as that vendor‘s act of desperation tapped into the frustration felt throughout the country Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, then thousands And in the face of batons and sometimes bullets, they refused to go home – day after day, week after week, until a dictator of more than two decades finally left power The story of this Revolution, and the ones that followed, should not have come as a surprise The nations of the Middle East and North Africa won their independence long ago, but in too many places their people did not In too many countries, power has been concentrated in the hands of the few In too many countries, a citizen like that young vendor had nowhere to turn – no honest judiciary to hear his case; no independent media to give him voice; no credible political party to represent his views; no free and fair election where he could choose his leader This lack of self determination – the chance to make of your life what you will – has applied to the region‘s economy as well Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of prosperity But in a global economy based on knowledge and innovation, no development strategy can be based solely upon what comes out of the ground Nor can people reach their potential when you cannot start a business without paying a bribe 36 XVI 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 In the face of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their people‘s grievances elsewhere The West was blamed as the source of all ills, a half century after the end of colonialism Antagonism toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet for political expression Divisions of tribe, ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to power, or taking it away from somebody else But the events of the past six months show us that strategies of repression and diversion won‘t work anymore Satellite television and the Internet provide a window into the wider world – a world of astonishing progress in places like India, Indonesia and Brazil Cell phones and social networks allow young people to connect and organize like never before A new generation has emerged And their voices tell us that change cannot be denied 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 In Cairo, we heard the voice of the young mother who said, ―It‘s like I can finally breathe fresh air for the first time.‖ In Sanaa, we heard the students who chanted, ―The night must come to an end.‖ In Benghazi, we heard the engineer who said, ―Our words are free now It‘s a feeling you can‘t explain.‖ In Damascus, we heard the young man who said, ―After the first yelling, the first shout, you feel dignity.‖ Those shouts of human dignity are being heard across the region And through the moral force of non-violence, the people of the region have achieved more change in six months than terrorists have accomplished in decades Of course, change of this magnitude does not come easily In our day and age – a time of 24 hour news cycles, and constant communication – people expect the transformation of the region to be resolved in a matter of weeks But it will be years before this story reaches its end Along the way, there will be good days, and bad days In some places, change will be swift; in others, gradual And as we have seen, calls for change may give way to fierce contests for power The question before us is what role America will play as this story unfolds For decades, the United States has pursued a set of core interests in the region: countering terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear weapons; securing the free flow of commerce, and safe-guarding the security of the region; standing up for Israel‘s security and pursuing Arab-Israeli peace We will continue to these things, with the firm belief that America‘s interests are not hostile to peoples‘ hopes; they are essential to them We believe that no one benefits from a nuclear arms race in the region, or al Qaeda‘s brutal attacks People everywhere would see their economies crippled by a cut off in energy supplies As we did in the Gulf War, we will not tolerate aggression across borders, and we will keep our commitments to friends and partners Yet we must acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these interests will not fill an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their mind Moreover, failure to speak to the broader aspirations of ordinary people will only feed the suspicion that has festered for years that the United States pursues our own interests at their expense Given that this mistrust runs both ways – as Americans have been seared by hostage taking, violent rhetoric, and terrorist attacks that have killed thousands of our citizens – a failure to change our approach threatens a deepening spiral of division between the United States and Muslim communities That‘s why, two years ago in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement based upon mutual interests and mutual respect I believed then – and I believe now – that we have a stake not just in the stability of nations, but in the self determination of individuals The status quo is not sustainable Societies held together by fear and repression may offer the illusion of stability for a time, but they are built upon fault lines that will eventually tear asunder So we face an historic opportunity We have embraced the chance to show that America values XVII 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 the dignity of the street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator There must be no doubt that the United States of America welcomes change that advances self-determination and opportunity Yes, there will be perils that accompany this moment of promise But after decades of accepting the world as it is in the region, we have a chance to pursue the world as it should be As we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility It is not America that put people into the streets of Tunis and Cairo – it was the people themselves who launched these movements, and must determine their outcome Not every country will follow our particular form of representative democracy, and there will be times when our short term interests not align perfectly with our long term vision of the region But we can – and will – speak out for a set of core principles – principles that have guided our response to the events over the past six months: The United States opposes the use of violence and repression against the people of the region We support a set of universal rights Those rights include free speech; the freedom of peaceful assembly; freedom of religion; equality for men and women under the rule of law; and the right to choose your own leaders – whether you live in Baghdad or Damascus; Sanaa or Tehran And finally, we support political and economic reform in the Middle East and North Africa that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region Our support for these principles is not a secondary interest– today I am making it clear that it is a top priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at our disposal Let me be specific First, it will be the policy of the United States to promote reform across the region, and to support transitions to democracy 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 That effort begins in Egypt and Tunisia, where the stakes are high –as Tunisia was at the vanguard of this democratic wave, and Egypt is both a longstanding partner and the Arab World‘s largest nation Both nations can set a strong example through free and fair elections; a vibrant civil society; accountable and effective democratic institutions; and responsible regional leadership But our support must also extend to nations where transitions have yet to take place Unfortunately, in too many countries, calls for change have been answered by violence The most extreme example is Libya, where Moammar Gaddafi launched a war against his people, promising to hunt them down like rats As I said when the United States joined an international coalition to intervene, we cannot prevent every injustice perpetrated by a regime against its people, and we have learned from our experience in Iraq just how costly and difficult it is to impose regime change by force – no matter how well-intended it may be But in Libya, we saw the prospect of imminent massacre, had a mandate for action, and heard the Libyan people‘s call for help Had we not acted along with our NATO allies and regional coalition partners, thousands would have been killed The message would have been clear: keep power by killing as many people as it takes Now, time is working against Gaddafi He does not have control over his country The opposition has organized a legitimate and credible Interim Council And when Gaddafi inevitably leaves or is forced from power, decades of provocation will come to an end, and the transition to a democratic Libya can proceed While Libya has faced violence on the greatest scale, it is not the only place where leaders have turned to repression to remain in power Most recently, the Syrian regime has chosen the path of murder and the mass arrests of its citizens The United States has condemned these actions, and working with the international community we have stepped up our sanctions on the Syrian regime – including sanctions announced yesterday on President Assad and those around him 116 XVIII 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 The Syrian people have shown their courage in demanding a transition to democracy President Assad now has a choice: he can lead that transition, or get out of the way The Syrian government must stop shooting demonstrators and allow peaceful protests; release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests; allow human rights monitors to have access to cities like Dara‘a; and start a serious dialogue to advance a democratic transition Otherwise, President Assad and his regime will continue to be challenged from within and isolated abroad Thus far, Syria has followed its Iranian ally, seeking assistance from Tehran in the tactics of suppression This speaks to the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime, which says it stand for the rights of protesters abroad, yet suppresses its people at home Let us remember that the first peaceful protests were in the streets of Tehran, where the government brutalized women and men, and threw innocent people into jail We still hear the chants echo from the rooftops of Tehran The image of a young woman dying in the streets is still seared in our memory And we will continue to insist that the Iranian people deserve their universal rights, and a government that does not smother their aspirations Our opposition to Iran‘s intolerance – as well as its illicit nuclear program, and its sponsorship of terror – is well known But if America is to be credible, we must acknowledge that our friends in the region have not all reacted to the demands for change consistent with the principles that I have outlined today That is true in Yemen, where President Saleh needs to follow through on his commitment to transfer power And that is true, today, in Bahrain Bahrain is a long-standing partner, and we are committed to its security We recognize that Iran has tried to take advantage of the turmoil there, and that the Bahraini government has a legitimate interest in the rule of law Nevertheless, we have insisted publically and privately that mass arrests and brute force are at odds with the universal rights of Bahrain‘s citizens, and will not make legitimate calls for reform go away The only way forward is for the government and opposition to engage in a dialogue, and you can‘t have a real dialogue when parts of the peaceful opposition are in jail The government must create the conditions for dialogue, and the opposition must participate to forge a just future for all Bahrainis Indeed, one of the broader lessons to be drawn from this period is that sectarian divides need not lead to conflict In Iraq, we see the promise of a multi-ethnic, multi-sectarian democracy There, the Iraqi people have rejected the perils of political violence for a democratic process, even as they have taken full responsibility for their own security Like all new democracies, they will face setbacks But Iraq is poised to play a key role in the region if it continues its peaceful progress As they do, we will be proud to stand with them as a steadfast partner So in the months ahead, America must use all our influence to encourage reform in the region Even as we acknowledge that each country is different, we will need to speak honestly about the principles that we believe in, with friend and foe alike Our message is simple: if you take the risks that reform entails, you will have the full support of the United States We must also build on our efforts to broaden our engagement beyond elites, so that we reach the people who will shape the future – particularly young people We will continue to make good on the commitments that I made in Cairo – to build networks of entrepreneurs, and expand exchanges in education; to foster cooperation in science and technology, and combat disease Across the region, we intend to provide assistance to civil society, including those that may not be officially sanctioned, and who speak uncomfortable truths And we will use the technology to connect with – and listen to – the voices of the people 153 154 155 156 In fact, real reform will not come at the ballot box alone Through our efforts we must support those basic rights to speak your mind and access information We will support open access to the Internet, and the right of journalists to be heard – whether it‘s a big news organization or a blogger In the 21st century, information is power; the truth cannot be hidden; and the legitimacy XIX 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 of governments will ultimately depend on active and informed citizens Such open discourse is important even if what is said does not square with our worldview America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard, even if we disagree with them We look forward to working with all who embrace genuine and inclusive democracy What we will oppose is an attempt by any group to restrict the rights of others, and to hold power through coercion – not consent Because democracy depends not only on elections, but also strong and accountable institutions, and respect for the rights of minorities Such tolerance is particularly important when it comes to religion In Tahrir Square, we heard Egyptians from all walks of life chant, ―Muslims, Christians, we are one.‖ America will work to see that this spirit prevails – that all faiths are respected, and that bridges are built among them In a region that was the birthplace of three world religions, intolerance can lead only to suffering and stagnation And for this season of change to succeed, Coptic Christians must have the right to worship freely in Cairo, just as Shia must never have their mosques destroyed in Bahrain 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 What is true for religious minorities is also true when it comes to the rights of women History shows that countries are more prosperous and peaceful when women are empowered That is why we will continue to insist that universal rights apply to women as well as men – by focusing assistance on child and maternal health; by helping women to teach, or start a business; by standing up for the right of women to have their voices heard, and to run for office For the region will never reach its potential when more than half its population is prevented from achieving their potential Even as we promote political reform and human rights in the region, our efforts cannot stop there So the second way that we must support positive change in the region is through our efforts to advance economic development for nations that transition to democracy After all, politics alone has not put protesters into the streets The tipping point for so many people is the more constant concern of putting food on the table and providing for a family Too many in the region wake up with few expectations other than making it through the day, and perhaps the hope that their luck will change Throughout the region, many young people have a solid education, but closed economies leave them unable to find a job Entrepreneurs are brimming with ideas, but corruption leaves them unable to profit from them The greatest untapped resource in the Middle East and North Africa is the talent of its people In the recent protests, we see that talent on display, as people harness technology to move the world It‘s no coincidence that one of the leaders of Tahrir Square was an executive for Google That energy now needs to be channeled, in country after country, so that economic growth can solidify the accomplishments of the street Just as democratic revolutions can be triggered by a lack of individual opportunity, successful democratic transitions depend upon an expansion of growth and broad-based prosperity Drawing from what we‘ve learned around the world, we think it‘s important to focus on trade, not just aid; and investment, not just assistance The goal must be a model in which protectionism gives way to openness; the reigns of commerce pass from the few to the many, and the economy generates jobs for the young America‘s support for democracy will therefore be based on ensuring financial stability; promoting reform; and integrating competitive markets with each other and the global economy – starting with Tunisia and Egypt First, we have asked the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to present a plan at next week‘s G-8 summit for what needs to be done to stabilize and modernize the economies of Tunisia and Egypt Together, we must help them recover from the disruption of their democratic upheaval, and support the governments that will be elected later this year And we are urging XX 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 other countries to help Egypt and Tunisia meet its near-term financial needs Second, we not want a democratic Egypt to be saddled by the debts of its past So we will relieve a democratic Egypt of up to $1 billion in debt, and work with our Egyptian partners to invest these resources to foster growth and entrepreneurship We will help Egypt regain access to markets by guaranteeing $1 billion in borrowing that is needed to finance infrastructure and job creation And we will help newly democratic governments recover assets that were stolen Third, we are working with Congress to create Enterprise Funds to invest in Tunisia and Egypt These will be modeled on funds that supported the transitions in Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall OPIC will soon launch a $2 billion facility to support private investment across the region And we will work with allies to refocus the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development so that it provides the same support for democratic transitions and economic modernization in the Middle East and North Africa as it has in Europe Fourth, the United States will launch a comprehensive Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative in the Middle East and North Africa If you take out oil exports, this region of over 400 million people exports roughly the same amount as Switzerland So we will work with the EU to facilitate more trade within the region, build on existing agreements to promote integration with U.S and European markets, and open the door for those countries who adopt high standards of reform and trade liberalization to construct a regional trade arrangement Just as EU membership served as an incentive for reform in Europe, so should the vision of a modern and prosperous economy create a powerful force for reform in the Middle East and North Africa Prosperity also requires tearing down walls that stand in the way of progress – the corruption of elites who steal from their people; the red tape that stops an idea from becoming a business; the patronage that distributes wealth based on tribe or sect We will help governments meet international obligations, and invest efforts anti-corruption; by working with parliamentarians who are developing reforms, and activists who use technology to hold government accountable 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 Let me conclude by talking about another cornerstone of our approach to the region, and that relates to the pursuit of peace For decades, the conflict between Israelis and Arabs has cast a shadow over the region For Israelis, it has meant living with the fear that their children could get blown up on a bus or by rockets fired at their homes, as well as the pain of knowing that other children in the region are taught to hate them For Palestinians, it has meant suffering the humiliation of occupation, and never living in a nation of their own Moreover, this conflict has come with a larger cost the Middle East, as it impedes partnerships that could bring greater security, prosperity, and empowerment to ordinary people 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 My Administration has worked with the parties and the international community for over two years to end this conflict, yet expectations have gone unmet Israeli settlement activity continues Palestinians have walked away from talks The world looks at a conflict that has grinded on for decades, and sees a stalemate Indeed, there are those who argue that with all the change and uncertainty in the region, it is simply not possible to move forward I disagree At a time when the people of the Middle East and North Africa are casting off the burdens of the past, the drive for a lasting peace that ends the conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever For the Palestinians, efforts to delegitimize Israel will end in failure Symbolic actions to isolate Israel at the United Nations in September won‘t create an independent state Palestinian leaders will not achieve peace or prosperity if Hamas insists on a path of terror and rejection And XXI 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 Palestinians will never realize their independence by denying the right of Israel to exist As for Israel, our friendship is rooted deeply in a shared history and shared values Our commitment to Israel‘s security is unshakeable And we will stand against attempts to single it out for criticism in international forums But precisely because of our friendship, it is important that we tell the truth: the status quo is unsustainable, and Israel too must act boldly to advance a lasting peace The fact is, a growing number of Palestinians live west of the Jordan River Technology will make it harder for Israel to defend itself A region undergoing profound change will lead to populism in which millions of people – not just a few leaders – must believe peace is possible The international community is tired of an endless process that never produces an outcome The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot be fulfilled with permanent occupation Ultimately, it is up to Israelis and Palestinians to take action No peace can be imposed upon them, nor can endless delay make the problem go away But what America and the international community can is state frankly what everyone knows: a lasting peace will involve two states for two peoples Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people, and the state of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people; each state enjoying self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace So while the core issues of the conflict must be negotiated, the basis of those negotiations is clear: a viable Palestine, and a secure Israel The United States believes that negotiations should result in two states, with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine The borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and reach their potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state As for security, every state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able to defend itself – by itself – against any threat Provisions must also be robust enough to prevent a resurgence of terrorism; to stop the infiltration of weapons; and to provide effective border security The full and phased withdrawal of Israeli military forces should be coordinated with the assumption of Palestinian security responsibility in a sovereign, non-militarized state The duration of this transition period must be agreed, and the effectiveness of security arrangements must be demonstrated These principles provide a foundation for negotiations Palestinians should know the territorial outlines of their state; Israelis should know that their basic security concerns will be met I know that these steps alone will not resolve this conflict Two wrenching and emotional issues remain: the future of Jerusalem, and the fate of Palestinian refugees But moving forward now on the basis of territory and security provides a foundation to resolve those two issues in a way that is just and fair, and that respects the rights and aspirations of Israelis and Palestinians Recognizing that negotiations need to begin with the issues of territory and security does not mean that it will be easy to come back to the table In particular, the recent announcement of an agreement between Fatah and Hamas raises profound and legitimate questions for Israel – how can one negotiate with a party that has shown itself unwilling to recognize your right to exist In the weeks and months to come, Palestinian leaders will have to provide a credible answer to that question Meanwhile, the United States, our Quartet partners, and the Arab states will need to continue every effort to get beyond the current impasse 274 275 276 I recognize how hard this will be Suspicion and hostility has been passed on for generations, and at times it has hardened But I‘m convinced that the majority of Israelis and Palestinians would rather look to the future than be trapped in the past We see that spirit in the Israeli father whose XXII 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 son was killed by Hamas, who helped start an organization that brought together Israelis and Palestinians who had lost loved ones He said, ―I gradually realized that the only hope for progress was to recognize the face of the conflict.‖ And we see it in the actions of a Palestinian who lost three daughters to Israeli shells in Gaza ―I have the right to feel angry,‖ he said ―So many people were expecting me to hate My answer to them is I shall not hate…Let us hope,‖ he said, ―for tomorrow‖ That is the choice that must be made – not simply in this conflict, but across the entire region – a choice between hate and hope; between the shackles of the past, and the promise of the future It‘s a choice that must be made by leaders and by people, and it‘s a choice that will define the future of a region that served as the cradle of civilization and a crucible of strife For all the challenges that lie ahead, we see many reasons to be hopeful In Egypt, we see it in the efforts of young people who led protests In Syria, we see it in the courage of those who brave bullets while chanting, ‗peaceful,‘ ‗peaceful.‘ In Benghazi, a city threatened with destruction, we see it in the courthouse square where people gather to celebrate the freedoms that they had never known Across the region, those rights that we take for granted are being claimed with joy by those who are prying lose the grip of an iron fist XXIII