free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com China’s Soft Power and International Relations China’s soft power has attracted considerable attention in the recent decade In this volume, scholars from the UK, Europe, the United States, Singapore, Australia, Hong Kong and mainland China, including a number of well-established and well-known analysts on China, examine the main areas where China has made noticeable advances in its appeal and influence These include China’s foreign policy discourse, international communication, cultural diplomacy and foreign assistance In addition, the Chinese concept of soft power, foreign policy strategy and the relationship between its international standing and that of the United States are closely analysed This volume covers some of the most recent development and critically assesses China’s soft power It offers an assessment of China’s efforts to cultivate its international image, as well as a critique of Nye’s theory of soft power It draws on case studies of Chinese diplomatic practice and utilises world opinion polls This volume offers a theoretical and empirical perspective on the discussion on soft power, with a particular focus on China’s soft power Hongyi Lai is Associate Professor, School of Contemporary Chinese Studies, University of Nottingham and a Senior Fellow of the China Policy Institute, the University of Nottingham Yiyi Lu is a Senior Research Fellow at the China Society of Economic Reform and an Associate with the New Diplomacy Platform free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com China policy series Series Editor Zheng Yongnian China Policy Institute, University of Nottingham, UK China and the New International Order Edited by Wang Gungwu and Zheng Yongnian China’s Opening Society The non-state sector and governance Edited by Zheng Yongnian and Joseph Fewsmith Zhao Ziyang and China’s Political Future Edited by Guoguang Wu and Helen Lansdowne Hainan – State, Society, and Business in a Chinese Province Kjeld Erik Brodsgaard Non-Governmental Organizations in China The rise of dependent autonomy Yiyi Lu Power and Sustainability of the Chinese State Edited by Keun Lee, Joon-Han Kim and Wing Thye Woo China’s Information and Communications Technology Revolution Social changes and state responses Edited by Xiaoling Zhang and Yongnian Zheng Socialist China, Capitalist China Social tension and political adaptation under economic globalisation Edited by Guoguang Wu and Helen Lansdowne Environmental Activism in China Lei Xei 10 China’s Rise in the World ICT Industry Industrial strategies and the catch-up development model Lutao Ning www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com 11 China’s Local Administration Traditions and changes in the sub-national hierarchy Edited by Jae Ho Chung and Tao-chiu Lam 12 The Chinese Communist Party as Organizational Emperor Culture, reproduction and transformation Zheng Yongnian 13 China’s Trade Unions – How Autonomous Are They? Masaharu Hishida, Kazuko Kojima, Tomoaki Ishii and Jian Qiao 14 Legitimating the Chinese Communist Party since Tiananmen A critical analysis of the stability discourse Peter Sandby-Thomas 15 China and International Relations The Chinese view and the contribution of Wang Gungwu Zheng Yongnian 16 The Challenge of Labour in China Strikes and the changing labour regime in global factories Chris King-chi Chan 17 The Impact of China’s 1989 Tiananmen Massacre Edited by Jean-Philippe Béja 18 The Institutional Dynamics of China’s Great Transformation Edited by Xiaoming Huang 19 Higher Education in Contemporary China Beyond expansion Edited by W John Morgan and Bin Wu 20 China’s Crisis Management Edited by Jae Ho Chung 21 China Engages Global Governance A new world order in the making? Gerald Chan, Pak K Lee and Lai-Ha Chan 22 Political Culture and Participation in Rural China Yang Zhong 23 China’s Soft Power and International Relations Edited by Hongyi Lai and Yiyi Lu free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com China’s Soft Power and International Relations Edited by Hongyi Lai and Yiyi Lu www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com This first edition published 2012 by Routledge Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa business © 2012 Hongyi Lai and Yiyi Lu for selection and editorial material; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Hongyi Lai and Yiyi Lu to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 All rights reserved No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data China’s soft power and international relations/[edited by] Hongyi Lai and Yiyi Lu – 1st ed p cm – (China policy series; 23) Includes bibliographical references and index China–Foreign relations–21st century China–Foreign relations– Philosophy I Lai, Hongyi, 1965– II Lu, Yiyi, 1970– JZ1734.C57 2012 327.51–dc23 2011041861 ISBN: 978-0-415-60401-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-203-12209-9 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com Contents List of figures and tables Notes on contributors Preface Introduction: the soft power concept and a rising China ix x xiii H ongyi L ‘Soft power’ and Chinese soft power 21 Y ongnian Z h e ng an d chi Z hang Soft language, soft imagery and soft power in China’s diplomatic lexicon 39 Da v i d S cott The quandary of China’s soft-power rhetoric: the “peaceful-rise” concept and internal debate 64 Domini k M i e rz e j e ws k i China’s cultural diplomacy: going for soft power 83 H ongyi L Challenges for China’s international communication 104 Y iyi L u Challenges for China’s harmonious diplomacy 121 C h e ng ( J ason ) Q ian Debunking the myth of China’s soft power: changes in China’s use of foreign assistance from 1949 to the present M e rri d e n Varrall www.ebook777.com 138 free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com viii Contents Is China rising at America’s expense? Anti-Americanism and pro-China sentiments in global public opinion 170 Z ixiao Y ang , Da v i d Z w e ig , an d Z h e ngxu W ang 10 China’s foreign policy as a rising power in the early twenty-first century: the struggle between taoguangyanghui and assertiveness 191 S uish e ng Z hao Index 212 free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com Figures and tables Figures 2.1 A comparison of the soft or hard effectiveness of country A and country B’s international behaviours 5.1 World opinion of China 5.2 Perception of China around the world 9.1 Distribution of public opinion in 16 countries on China’s economic and military rise (2005) 9.2 Distribution of mainstream public opinion in four types of country on China’s economic and military rise (2005) 9.3 Public opinion in 16 countries toward China, the United States, Germany, France, and Japan 9.4 National and individual correlates of public opinion in 16 countries on China’s rise 29 98 99 176 177 178 186 Tables 1.1 Views of nations on the United States 1.2 Profiles of major powers 3.1 China’s overall “favourability” trends, 2002–2010 3.2 China’s military and economic image, June 2010 5.1 International tourists to China 5.2 Confucius institutes/classrooms worldwide, 2004–2010 5.3 Rating and ranking of soft power in Asia 5.4 Perception of influence of Chinese culture in Asia-Pacific 5.5 World view of China, 2002–2010 9.1 Definition and description of dependent and independent variables 9.2 Binary logistic regression results of public opinion in 16 countries on China’s rise and China 9.3 Multinomial logit model of the choices of four types of attitude toward China’s rise www.ebook777.com 53 54 92 93 95 96 97 181 183 184 free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com Notes on contributors Hongyi Lai is associate professor and PhD programme director of School of Contemporary Chinese Studies, the University of Nottingham, United Kingdom He received his PhD in political science from UCLA He was a senior research fellow at the East Asian Institute, National University of Singapore His research covers China’s domestic and international political economy His scholarly publications in English include seven books, 18 refereed journal articles, and 17 book chapters His books include The Domestic Sources of China’s Foreign Policy (Routledge), Asian Energy Security: The Maritime Dimension (Palgrave Macmillan), Reform and the Non-State Economy in China (Palgrave Macmillan), and China into the Hu-Wen Era (World Scientific) His articles have appeared in major journals in studies of China and the third world, such as China Quarterly, The China Journal, Modern China, The Journal of Contemporary China, and Third World Quarterly Yiyi Lu is Senior Research Fellow at the China Society of Economic Reform and an Associate with the New Diplomacy Platform She is the author of Non-governmental Organisations in China: The Rise of Dependent Autonomy (Routledge) and co-editor of Politics of Modern China: Critical Issues in Modern Politics (Routledge) She is currently working as project lead for the Carter Center’s Access to Information Project in China and is a regular blogger for the Wall Street Journal Dominik Mierzejewski is an assistant professor in the East Asia Department, the Faculty of International and Political Studies at the University of Łódź in Poland He is the author of various articles on contemporary international relations published by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in the Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia Cheng (Jason) Qian is a fellow of the Harvard Negotiation Project (HNP) at Harvard Law School and research associate at the Harvard Business School (HBS), where he concentrates on the study of Chinese negotiation methodologies and their applications in contemporary Sino-USA negotiations At HNP, his research focuses on China’s approach to international negotiations as well as its efforts in mediating regional conflicts, in particular the North Korean free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com China’s foreign relations as a rising power 203 led it to hold a banner as the leader of third world countries in confrontation with Western powers on many controversial international issues China’s claim to be a developing country is not the primary basis on which China makes voting decisions at the United Nations Instead of simply defending its third world allies against Western interference, China now often stands together with Western powers to promote their responsible behavior These changes came not only as a result of China’s growing engagement with the new reality of an increasingly interdependent world but also as a reflection of China’s reluctance to take side in the divide between developing countries and Western powers The Hu leadership is trying to maintain good relations with both That is why China tried to discourage its third world allies, such as Iran and North Korea, from building nuclear weapon programs and supported international inspections of their nuclear programs In an interview with CNN (Cable Network News), Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao made it clear that China “[is] not supportive of a nuclear rise for Iran.” Although Iran has the right to develop the capacity for utilizing nuclear energy in a peaceful way, “such efforts should be subject to the safeguards of the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency), and Iran should not develop nuclear weapons.”44 As one study found, although China was often accused of supporting a string of despots and genocidal regimes, in recent years “Beijing has been quietly overhauling its policies toward pariah states . China is now willing to condition its diplomatic protection of pariah countries, forcing them to become more acceptable to the international community.” According to this study, the change came because “China’s fears about a backlash and the potential damage to its strategic and economic relationships with the United States and Europe have prompted Beijing to put greater effort into demonstrating that it is a responsible power.”45 One important indication of China’s effort to build more balanced relations with both developing countries and Western powers is China’s newly evoked enthusiasm for global and regional multilateralism, not only accepting but also becoming an active advocate of common security, interdependence, and cooperative development as a non-zero-sum game in the process of growing globalization Under the policy of multilateralism, Beijing became increasingly involved in regional cooperation and took a more active role in international institutions at the global level in light of its calculations on their impacts upon its national interests China played an active role in multilateral arms control regimes and greatly increased its participation in UN peacekeeping operations, such as those in Haiti and East Timor In addition, Beijing played a key role in the Six-Party talks of the United States, China, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and North Korea over Pyongyang’s nuclear program Beijing cajoled both the United States and North Korea to continue meeting each other despite repeated threats by both sides to discontinue negotiations After four rounds of talks, China’s draft accord was accepted by all six parties in September 2005 Although this accord was not implemented and North Korea tested its first nuclear device in October 2006, China once again played a leading role in bringing Pyongyang back to the Six- Party talks, which reached a new agreement in February 2007 These agreements free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com 204 S Zhao were milestones in establishing China’s strategic importance as a rising power in multilateral diplomatic negotiations involving major powers as well as its third world allies While China tried to maintain stable relations with major powers through promoting responsible behavior of its third world friends, its balancing behavior was constantly tested In particular, China’s global search for energy supplies created many problems because China had to cultivate good relations with many third world energy resource-rich countries that had problems in their relations with the United States and other Western powers The main focus of China’s diplomatic drive in its search for energy security was the Middle East, which Beijing once considered a remote area to China’s strategic interests but which then accounted for the majority of China’s oil imports Iran, a country under US sanction, became the largest Middle East oil supplier to China After the Iraq War in 2003, however, China embarked on diversifying energy supplies beyond the Middle East and intensified its search for new stocks in other parts of the world, including Africa, Latin America, and neighboring Asian countries As a result, China successfully expanded its relations with many oil-rich African countries, including Sudan, a country accused by the United States of genocide in its western region of Darfur, as well as some other countries problematic for the West, such as Libya In Latin America, China signed multi-billion US$ agreements for investment in oil, gas and other projects Among them was a series of oil exploration and purchase agreements with Venezuela under the anti- American President Hugo Chavez, who made no secret of his concern about his country’s dependence on oil exports to the United States and built his popularity at home by tapping anti-American sentiment China’s global search for energy raised concerns among some in the West, particularly in the US, that China was not only challenging the US’s historical dominance in Africa, Latin America, and Asia but also undermining Western efforts to promote transparency and human rights in these developing countries Further, as China vied for energy resources in some of the most unstable parts of the world and often ignored the promotion of transparency, good governance and responsible behavior with its partner nations, it appeared to be damaging US interests and values It became a particular concern of some Western leaders that China pursued deals with countries that were off-limits to Western companies because of sanctions, security concerns, or the threat of bad publicity Some observers worried that China’s active quest to secure energy supplies in these developing countries could fuel an energy cold war China’s relations with some of its energy resource-rich third world allies thus became a controversial issue in China’s relations with the United States and some other Western countries While being difficult to balance its economic and political interests in relations with these troubled states and in relations with the United States and other Western countries, China increasingly adopted a more nuanced approach to deal with many unpopular third world regimes and avoided being perceived as a defender of authoritarian regimes responsible for human suffering This was not only owing to heavy pressure from Western countries for www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com China’s foreign relations as a rising power 205 China to play a positive role but also because with its increasing investment in resource-rich but often politically unstable third world countries in recent years, in order to protect these investments it is in China’s own interest to maintain political stability and good governance in these countries, a practice urged by the United States and other Western countries For example, in President Hu’s visit to Sudan in February 2007, behind the official evocations of friendly relations and economic cooperation, he quietly tried to persuade the Sudan government to agree to deployment of the peacekeepers Then, in his meeting with visiting Sudanese Vice President Ali Taha in June 2008, Hu used frank language calling on the Khartoum government to cooperate in swiftly deploying international peacekeeping forces and to help end humanitarian abuses in the embattled Darfur region.46 China’s change of course in Sudan was certainly a response to Western pressure as well as an action to protect its own interest in the country because continuation of the Sudanese government’s policy could undercut the Comprehensive Peace Agreement that ended decades of war in southern Sudan and lead to new fighting that could shut off oil production entirely and thus damage China’s oil interests Building foundations in relations with Asian-Pacific neighbors Regarding China’s relations with Asian-Pacific countries as the foundation of its overall foreign policy, the Chinese leadership tried to maintain good relations with its neighboring countries in the “periphery” (zhoubian), a region where China not only exerts great influence but also finds its most important foreign policy interests Here again, the Hu leadership faces a struggle between maintaining a low profile and diplomatic activism For some time in the early years of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), China was “a regional power without a regional policy.”47 Tensions with many of its neighboring countries became an important source of threat to China’s national security Beijing was on constant alert against the possible invasion of hostile powers via its periphery and fought several wars with neighboring countries or with hostile powers on the periphery to defuse the threat After China launched its ambitious modernization program in the late 1970s, Chinese leaders set China’s foreign policy objectives to serve the country’s domestic reform and modernization programs through building a peaceful and stable external environment, including a stable and friendly peripheral environment As a result, Chinese leaders made a deliberate effort to devise an integrated regional policy, known as the “periphery policy” (zhoubian zhengce) or “good neighbor policy” (mulin zhengce), in the hope that fast economic growth in the region could offer new opportunities for China’s economic prosperity In making its periphery policy, however, Chinese leaders had to find a balance between diplomatic activism and keeping a low profile to dispel concerns and misgivings among its neighbors about the implications of China’s growing economic, political and military strength These concerns were particularly strong free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com 206 S Zhao among the small states that retain areas of contention and contestation in relations with China For example, while the Southeast Asian states were willing to engage an emerging China, they were wary of the potential risks as China had territorial disputes over the Paracel and Spratly island groups in the South China Sea with several ASEAN nations, including Vietnam, Brunei, Malaysia, and the Philippines.48 Launching a military modernization program that would make it the leading military power in the region, China maintained assertive positions on its territorial and sovereignty claims in the South China Sea and did not hesitate to flex its military muscles to reinforce its positions As a result, China’s growing power gave rise to the perception of a “China threat” among its weak neighbors They worried that after China modernized Beijing would seek greater security by developing a sphere of influence in East Asia, a modern equivalent of the traditional tributary system In response, while China became increasingly active in building a status as the region’s indispensable power, its diplomatic activism was supported by the good neighbor policy that aimed to explore common ground with Asian countries in both economic and security arenas and to convey the image of a responsible power willing to contribute to stability and cooperation in the region Actively engaging with Asian neighbors by skillful economic and political diplomacy, China tried to reassure its Asian neighbors that in spite of its rising power status, China was to settle border disputes “through consultations and negotiations.”49 At the same time, it worked hard to develop strategic partnerships and find common ground with Asian countries to resist pressures on market access and human rights issues from Western powers.50 One development favorable to China was that it became an engine for economic growth for the Asia-Pacific region and that many Asian economies benefited greatly from their economic relations with China Consequently, China dramatically increased its economic interactions with Asian-Pacific countries to foster its positive image Indeed, China’s size and rapid growth helped establish it as a powerhouse in the region While China’s economic growth had been viewed with trepidation in many Asian capitals, China’s surging economy has been welcomed by more and more Asian countries in recent years For example, “ASEAN has gone from being the anti-China club to China’s partner in trade Beijing has offered the grouping preferential trading status, engaging it more closely than the United States as Washington’s attention has been diverted elsewhere.”51 The success of China’s economic diplomacy came about because individual Asian countries became increasingly dependent on China for their foreign trade and investment As one observer indicated, [B]urgeoning trade and growing Asian investment in China are the most concrete manifestations of greater Chinese prominence in Asia China has become the largest trade partner of many Asian neighbors, and Chinese trade expands at almost twice the rate of China’s fast-growing economy Entrepreneurs from the more advanced Asian economies provide the bulk of the US$60 billion in foreign investment China receives annually Chinese www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com China’s foreign relations as a rising power 207 wealth and economic importance support growing popular exchanges in tourism and education.52 Another study found that “since the turn of the millennium, China has become the first or second largest trading partner of most countries in the region.” Japan’s trade with China exceeded its trade with all ten ASEAN members and surpassed US– Japan trade levels in 2007 China became South Korea’s number one customer, far surpassing the United States Despite cross-strait political tensions, Taiwanese investors sent an estimated 70 percent of their foreign investments to China.53 China’s economic activism in the Asia-Pacific region was accompanied by a diplomatic activism to foster a benign image of China For this purpose, the Chinese government made use of the full range of foreign policy instruments, such as foreign aid, cultural exchanges, peacekeeping, and a dizzying array of leadership meetings and agreements with Asian countries and the growing number of Asian regional organizations Through various avenues—the Shanghai Co-operation Organization that promotes ties with Russia and Central Asia, the Six Party talks on the North Korean nuclear crisis for north-east Asia and links (individually and collectively) with the Association of South-East Asian Nations—China has steadily forged better relations with most states in the region That process has included the settlement, or at least the agreement on a framework to settle, border demarcation disputes once considered intractable, with Vietnam, Russia and India among others.54 China signed the “Code of Conduct in the South China Sea,” which committed all signatories to peaceful resolution of outstanding issues, the “Treaty of Amity and Cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)” in 2003, and the 2002 “Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea.” China’s willingness to play a leading role in diplomacy surrounding North Korea’s nuclear weapons program helped South Korea work closely with China to maintain peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula Capitalizing on the desire among Asian leaders for freedom from outside interference on a range of issues from human rights through intellectual property to the environment, the Chinese government refrained from pushing ideology or attaching any conditions to its pragmatic partnerships with many Asian countries China’s engagement as a rising power with its neighbors thus allowed many Asian countries to find room to maneuver in their relations with the United States and other powers to preserve their independence and freedom of action The good neighbor policy thus helped China balance low profile and diplomatic activism China’s image has greatly improved in the past decade As indicated by Robert Sutter, China is clearly more popular and the target of less suspicion than in the past among many Asian governments, elites and popular opinion, and its free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com 208 S Zhao economic importance as an engine of Asian growth has increased . there is no question that an image of China’s rising influence has been important, particularly in Southeast Asia and Korea, where Chinese relations have improved markedly.55 The success of China’s good neighbor policy not only greatly improved China’s relations with Asia-Pacific countries but also dramatically increased China’s influence in the region This success was not incidental As one study suggested, China’s “growing regional role reflects both an increase in underlying power resources (fueled primarily by rapid economic growth) and improvements in Beijing’s ability to translate power into influence via effective diplomacy.”56 Conclusion A New York Times article used the title “An Unsure China Steps onto the Global Stage” to argue that “the Chinese appeared torn between seizing their moment in the geopolitical spotlight and shying from it.”57 This is a reflection of China’s contradictory dual identity as a great power and a developing country, as well as the struggle between its low profile policy and diplomatic activism As an expression of this delicate position, Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi had to emphasize in a speech the importance of holding on to the low profile policy while calling on China to “act as a responsible big country (power).”58 The continued growth of China’s comprehensive national strength may eventually eliminate the importance of the duel identity “as a factor constraining China’s foreign policy behavior” because the Chinese leadership would come to “view their country less as a poor nation and more as a great power.”59 From this perspective, Chinese foreign policy is in a transitional stage from low profile to global activism Chinese foreign policy behavior during this transitional period can be explained by defensive realism, which, like offensive realism, sees a hierarchical power structure that “is constantly in flux, reflecting variations in relative power.”60 Emphasizing the importance of balancing behavior, however, defensive realism stresses the degree to which unrestrained pursuit of power can lead to counterbalancing Therefore, it tends to “avoid unnecessary provocation.”61 It is from this perspective that a Chinese scholar claims that “security through cooperation, the hallmark of defensive realism, has become a pillar of China’s security strategy . . The outside world can take a more relaxed approach towards China’s rise” and “engagement with China is the way to go.”62 Whether or not this is an overly optimistic assurance, until its contradictory duel identity disappears, China’s struggle between maintaining low profile and diplomatic activism will continue Notes Den Qirong, Gaige kaifang yilai de zhongguo waijiao (Chinese Diplomacy since the Reform and Opening Up) (Beijing, China: Shijie Zhishi Chuban She, 2009), p. 18 www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com China’s foreign relations as a rising power 209 “Press conference of the PRC State Council Information Office for contacts between Central Government and Dalai Lama,” Xinghua, 11 February 2010, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2010–02/11/c_13172224.htm, accessed 25 December 2011 Helene Cooper, “US Starts to Push Back Against China in Growing Rift,” New York Times, 31 January 2010, www.nytimes.com/2010/02/01/world/asia/01china.html?hp, accessed 25 December 2011 Katrin Bennhold, “As China Rises, Conflict With West Rises Too,” New York Times, 27 January 2010 Andrew Small, “Dealing with a More Assertive China,” GMF blog, February 2010, http://blog.gmfus.org/2010/02/08/dealing-with-a-more-assertive-china/, accessed 25 December 2011 Timothy Garton Ash, “China arrives as a world power today – and we should welcome it,” Guardian, April 2009 John Garnaut, “China’s money mandarins take the hard line,” Sydney Morning Herald, 20 April 2009 Martin Jacques, “The great shift in global power just hit high gear, sparked by a financial crash,” Guardian, 20 April 2009 Jonas Parello-Plesner, “The G 2: no good for China and for world governance,” PacNet #31A, 30 April 2009 10 “Wen rejects allegation of China, US monopolizing world affairs in future,” Xinhua, 21 May 2009 11 Orville Schell,” China Reluctant to lead,” YaleGlobal, 11 March 2009 12 Den Qirong, Gaige kaifang yilai de zhongguo waijiao, p. 18 13 Yuan Peng, “Mei dui hua jueche huanjing de bianhua ji yingxiang” (“The Change and Influence of the China Policy-Making Environment in the US”), Zhongguo Zhanlie Guancha (China Strategic Review), 2006, 8: 14 Zheng Bijian, “China’s Peaceful Rise to Great Power Status,” Foreign Affairs, 2005, 84(5): 19 15 Dana Cimilluca, Shai Oster and Amy Or, “Rio Tinto Scuttles Its Deal with Chinalco,” The Wall Street Journal, June 2009 16 Fu Ying, “We’ve made huge strides, but China’s influence has its limits,” Telegraph, 28 July 2009, www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/personal-view/5927146/Weve-madehuge-strides-but-Chinas-influence-has-its-limits.html, accessed 25 December 2011 17 Song Xiaojun, Wang Xiaodong, Huang Jisu, Song Qiang, and Liu Yang, Zhongguo Bugaoxing (China is Not Happy) (Nanjing: Jiangsu Renmin Chuban She, 2009) 18 Raymond Zhou, “Why is China angry?” China Daily, 24 April 2009 19 Wang Yizhou, “China’s Diplomacy: Ten Features,” Contemporary International Relatiosn, 2009, 19(1): 46 20 Jin Canrong and Liu Shiqiang, “Guoji xinshi de shengke biandong jiqi dui zhongguo de yingxiang” (“The Significant Change in International Situation and its Impacts on China”), Xiandai guoji guanxi (Contemporary International Relations), December 2009, p. 1 21 “China invites foreign delegates to navy ships to boost military openness, cooperation,” Xinhua, 22 April 2009 22 Chen Jun, “China’s Aircraft Carrier: One Step Closer,” News China, May 2009, p. 26 23 Willy Lam, “Beijing Learns to be a Superpower,” Far Eastern Economic Review, May 2009 24 Wen Jiabao, “Our Historical Tasks at the Primary Stage of Socialism and Several Issues Concerning China’s Foreign Policy,” People’s Daily, 27 February 2007 25 James Miles, “China and the West, A time for muscle-flexing,” The Economist, 19 March 2009 26 Chow Chung-yan, “Beijing heeds call to play big role on world stage, Official unveils major shift in foreign policy,” South China Morning Post, 11 March 2008, p. 6 free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com 210 S Zhao 27 Andrew Browne, “A Superpower Stirs,” Wall Street Journal, 13 November 2009 28 Suisheng Zhao, “The China Model: Can it replace the Western Model of Modernization,” Journal of Contemporary China, 2010, 19(65) 29 Ariana Eunjung Cha, “China Uses Global Crisis to Assert Its Influence Along With Aid to Other Nations,” Washington Post, 23 April 2009 30 Zheng Bijian, “China’s Peaceful Rise and New Role of Asia,” China Forum, Autumn, 2005, p. 3 31 Liu Jiafei, “Sino-US Relations and building a Harmonious World,” Journal of Contemporary China, 2009, 18(60): 479 32 Lun Tan, “China’s dream of harmonious existence,” China Daily, 11 November 2005, p. 4 33 Zhao Kejing, “Zhongguo de waijiao xinsiwei yu waijiao lilun de fazhan” (“China’s diplomatic new thinking and the development of diplomatic theory”), Fudan Guoji Guanxi Pinglun (Fudan Review of International Relations), 2009, 8: 210 34 Wang Jisi, “China’s Search for Stability with America,” Foreign Affairs, 2005, 84(5): 39 35 Keir A Lieber and Gerard Alexander, “Waiting for Balancing, Why the World Is Not Pushing Back,” International Security, 2005, 30(1): 125 36 Joseph Y S Chen and Zhang Wankun, “Patterns and Dynamics of China’s International Strategic Behavior,” Journal of Contemporary China, 2002, 11(31): 235–60 37 Wang Jisi, “China’s Search for Stability with America,” Foreign Affairs, 2005, 84(5): 40, 46 38 Sun Xuefeng, “The Efficiency of China’s Policy towards the United States,” Chinese Journal of International Politics, 2006, 1(1):59 39 Jia Qingguo, “Learning to Live with the Hegemon: Evolution of China’s Policy toward the US since the end of the Cold War,” Journal of Contemporary China, 2005, 14(44): 395–498 40 Xue Fukang, “Hedging Strategy Won’t Do Relationship Good,” China Daily, 21 November 2005, p. 4 41 Wang Jisi, “Reflecting on China,” The American Interest, 2006, 1(4): 75 42 Martin Fackler, Mark Landler and Choe Sang-Hun, “Asia welcomes Clinton, and renewed attention,” International Herald Tribune, 15 February 2009 43 Zhang Haizhou, Li Xiaokun and Cui Xiaohuo, “Clinton in Beijing to seek consensus,” China Daily, 21 February 2009 44 Fareed Zakaria, GPS, Meeting with World Leaders at the United Nations, Aired 28 September 2008, transcript at http://edition.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0809/28/ fzgps.01.html, accessed 25 December 2011 45 Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt and Andrew Small, “China’s New Dictatorship Diplomacy,” Foreign Affairs, January/February 2008, pp. 38–9 46 Edward Cody, “China Presses Sudan to Cooperate with Peacekeepers,” Washington Post, 12 June 2008 47 Steven I Levine, “China in Asia: The PRC as a Regional Power,” in Harry Harding (ed.), China’s Foreign Relations in the 1980s (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1982), p. 107 Denny Roy, in his book of 1998, still believed that “China has no apparent ‘Asian policy.’,” China’s Foreign Relations (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1998), p. 8 48 Ho Khai Leong, “Rituals, Risks and Rivalries: China and ASEAN in the Coming Decades,” Journal of Contemporary China, 2001, 10(29): 683–94 49 Jiang Zemin’s report to the Fifteenth National Congress of the CCP, Xinhua, 16 October 1997 50 Suisheng Zhao, “The Making of China’s Periphery Policy,” in Suisheng Zhao, (ed.), Chinese Foreign Policy: Pragmatism and Strategic Behavior (Armonk, NY: M E Sharpe, 2004), pp. 256–9 51 Hugo Restall, “China’s Bid for Asian Hegemony,” Far Eastern Economic Review, May 2007 www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com China’s foreign relations as a rising power 211 52 Robert Sutter, “Why a rising China can’t dominate Asia,” Asia Times, 15 September 2006, www.atimes.com/atimes/China/HI15Ad02.html, accessed 25 December 2011 53 Ellen L Frost, James J Przystup, and Phillip C Saunders, “China’s Rising Influence in Asia: Implications for US Policy,” Strategic Forum, 2008, 231: 54 John Burton, Victor Mallet and Richard McGregor, “A new sphere of influence: how trade clout is winning China allies yet stoking distrust,” Financial Times, December 2005, http://news.ft.com/cms/s/2276a164–6859–11da-bfce-0000779e2340.html, accessed 25 December 2011 55 Robert Sutter, China’s Rise in Asia: Promises and Perils (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Little Field Publishers, 2005), p. 10 56 Ellen L Frost, James J Przystup, and Phillip C Saunders, “China’s Rising Influence in Asia: Implications for US Policy,” Strategic Forum, 2008, 231: 57 Michael Wines and Edward Wong, “An Unsure China Steps onto the Global Stage,” New York Times, April 2009 58 Yang Jiechi, “China’s Diplomacy since the Beginning of Reform and Opening up,” Foreign Affairs Journal, Winter 2008, p. 15 59 Bonnie S Glaser, “Discussion of Four Contradictions Constraining China’s Foreign Policy Behavior,” Journal of Contemporary China, 2001, 10(27): 303 60 Ronald Tammen, “The Impact of Asia on World Politics: China and India Options for the United States,” International Studies Review, 2006, 8(4): 564 61 Christopher Twomey, “Explaining Chinese Foreign Policy toward North Korea, Navigating Between The Scylla And Charybdis Of Proliferation And Instability,” Journal of Contemporary China, 2008, 17(56): 406 62 Tang Shiping, “From Offensive to Defensive Realism, A Social Evolutionary Interpretation of China’s Security Strategy,” in Robert S Ross and Zhu Feng (eds), China’s Ascent: Power, Security, and the Future of International Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008), pp. 155, 163 free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com Index accommodationist 170, 175, 175–7, 180, 182, 185–6, 187 Africa 1–2, 6–9, 13, 15, 19n6, 20n38, 27, 31–2, 86–8, 91–2, 94, 96–7, 102n37, 143, 147, 150, 156, 157n8, 158n14, 159n27, 160n39, 161n39, 164n82, 165n95–6, n98, 166n104, 168n133–4, n139, n145 aid 9–10, 139, 141–2, 145, 150, 154, 157n8, 158n12, 159n25, n29, 160n31, n39, 162n59, n62, 163n75, 166n116, 167n126, 168n142; donors 154; economic 124, 142; free 125; humanitarian 125; rouge 124, 155 Angola 142, 147 anti-Americanism 170, 177–8, 180, 182, 187n90 Argentina 150 artists as cultural envoys 89 ASEAN see Association of Southeast Asian Nations Asia 26–9, 31, 34–5, 37n3, 38n30, 142–3, 148–50, 163n65, 164n82, 166n104 assistance: development 125; humanitarian 125 Association for Relations across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) 131 Association of Southeast Asian Nations 122, 150 athletes as cultural envoys 90 Australia 2, 3, 9, 14, 19n6, n11, 87, 90–2, 95 balancer 170, 175–7, 180, 182, 185–7 bandwagoner 170, 175–7, 180, 182, 185–7 bargaining power 21, 27–30, 36 BBC 105–6, 113–14, 118n9, n11, 119n39 Beijing Consensus 104, 129, 133, 155, 197 Beijing model see Beijing Consensus Beijing Olympics 90, 94–6, 104, 106, 111–12, 114; see also Olympic Games binary logit/logistic 180, 182–3 Boao Forum 149, 192, 197–8 border issues 206–7 Brazil 150 Buddhism 88–9 Burma 142 Bush administration 197, 199, 201 Cambodia 142, 150 campaigner 105–6, 114, 119n45 Canada 8–10, 13 Central Party School 66, 69, 72, 75 Chan, Jackie 90 charm offensive 138, 141, 151 chequebook diplomacy 168n133 Chiang Kai Shek 144 China-ASEAN relations 206–7 China-Asia-Pacific relations 205–8 China Central Television (CCTV) 87, 104, 113, 115–17, 120n50, n59 China Daily 115 China-EU relations 195, 200 China Foreign Affairs University 166n115, 167n119 China Is Not Happy 194–5 China-Jamaica relations 197 China-Japan relations 194–5 China Model 2–3, 11–13, 16–17, 19n19, 20n36, n39, 21, 23, 34–6, 104, 153–5, 167n122 China-Pacific Island Countries Economic Development and Cooperation Forum 150 China Radio International (CRI) 116 China-Third World relations 202–5 China threat 2, 83–5, 100n9, 123 China-US relations 191, 199–202; www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com Index 213 structural conflict 193; U.S hidden agenda to prevent China’s rise 193; strategic assets to thwart US objectives 200 China’s image 104, 106, 109, 111–12, 116; see also China’s international image China’s international image 113; see also China’s image China’s nationalist aspirations 193–6 Chinese cuisine 85–6, 90, 94, 102n30 Chinese cultural festivals 88 Chinese culture 65–7, 70–1, 75 Chinese foreign policy 191–2, 208; expanding influence 191; a more assertive position 191–2, 195, 206; increasingly muscular position 191; explained by defensive realism 208 Chinese language program 93–4 Chinese medicine 85–6, 90, 94 Chinese values 66–7, 71, 75–6 Clinton, Hilary 202 CNC World 115 Cold War 146, 163n65 common prosperity 122 comprehensive national strength 196 concealing the strength and waiting for opportunities 121 Confucian philosophy 126 Confucianism 158, 159n21, 169n146 Confucius 67; Classroom 92 Confucius Institute 2, 14, 83, 85, 91–4, 102n35–7, n41–3, n46, 103n50, 104, 118n2, 197 Congo 161n39 constructivism 138–9 contaminated milk 105 Continental West 176–7, 186 control variable 179, 181–2, 184 crossing the river by touching the stone 123 cultural differences 111–12 cultural diplomacy 1–4, 10, 13, 17, 83–4, 86–7, 94–6, 98–9; Chinese official program 86–8, 99, 101n17 cultural exchange 83, 85–6, 88, 92, 101n23, n25 cultural “going out” 86–7 Cultural Revolution 140, 142–3, 145, 160n33, 163n72 cultural rise 85, 101n13 cultural soft power 85, 91, 97, 99 Dalai Lama 109, 191, 195 Darfur 105, 114, 125, 194, 202, 204–5 de jure independence 131 democratic ideas 6–7, 17 democratization of international relations 45–6 Deng Xiaoping 31, 33, 40, 141, 145–8, 152, 159n28, 162n63, 163n66–7, 164n80, 28-Character Strategy 141, 152, 159n28, 164n80; low profile policy 191–3, 196, 199, 208 dependent variable 171, 174, 180–1, 186–7n91 developing countries 22, 27, 35–6 development: assistance 125; domestic 123; of the private sector 122 dialogue 122, 125 Diaoyu Islands 130; see also Senkaku Islands diplomacy: China’s 132; conservative 121; harmonious 121, 123, 128–30 dispute resolution 130 disputed: resources 124; maritime territory 130 DPRK 126, 128; see also North Korea dynamic thinking 26–7, 30, 36 early harvest 124 East Asia 1–3, Eastern Europe 6–7 economic diplomacy 21, 30–3, 36 economic rise 175–7, 181–4, 186–7 Egyptian government 160n39 Eight Principles of Economic and Technical Aid 141, 143, 152, 159n27, 164n80 energy cooperation 125 EU 41 exceptionalism 122 explanatory variable 171, 178–82 Export-Import Bank (Eximbank) 165n103 exporting revolution 125 external communication 109, 111–13, 115; see also international communication failed states 132 Feng Xiaogang 89 Fiji 143, 150, 154, 163n75 Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence 141, 143–4, 152, 159n26, 162n57, 164n80, n82 foreign audiences 104, 108, 110, 112–13, 116–17 foreign correspondent 112–13, 119n36; see also foreign journalist foreign journalist 106–7, 110–14, 116; see also foreign correspondent free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com 214 Index foreign media 105, 110–12, 114–15; see also Western media foreign policy 21–6, 29–34, 36, 37n15, 38n31, 64–5, 70–1, 73–4, 78, 79n13, 82n59; rhetoric 17 foreign students in China 91, 94–5, 103n49–50 France 8–10, 13 free trade agreement 124 G20 151 “G-2” idea 192 Germany 8–10, 13, 92–3, 96–7, 99 Ghana 157n12 global economic crisis 191, 193, 195, 197, 200 Global Times 104, 115 Gong Li 89 good-neighbor policy 21, 30–1, 33, 36, 124 “great power” responsibility 195 Guinea 160n39 Gulf War 146, 147 Guo Shuyong 68–9, 80n22, n23 Hai’er 155 hanban 93–4, 102n38–9 hard power 3–6, 10–11, 13, 21–4, 26–31, 34–6, 37n12, 130 harmonious world 4, 14, 17, 50–2, 55, 77–8, 82n59, 104, 198 harmony 121, 126, 128 Hong Kong 151 horizontality 21, 27–9, 36 HSK tests 94 Hu Angang 71, 80n33 Hu Jintao 2, 12, 20n32–3, 41, 44–5, 64, 74, 80n26, 87, 89–90, 94, 101n18–19, 102n46, 121, 131, 135n1, 149–50, 155, 165n93, n98, 166n107 Hu leadership 195–6, 198–203, 205 Hu Yaobang 150, 163n75 Hua Guofeng 162n63 human rights 97–8, 105, 113–14, 119n45 image 42–3, 52–4 independent variable 181, 186 India 41, 48, 50, 54–6, 85, 87, 96–7, 99, 143–4 Indonesia 85, 94–5, 143 influence in international organizations infrastructure: basic 126; investment in 125 International Atomic Energy Agency 127 international behavior 21–2, 25, 29–30, 34, 36 international communication 104, 106, 108–11, 114–15, 117; see also external communication international media 104, 107, 110–11, 114 international politics 21–7, 34, 36 international popularity of China 98 Iran 125, 127, 191, 202–4 Japan 83, 85, 88, 91–9, 101n11, 122, 143 Jiang Zemin 88, 130, 133, 145, 147–8 Kagame, Paul 122 Kavieng Declaration on Aid Effectiveness 168n142 Kim, Jong Il 126 Koo, Chen-fu 131 Korea 143, 167n122 Kurlantzick, Joshua 138, 165n97, 167n117, n121 Lang Lang 89–90 Lao Zi 66 Laos 143, 150 Latin America 85–6, 91–2, 96–7, 102n37, 143, 150, 164n85, 165n99, 166n104 Lee, Bruce 90 Li, Changchun 86–7, 115 Li, Jet 90 Li, Mingjiang 104, 157n9, 166n105 liberal institutionalism 156n2, 157n6 Liu, Xiaobo 109 Ma Ying-jeou 131 Macau 151 Malaysia 85, 92, 142 Mali 161n39 Mao 142–6, 148, 160n33, 161n43, n46, n49, 162n53, n56–7, n63 Mearsheimer, John 123 media empire 104–5, 118n6, 120n57 Men, Honghua 69, 76, 80n23, n30 Mexico 166n104 Middle East 96–7 militant 170, 175–7, 180, 182, 185–7 military rise 175–7, 181–4, 186–7 Ministry of Agriculture 153 Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) 148, 152–3, 159n29, 165n90 Ministry of Defence 153 Ministry of Education 153 Ministry of Finance 160n31 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) 143, 152, 156, 159n25, 165n90, 166n115, 168n143 www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com Index 215 Ministry of Health 153 Mischief Reef 164n86 multilateralism 21, 30–1, 33, 36, 42–5 multinomial logit/logistic 171, 180, 182, 184n91 multipolarity 40–3, 199–200 mutual adaption 121, 124 Myanmar 150 national branding 53, 56–7 national identity 140–2, 144, 146, 148, 156, 158n13, n15, 159n21, 160n31, 162n52, 169n146 national image film 89, 102n27 nationalism 60n62, 70, 80n29, 169n146, 195 new imperialism 126 Non-aligned Movement 142 non-interference 124–5, 132–3, 141, 152, 154, 158n12, 159n26, 162n57, 202 North Korea 127, 136n33; nuclear crisis 126, 202–3, 207; see also DPRK nuclear nonproliferation 124 nuclear programs 127 Nye, Joseph 1, 3–6, 9, 11, 13, 17, 19n18, n22, n28, 20n41, 21–6, 36, 36n1–2, 37n4–14, 39, 57n1, 64, 76–7, 81n53, 82n62, 84, 95, 100n4–5, 129, 133, 136n37, n40–1, 137n54, 138–9, 152, 157n10, 171, 178n89–90 Obama administration 192, 202 Oceanic West 176, 186–7 “One China” policy 129 One-China Principle 131 Olympic Games 149, 151 Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) 141, 155, 159n30 Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) 144 overseas development aid (ODA) see aid Pacific 143, 150, 163n75, 165n103, 167n126–7, 168n142, n145 Papua New Guinea 156, 163n75, 167n126, 168n139, n142, 169n145 peaceful coexistence 58, 68, 121, 133, 141, 144, 159n26, 162n57, 164n82 peaceful development 14, 17, 33, 36, 37n16, 38n29, 40, 48–50, 52–3, 55, 58n28, 61n94–9, n101, n103, n105, 62n111, n118, 74, 77–8, 81n46, 82n63, 104, 154, 198 peaceful rise 3, 4, 14, 17, 33, 37, 40, 44, 46–9, 52–3, 55, 60n77–9, n81–2, 61n83–4, 62n118, 64–80, 83–6, 95, 129, 197–8 peer competitor 130 People’s Daily 115 “periphery policies” 199, 205 Pew 96–9, 106, 171, 174, 176–8, 180, 183, 186, 187n90–1 Philippines 143 policy banks 153 political values 2, 5–6, 11–12popular culture 2, 5–7, 10, 12 Portugal 151 pragmatic strategy 198, 201 pragmatism 121, 123–4 problem-solving: attitude 125; joint 126 propaganda 109–11, 113, 116–17 public diplomacy 2–5, 13–14, 20n42, n44, 89, 40, 55–6 public opinion 170–9 Putin 88, 101n22 R&D 8, 10 realism 47, 56, 138, 157n4 regression 179–80, 182, 183n90; see also binary logit/logistic, control variable, dependent variable, explanatory variable, independent variable, multinomial logit/logistic relativity 21, 27–9, 36 resources: jointly developed 126; natural 126; oil 125; vulnerability 193–4 Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) 142 rising power frustration 194–7 rogue states 124 Russia 8, 9, 14, 40–2, 53–4, 143, 163n67 sanction 126 Sarkozy, Nicolas 195 search for energy supplies 204 security 123 Senegal 154 Senkaku Islands 130; see also Diaoyu Islands Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) 127 Shi, Yinhong 65 Six-Party talks 126–7, 203 smart power 157n7 social contract 146, 149, 163n70 soft power 2–9, 11–16, 21–36, 36n1–2, 37n3–4, n8–14, 39–40, 47, 51, 54, 64–5, 74, 76–7, 83–6, 91, 95–100, 104, free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com 216 Index soft power continued 114–15, 117, 118n1, 118n2, 118n3, 118n4, 118n5, 119n18, 119n43, 119n45, 120n52, 120n59, 129, 138–42, 144–5, 147–9, 151–6, 157n7, 157n8, 157n9, 157n10, 157n11, 160n31, 165n95, 165n99, 166n105, 166n107, 166n109, 166n113, 167n117, 167n122, 167n124, 168n131, 169n145, 196–7 Somali 161n39 South China Sea 44–5, 206–7 South Korea 127–8 Southeast Asia 1, 5, 9, 14–15, 19n6, n12, 20n48, 142, 149, 166n104 sovereignty 43, 45–6, 52, 54, 123, 130, 140–1, 152, 154, 156, 159n26, 162n57 Soviet Union 142, 160n31, n36, 162n56 Spielberg, Steven 105, 114 static thinking 26, 36 Steuem, Muyingo 128 sticky power 157n7 Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF) 131 Sub-Saharan Africa 160n39 Sudan 125, 168n145, 202, 204–5 Suez Canal 160n39 Taiwan 144, 153, 157n8, 160n34, 164n86, 165n99, 167n117, 192, 194, 196, 201–2, 207 Tan-Zam Railway 144, 161n39 Tanzania 144, 161n39, 162n49 taoguangyanghui 191 technology and science 6–7, 9–11 Thailand 85, 94, 142–3 Third World 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 161n47, 162n58, 164n82 Tibet 105, 107, 113–14, 192, 194–6, 202 tourists 91–2, 98–9, 102n34 Uganda 142 United Kingdom (UK) 8–10, 13, 93, 95, 102n42, 151 United Nations: Summit 122; Security Council Resolution 126; peacekeeping operations 129; membership 131 United States (US) 4–6, 9–10, 12–16, 18, 22–36, 38n22, 41–2, 44–5, 47–8, 51, 83–99, 101n11, 102n30, 142–3, 145–7, 150, 160n34, n36, 161n46, 162n52, 163n65, 165n91 unity in diversity 66, 72 USSR 146, 162n58 Venezuela 150, 204 verticality 21, 27–9, 36 Vietnam 142–4 Wang, Daohan 131 Wang, Jisi 72–3 Washington Consensus 133, 153, 155 Wen Jiabao 47–8, 64, 79n1, 150, 154, 192, 196–7, 203 Western media 104–5, 107, 110, 113, 115; see also foreign media Western Samoa 143 win-win 122, 124–5 World Bank 124–5 World Expo 90–1, 94, 102n32–3, n40, n43, 111, 151 World Heritage sites 91, 102n34 world opinion on the major powers 8–9 world opinion on the US 5–7, World Trade Organization 129 wushu (martial arts) 88, 90 Xi Jinping 197 Xia Liping 66, 67, 80n14–15, n17 xiaokang 196 Xinhua News Agency 87, 100n9, 102n46, 104, 113, 115, 120n53 Yan Xuetong 65, 75–7, 82n58 Yang Jiechi 123, 125, 127, 135n11, n16 Yasukuni Shrine 130 Zambia 144, 161n39 zero-sum game 133, 135 Zhang Guan Yi Zhi 109 Zhang, Yimou 89–90 Zhang, Ziyi 89 Zhao Ziyang 147, 162n63 Zheng, Bijian 64, 66, 78, 79n1, 80n26 Zheng, Yongnian 73, 80n21, 81n41 Zhou Enlai 141, 143, 159n26–7, 160n34, 161n43, n46 www.ebook777.com free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com ... Culture and Participation in Rural China Yang Zhong 23 China? ??s Soft Power and International Relations Edited by Hongyi Lai and Yiyi Lu free ebooks ==> www.ebook777.com China? ??s Soft Power and International. .. ? ?Soft power? ?? and Chinese soft power 21 Y ongnian Z h e ng an d chi Z hang Soft language, soft imagery and soft power in China? ??s diplomatic lexicon 39 Da v i d S cott The quandary of China? ??s... in Nye’s soft power theory On the one hand, he made a too simple division of power into soft power and hard power concepts Briefly, hard power is coercive or command power, while soft power is