Table of Contents Title Page Dedication Praise Illustrations Maps Introduction - THE SEVEN YEARS’, WAR AND THE DISRUPTION OF THE OLD BRITISH EMPIRE PROLOGUE - JUMONVILLE’S GLEN PART I - THE ORIGINS OF THE SEVEN YEARS’ WAR CHAPTER - Iroquoia and Empire 1450-1735 CHAPTER - The Erosion of Iroquois Influence 1736-1754 CHAPTER - London Moves to Counter a Threat 1753 CHAPTER - Washington Steps onto the Stage 1753-1754 CHAPTER - And Stumbles 1754 CHAPTER - Escalation 1754 PART II - DEFEAT CHAPTER - The Albany Congress and Colonial Disunion 1754 CHAPTER - General Braddock Takes Command 1755 CHAPTER - Disaster on the Monongahela 1755 CHAPTER 10 - After Braddock WILLIAM SHIRLEY AND THE NORTHERN CAMPAIGNS 1755 CHAPTER 11 - British Politics, and a Revolution in European Diplomacy 1755 PART III - NADIR CHAPTER 12 - Lord Loudoun Takes Command 1756 CHAPTER 13 - Oswego 1756 CHAPTER 14 - The State of the Central Colonies 1756 CHAPTER 15 - The Strains of Empire CAUSES OF ANGLO-AMERICAN FRICTION 1756 CHAPTER 16 - Britain Drifts into a European War 1756 CHAPTER 17 - The Fortunes of War in Europe 1757 CHAPTER 18 - Loudoun’s Offensive 1757 CHAPTER 19 - Fort William Henry 1757 CHAPTER 20 - Other Disasters, and a Ray of Hope 1757 CHAPTER 21 - Pitt Changes Course DECEMBER 1757 PART IV - TURNING POINT CHAPTER 22 - Deadlock, and a New Beginning JANUARY-MAY 1758 CHAPTER 23 - Old Strategies, New Men, and a Shift in the Balance EARLY 1758 CHAPTER 24 - Montcalm Raises a Cross THE BATTLE OF TICONDEROGA JULY 1758 CHAPTER 25 - Amherst at Louisbourg JUNE-JULY 1758 CHAPTER 26 - Supply Holds the Key 1758 CHAPTER 27 - Bradstreet at Fort Frontenac JULY-AUGUST 1758 CHAPTER 28 - Indian Diplomacy and the Fall of Fort Duquesne AUTUMN 1758 CHAPTER 29 - Educations in Arms 1754-1758 PART V - ANNUS MIRABILIS CHAPTER 30 - Success, Anxiety, and Power THE ASCENT OF WILLIAM PITT LATE 1758 CHAPTER 31 - Ministerial Uncertainties 1759 CHAPTER 32 - Surfeit of Enthusiasm, Shortage of Resources 1759 CHAPTER 33 - Emblem of Empire FORT PITT AND THE INDIANS 1759 CHAPTER 34 - The Six Nations Join the Fight THE SIEGE OF NIAGARA JULY 1759 CHAPTER 35 - General Amherst Hesitates TICONDEROGA AND CROWN POINT JULY-AUGUST 1759 CHAPTER 36 - Dubious Battle WOLFE MEETS MONTCALM AT QUÉBEC JUNE-SEPTEMBER 1759 CHAPTER 37 - Fall’s Frustrations OCTOBER-NOVEMBER 1759 CHAPTER 38 - Celebrations of Empire, Expectations of the Millennium OCTOBER 1759 CHAPTER 39 - Day of Decision QUIBERON BAY NOVEMBER 20, 1759 PART VI - CONQUEST COMPLETED CHAPTER 40 - War in Full Career 1760 CHAPTER 41 - The Insufficiency of Valor LÉVIS AND VAUQUELIN AT QUÉBEC APRIL-MAY 1760 CHAPTER 42 - Murray Ascends the St Lawrence JULY-AUGUST 1760 CHAPTER 43 - Conquest Completed VAUDREUIL SURRENDERS AT MONTRÉAL AUGUST 1760 CHAPTER 44 - The Causes of Victory and the Experience of Empire 1758-1760 CHAPTER 45 - Pitt Confronts an Unexpected Challenge OCTOBER 1760 VICTORY RECOLLECTED - Scenographia Americana PART VII - VEXED VICTORY CHAPTER 46 - The Fruits of Victory and the Seeds of Disintegration 1761-1763 CHAPTER 47 - The Cherokee War and Amherst’s Reforms in Indian Policy 1760-1761 CHAPTER 48 - Amherst’s Dilemma 1761 CHAPTER 49 - Pitt’s Problems 1761 CHAPTER 50 - The End of an Alliance 1762 CHAPTER 51 - The Intersections of Empire, Trade, and War HAVANA AUGUST 1762 CHAPTER 52 - Peace SEPTEMBER 1762-APRIL 1763 CHAPTER 53 - The Rise of Wilkes, the Fall of Bute, and the Unheeded Lesson of Manila SPRING 1763 CHAPTER 54 - Anglo-America at War’s End THE FRAGILITY OF EMPIRE 1761-1763 CHAPTER 55 - Yankees Invade Wyoming— and Pay the Price SPRING 1763 CHAPTER 56 - Amherst’s Reforms and Pontiac’s War 1763 CHAPTER 57 - Amherst’s Recall AUTUMN 1763 PART VIII - CRISIS AND REFORM CHAPTER 58 - Death Reshuffles a Ministry 1763 CHAPTER 59 - An Urgent Search for Order GRENVILLE AND HALIFAX CONFRONT THE NEED FOR REVENUE AND CONTROL SUMMER-AUTUMN 1763 CHAPTER 60 - The American Duties Act (THE SUGAR ACT) 1764 CHAPTER 61 - The Currency Act 1764 CHAPTER 62 - Postwar Conditions and the Context of Colonial Response 1764 CHAPTER 63 - An Ambiguous Response to Imperial Initiatives 1764 CHAPTER 64 - Pontiac’s Progress 1764-1765 CHAPTER 65 - The Lessons of Pontiac’s War 1764-1769 PART IX - CRISIS COMPOUNDED CHAPTER 66 - Stamp Act and Quartering Act WINTER-SPRING 1765 CHAPTER 67 - Grenville’s End MAY-JULY 1765 CHAPTER 68 - The Assemblies Vacillate SUMMER 1765 CHAPTER 69 - Mobs Respond SUMMER 1765 CHAPTER 70 - Nullification by Violence, and an Elite Effort to Reassert Control OCTOBER-NOVEMBER 1765 PART X - EMPIRE PRESERVED? CHAPTER 71 - The Repeal of the Stamp Act JANUARY-MARCH 1766 CHAPTER 72 - The Hollowness of Empire 1766 CHAPTER 73 - Acrimonious Postlude THE COLONIES AFTER REPEAL 1766 CHAPTER 74 - The Future of Empire 1766-1767 Acknowledgments Notes About the Author ALSO BY FRED ANDERSON Copyright Page Trade, n.d [8 Oct 1764], in E B O’Callaghan, ed., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New-York, vol [Albany, 1856], 665 [hereafter, DRCHSNY]) In short, Johnson argued that since the demand for rum was virtually unlimited, it might as well be taxed to support his department This cynical view made enough sense to the Board of Trade that it sanctioned a resumption in the rum trade In 1764, responding to what was presumably pent-up demand, Johnson’s northern department sold approximately 50,000 gallons of rum to the Indians This was high, but not too far from the amount ordinarily supplied in later years By 1767, traders at Fort Pitt brought in an estimated 13,000 gallons of rum; in that same year at Detroit the quantity was approximately 24,000 gallons Annual consumption among western Indians as a whole during the 1760s, exclusive of amounts obtained from Canadian traders, seems to have run between 80,000 and 170,000 gallons (Peter C Mancall, Deadly Medicine: Indians and Alcohol in Early America [Ithaca, N.Y., 1995], 53–4, 163) Another work, published too late to inform the narrative here, generally supports this conclusion and suggests that with the Canadian trade reckoned in, the quantity may have been substantially larger—as much as 240,000 gallons annually, or a per capita consumption rate for adult males of 12 gallons annually See Walter S Dunn Jr., Fron tierProfit and Loss: The British Army and the Fur Traders, 1760–1764 (Westport, Conn., 1998), 178–9 Godfrey, Pursuit of Profit, 193–5 Bradstreet’s health never fully recovered after this episode, which may have marked the onset of the cirrhosis that would finally kill him, a decade later (ibid., 262–3) Godfrey, Pursuit of Profit, 196–205; Gipson, New Responsibilities, 118–21; Peckham, Pontiac, 255–60; Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (New York, 1991), 291–6 “Congress With The Western Nations,” 7–10 Sept 1764, quoted in Godfrey, Pursuit of Profit, 205 10 “His Majesty”: “A Short Abstract of the Proceedings at a Congress held at Detroit the 7th Septr 1764 ,” quoted ibid., 206 Subsequent quotations: Bradstreet to Charles Gould, Dec 1764, and “Colonel Bradstreets opinion of Indians and their affairs,” Dec 1764, ibid., 234–5 “Colonel Bradstreet’s thoughts on Indian Affairs,” Dec 1764, DRCHSNY, 7:690–4, makes clear the links between Indian culture, trade, military force, geography, and strategy central to his thinking: To insure a lasting peace, gain their affections, and wean them from the French, strict justice, moderation, fair Trade, with keeping them from frequent intercourse with each other, and a respectable force at Detroit, is the way to obtain it, unless their whole dependence for the necessaries of life depended upon the English, which will never be the case, as long as the French can come up the Mississippi in safety, land, and extend their Trade on our side with impunity It is absolutely necessary to make choice for the establishing posts, for the Savages of each Lake to carry on their Trade with ease to themselves; without this indulgence, they will never be contented, nor conspiracies warded off Thus a vigorous trade would have to be sustained at Detroit, along with enough force (two battalions) that the commandant would “have it in his power to detach from his Garrison Three Hundred good Men, besides Militia, to chastize any Nation or Band of Savages, the instant they deserve it; for, by taking immediate satisfaction, they will respect, and fear us, and thereby prevent a General War.” Finally, Bradstreet stressed that establishing an emporium at Detroit was the only way to eliminate the Six Nations’ malign influence over the interior Indian peoples (That this would coincidentally cripple Sir William Johnson may also have crossed his mind.) 11 Godfrey, Pursuit of Profit, 228–9; Sir William Johnson, “Remarks on the Conduct of Colonel Bradstreet,” 24 Nov 1764, Johnson Papers, 4:601; “Journals of Montresor,” 287 (entry of 31 Aug 1764) “Roughly equivalent”: White, Middle Ground, 297 12 Gage to Bradstreet, 16 Aug 1764, in Godfrey, Pursuit of Profit, 211 13 Morris to Bradstreet, 18 Sept 1764, ibid., 212 Also see “The Journal of Captain Thomas Morris of His Majesty’s XVII Regiment of Infantry,” in Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., Early Western Travels, 1748–1846, vol (Cleveland, 1904), 301–28; and Peckham, Pontiac, 256–60 The failure of the chiefs to return with prisoners was probably not evidence that Bradstreet had been deceived, as his enemies argued, but an indication that the delegation had come to Presque Isle only on behalf of peace factions in their villages, hoping that news of British willingness to make peace would sway local majorities upon their return Their nonappearance, in that case, would prove only that they had not convinced their communities that peace was at hand (something that news of Bradstreet’s behavior at Detroit would surely have argued against) 14 Godfrey, Pursuit of Profit, 218–21; Michael N McConnell, A Country Between: The Upper Ohio Valley and Its Peoples, 1724– 1774 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1992), 206 Capt Montrésor described the journey from Sandusky to Niagara (three hundred miles) in harrowing detail: “Journals of Montresor,” 311–18 15 Smith, ed., Bouquet’s Expedition, 51 16 Quotations: ibid., 60 Expedition: Gipson, New Responsibilities, 124–6 17 Gage to Halifax, 13 Dec 1764, Gage Corr., 1:46 18 Manpower and financial restraints: “Colonel Bradstreet’s thoughts on Indian Affairs,” DRCHSNY, 7:693; cf Bouquet to Gage, 30 Nov 1764, cited in Nicholas B Wainwright, George Croghan, Wilderness Diplomat (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1959), 213 Gage’s annual expenses were running between £335,000 and £411,000 as opposed to the £225,000 contemplated in 1763; see Peter D G Thomas, “The Cost of the British Army in North America, 1763–1775,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 45 (1988): 514 (The Treasury restricted Gage’s spending to funds appropriated by Parliament, allowing him to borrow only in emergencies, under stringent restraints [Treasury Minutes, 28 Nov 1764, Gage Corr., 2:269.]) Diplomatic initiatives: White, Middle Ground, 304 Ross and Crawford: Gipson, New Responsibilities, 419–20; Gage to Halifax, June and 10 Aug 1765, Gage Corr., 1:58–65; John Richard Alden, Stuart, 197, 204 19 Wainwright, Croghan, 211–17; Thomas M Doerflinger, A Vigorous Spirit of Enterprise: Merchants and Economic Development in Revolutionary Philadelphia (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1986), 148–9; Gage to Halifax, 23 Jan and 27 Apr 1765, Gage Corr., 1:47–9, 55–8 20 Wainwright, Croghan, 218–19; McConnell, A Country Between, 204–5; Peckham, Pontiac,270 21 Peckham, Pontiac, 270–7; White, Middle Ground, 301–3 22 Alden, Stuart, 202–4; quotation is from Capt James Campbell to Maj Robert Farmar, 26 Mar 1765, quoted at 203 n 53 23 Wainwright, Croghan, 220–1; Peckham, Pontiac, 280–1; White, Middle Ground, 302–5; quotation is from Croghan to William Murray, 12 July 1765, in C W Alvord and C E Carter, “The New Regime, 1765–1767,” Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library 11 (1916): 58 24 Peckham, Pontiac, 281–5; Gage to Henry Seymour Conway, 23 Sept 1765, Gage Corr., 1:66; White, Middle Ground, 303–5 CHAPTER SIXTY-FIVE: The Lessons of Pontiac’s War Howard H Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (Princeton, N.J., 1947), 306–16; Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (New York, 1991), 312–13 Ibid., 313–14 Walter S Dunn Jr., Frontier Profit and Loss: The British Army and the Fur Traders, 1760–1764 (Westport, Conn., 1988), 182–3, also treats the Indian rebellion as a success for the insurgents Barrington to Gage, 10 Oct 1765, in John Shy, ed., “Confronting Rebellion: Private Correspondence of Lord Barrington with General Gage, 1765–1775,” Sources of American Independence: Selected Manuscripts from the Collections of the William L Clements Library, ed Howard H Peckham, vol (Chicago, 1978), 9–10 All quotations are from Gage to Barrington, 18 Dec 1765, ibid., 13–16 Gage to Barrington, Jan 1766, ibid., 18–19 John Shy, Toward Lexington: The Role of the British Army in the Coming of the American Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1965), 229 PART IX: CRISIS COMPOUNDED, 1765-1766 CHAPTER SIXTY-SIX: Stamp Act and Quartering Act Stanley Ayling, The Elder Pitt, Earl of Chatham (New York, 1976), 322–4 Quotations: Rose Fuller and Charles Townshend, in the diary of Nathaniel Ryder, in R C Simmons and Peter D G Thomas, eds., Proceedings and Debates of the British Parliaments Respecting North America, 1754–1783, vol 2, 1765–1768 (Millwood, N.Y., 1983), 13 (punctuation altered to bring out sense of Townshend’s speech) “Disgust”: Barré, in Ryder’s diary, ibid (punctuation altered to bring out sense of passage) “They planted” to “a word”: Jared Ingersoll’s summary, id to Thomas Fitch, 11 Feb 1765, ibid., 16–17 (Barré’s vehemence doubtless reflected his reverence for Wolfe’s memory and his distaste for Townshend’s older brother, Robert—the brigadier most bitterly antagonistic to Wolfe at Québec.) Quotation: Ryder diary summary, ibid., 12 Defeat of adjournment motion and subsequent passage: Peter D G Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis: The First Phase of the American Revolution, 1763–1767 (Oxford, 1975), 93–8 John Bullion, A Great and Necessary Measure: George Grenville and the Genesis of the Stamp Act (Columbia, Mo., 1982), 147– 9, 181–91 Edmund S Morgan, ed., Prologue to Revolution: Sources and Documents on the Stamp Act Crisis, 1764–1766 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1959), 35–43 The stamps were not, like modern postage stamps, gummed paper, but rather inch-tall impressions made on paper by a die, like a modern notary’s seal Newspapers and most legal documents would be printed on prestamped paper, which could be legally purchased only from stamp distributors or their designated agents Because parchment (scraped animal skin) would not hold a stamped impression, legal documents customarily inscribed on parchment (diplomas and the like) would have a small piece of stamped paper affixed by glue and a staplelike metal fastener Stamped paper would similarly be glued as seals on packs of playing cards or boxes of dice For a description of the stamps and examples of the impressions, see C A Weslager, The Stamp Act Congress (Newark, Del., 1976), 35–9 Lawrence Henry Gipson, American Loyalist: Jared Ingersoll (New Haven, Conn., 1971), 145–7; Edmund Morgan and Helen Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution (New York, 1963), 301–11; Bullion, Great and Necessary Measure, 169–70, 173 Philip Lawson, George Grenville: A Political Life (Oxford, 1984), 211–14; Thomas, British Politics, 115–16 Gage and previous quartering difficulties: John R Alden, General Gage in America: Being Principally a History of His Role in the American Revolution (Baton Rouge, 1948), 32, 34–5; Stanley Pargellis, Lord Loudoun in North America (1933, reprint, New York, 1968), 195–6; Alan Rogers, Empire and Liberty: American Resistance to British Authority, 1755–1763 (Berkeley, Calif., 1974), 82– Postwar circumstances and quartering: John Shy, Toward Lexington: The Role of the British Army in the Coming of the American Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1965), 169–71, 174–5 10 Legal complexity of quartering: ibid., 163–76 Gage acts: Gage to Welbore Ellis, 22 Jan 1765, with enclosures, in Clarence Edwin Carter, ed., The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage with the Secretaries of State, 1763–1775, vol (New Haven, Conn., 1931), 262–6 11 Thomas, British Politics, 102–3; for an assessment of Ellis as a “genuinely incompetent” secretary at war, see Shy, Toward Lexington, 182 12 “In such manner”: draft bill, in Thomas, British Politics, 103 Opposition, and withdrawal of bill: Simmons and Thomas, Proceedings and Debates, 2:42 13 Shy, Toward Lexington, 187; Thomas, British Politics, 108 The bill was approved as a separate act rather than an amendment to the Mutiny Act because the Mutiny Act of 1765 had expired and been reenacted before the Quartering Act debates concluded; thus the Quartering Act had to be reenacted annually as a kind of supplement directed specifically at America 14 Quotation: Loudoun to the duke of Cumberland, 29 Aug 1756, in Rogers, Empire and Liberty, 82 15 John Watts to Gov Robert Monckton, June 1765, quoted in Shy, Toward Lexington, 188 Watts was no radical, Shy notes, but “an army contractor and future Tory.” CHAPTER SIXTY-SEVEN: Grenville’s End On the American Trade Act, which eased restrictions on small-scale coasting vessels, permitted colonial iron and lumber to be exported once more to Ireland, established bounties on colonial iron and lumber exported to Britain, relaxed restrictions on American trade to the Azores and southern Europe, and limited the fees customs collectors could charge, see Peter D G Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis: The First Phase of the American Revolution,1763–1767 (Oxford, 1975), 108–12; and Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol 10, The Triumphant Empire: Thunder-Clouds Gather in the West, 1763–1766 (New York, 1967), 280–1 On the king’s illness, see John Brooke, King George III (New York, 1972), 109–10, 318–43; and esp Ida Macalpine and Richard Hunter, George III and the Mad-Business (London, 1969) Thomas, British Politics, 116–18; Philip Lawson, George Grenville: A Political Life (Oxford, 1984), 214–16; Brooke, King George III, 110–13; Stanley Ayling, George the Third (New York, 1972), 125–7 Unemployment was symptomatic of the rapid shifts in technology and the relations of production then besetting silk weaving, the first branch of British textile manufacture to undergo industrialization The London weavers, who possessed a long-standing intellectual tradition, achieved an early consciousness of class, understood the efficacy of collective action, and took the first steps in Britain toward industrial organization By permitting combinations of masters and journeymen to set wages, the Spitalfields Acts of 1765 and 1773 in effect recognized trade-unionism among the weavers See E P Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1966), passim; Charles Wilson, England ’s Apprenticeship, 1603–1763 (London, 1965), 195, 351; and Harold Perkin, The Origins of Modern English Society, 1780–1880 (London, 1969), 32–3 On the king’s reaction to the riots, see Brooke, King George III, 113–16; and Ayling, George the Third, 127–9 Lawson, Grenville, 217–18 Brooke, King George III, 121–2 William James Smith, ed., The Grenville Papers, vol (1853; reprint, New York, 1970), 215–16 (10 July 1765) Ibid., 215 CHAPTER SIXTY-EIGHT: The Assemblies Vacillate On the responses of the various colonial assemblies, see Merrill Jensen, The Founding of a Nation: A History of the American Revolution, 1763–1776 (New York, 1968), 111–19; also, esp., Edmund S Morgan and Helen M Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution (New York, 1963): 132–4 (R.I.), 294–5 (Conn.), 121, 196 ff (N.Y.) Similar inaction characterized N.H (139), N.J (139, 147, 198), Md (100–8), N.C (139), S.C (201–2), and Ga (202–3) On Pa., see ibid., 311–12; and Benjamin Newcomb, Franklin and Galloway: A Political Partnership (New Haven, Conn., 1972), 113–18; quotation from Galloway to Franklin, 18 July 1765, ibid., 116 On the Hopkins-Howard-Otis controversy, see Bernard Bailyn, ed., Pamphlets of the American Revolution, 1750–1775, vol (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), 500–5, 524–30, 546–52; quotation from Defence of the Halifax Libel at 550 (original italics deleted here) On representation and the differing American and British understandings of this critical doctrine, see Gordon S Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776–1787 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1969), 25–8, 173–85, et passim Quotation: Bernard to John Pownall, May 1765, in Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 140 “To consider”: Massachusetts circular letter, quoted in Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 139 Delegation: ibid., 139–41 “Never consent”: Bernard to the Board of Trade, July 1765, quoted ibid., 140 Douglas Southall Freeman, George Washington: A Biography, vol 3, Planter and Patriot (New York, 1951), 129–30; Richard R Beeman, Patrick Henry: A Biography (New York, 1974), 22–34 Resolutions: Freeman, Planter and Patriot, 133; Beeman, Henry, 33–5 (“steps necessary” and “alone, unadvised”: quoted from Henry’s memoir on the resolves, at 35) The Virginia Resolves are reprinted in their variant forms in Edmund S Morgan, ed., Prologue to Revolution: Sources and Documents on the Stamp Act Crisis, 1764–1766 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1959), 47–50; these quotations follow Henry’s manuscript, 47 On May, a party of between twenty and thirty young men attacked ten Overhill Cherokee warriors passing through the Shenandoah Valley on their way to the Ohio Country, killing five Fauquier issued a proclamation offering rewards for the perpetrators and tried urgently to reassure the Cherokee headmen that the killers would be brought to justice He was clearly paying more attention to this affair than to the Burgesses until debates on Henry’s resolves See the series of letters from this period in George Reese, ed., The Official Papers of Francis Fauquier, Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, 1758–1768, vol 3, 1764–1768 (Charlottesville, Va., 1983), 1235–48 All quotations in this and the previous paragraph are from Fauquier to the Board of Trade, June 1765, ibid., 1250–1 Jefferson’s reactions: Dumas Malone, Jefferson and His Time, vol 1, Jefferson the Virginian (Boston, 1948), 88–94 (quotation is from Jefferson to William Wirt, Aug 1815, at 93) On Henry’s rhetorical style, see Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740–1790 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1982), 266–9; and T H Breen, Tobacco Culture: The Mentality of the Great Tidewa terPlanters on the Eve of the Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1985), 188–90 CHAPTER SIXTY-NINE: Mobs Respond On the resolves, see the variant versions in Edmund S Morgan, ed., Prologue to Revolution: Sources and Documents on the Stamp Act Crisis, 1764–1766 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1959), 49–50; and the discussion in id and Helen M Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution (New York, 1963), 127–30 The sixth and seventh resolves were probably written by John Fleming, who represented Cumberland County, and/or George Johnston, member for Fairfax; they were the only colleagues to whom Henry had shown his own five resolves (Richard R Beeman, Patrick Henry, A Biography [New York, 1974], 39–40) The resolutions quoted here follow the version in the Newport Mercury On the composition of the Loyal Nine, see Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 160–1; G B Warden, Boston, 1689–1776 (Boston, 1970), 163; Pauline Maier, From Resistance to Revolution: ColonialRadicals and the Development of American Opposition to Britain, 1765–1776 (New York, 1972), 58, 85–6, 307; and the description of a meeting on 15 Jan 1765 by John Adams, in Lyman H Butterfield et al., eds., Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, vol 1, Diary, 1755–1770 (New York, 1964), 294 “The People of Virginia have spoke”: Edes, quoted in Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 135 (The “insipid Thing” was the polite protest against parliamentary taxation that Thomas Hutchinson had stage-managed through the Council and House of Representatives in late 1764.) Maier, From Resistance to Revolution, 53–8, 69–70; Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 161 ff; Peter Shaw, American Patriots and the Rituals of Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 16–18, 180–97 passim; Dirk Hoerder, Crowd Action in Revolutionary Massachusetts, 1765–1780 (New York, 1977), 91–7; George P Anderson, “Ebenezer Mackintosh: Stamp Act Rioter and Patriot,” Colonial Society of Massachusetts, Publications 26 (1927): 15–64 There are many accounts of the events on August 14 This one follows Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 161–5; Hoerder, Crowd Action, 97–101; Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol 10, The Triumphant Empire: Thunder-Clouds Gather in the West, 1763–1766 (New York, 1967), 292–4; Bernard to Halifax, 15 Aug 1765, in Morgan, Prologue,106–8; and Diary of John Rowe, entry of 14 Aug 1765, in Anne Rowe Cunningham, ed., The Letters and Diary of John Rowe, Boston Merchant, 1759–1762, 1764–1779 (Boston, 1903; reprint, 1969), 88–9 Boston’s High Street ran the length of the neck, connecting the town peninsula to the mainland; it was thus as close to a thoroughfare as the town could be said to possess in 1765 Later renamed Washington Street, in 1765 it had four separately named stretches from the neck to the Province House: Orange Street, Newbury Street, Marlborough Street, and Cornhill Deacon Elliot’s Corner was a small square where Frog Lane (today’s Boylston Street) entered from the west, dividing Orange from Newbury See Lester Cappon et al., eds., Atlas of Early American History: The Revolutionary Period, 1760–1790 (Princeton, N.J., 1976), Bernard to Halifax, 15 Aug 1765, in Morgan, Prologue, 108 On the Wheelwright bankruptcy, see John Cary, Joseph Warren: Physician, Politician, Patriot (Urbana, Ill., 1961), 45–7, 120–1 Quotation and comparison of the panic and the Lisbon earthquake: James Otis to George Johnstone et al., 25 Jan 1765, Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings 43 (1909–10): 204–7 (quotation at 205) See also the account in Letters and Diary of Rowe, 74–5 (diary entries of 15–21 Jan 1765) Wheelwright complicated Boston’s problems by making over his assets to a relative before he left, and then dying—intestate— soon after he arrived in the French West Indies; the probate proceedings on his estate lasted more than twenty-five years (Nathaniel Wheelwright Probate Records, docket 14148, Suffolk County Courthouse, Boston) Bernard Bailyn, The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 29–32 The following account derives from Hoerder, Crowd Action, 104–10; Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 166–9; Bailyn, Ordeal, 70–155 passim; Gipson, Thunder-Clouds Gather, 295–7 Bernard to the Board of Trade, 31 Aug 1765, quoted in Lawrence Henry Gipson, The Coming of the Revolution, 1763–1775 (New York, 1962), 93 10 Hutchinson to Richard Jackson, 30 Aug 1765, in Morgan, Prologue, 108–9 11 Ibid., 109 12 The following account is based on Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 191–4; Thomas Moffat to Joseph Harrison, 16 Oct 1765, in Morgan, Prologue, 109–13; and Jensen, Founding, 111–12 13 Gipson, Thunder-Clouds Gather, 303–4 (McEvers), 306–7 (Coxe), 302–3 (Meserve), 316 (Mercer; quotation is from Mercer to Rockingham, 11 Apr 1766, ibid.), 319–20 (South Carolina), 317–18 (North Carolina) 14 Ibid., 312–14 15 Lawrence Henry Gipson, American Loyalist: Jared Ingersoll (New Haven, Conn., 1971), 177–85 On the participation of former provincials in the mob that compelled the resignation and on Fitch’s loss of office, see Harold Selesky, War and Society in Colonial Connecticut (New Haven, Conn., 1990), 214–15, 222–4 On Fitch’s effort to justify himself publicly by pamphlet, and on his later career, see Dictionary of American Biography, s.v “Fitch, Thomas”; and Gipson, Ingersoll, 252–313, esp 290–3, 296 n On the transfer of assembly dominance from the Old Light, western, and conservative party to the New Light eastern insurgents, see Richard L Bushman, From Puritan to Yankee: Character and the Social Order in Connecticut, 1690–1765 (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 261–6; on the cultural significance of Ingersoll’s resignation, ibid., 284–8 See also Oscar Zeichner, Connecticut’s Years of Controversy, 1750–1776 (Williamsburg, Va., 1949), 44–77 16 The following account derives from Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 312–24; Gipson, Thunder-Clouds Gather, 307–11; and Benjamin Newcomb, Franklin and Galloway: A Political Partnership (New Haven, Conn., 1972), 115–25 17 Morgan, Prologue, 51–2, reprints the resolves CHAPTER SEVENTY: Nullification by Violence, and an Elite Effort to Reassert Control James M Johnson, Militiamen, Rangers, and Redcoats: The Military in Georgia, 1754–1776 (Macon, Ga., 1992), 55–66 See also John Shy, Toward Lexington: The Role of the British Army in the Coming of the American Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1965), 214–15; and W W Abbott, The Royal Governors of Georgia, 1754–1775 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1959), 105–16 Ironically, the British government disbanded the rangers in March 1767 as an economy measure ( Johnson, Militiamen, 67) “Journals of Capt John Montresor,” ed G D Scull, New-York Historical Society, Collections14 (1881): 336–9 (entries for 23 Oct.– Nov 1765; quotations at 337); Shy, Toward Lexington, 211–14; Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol 10, The Triumphant Empire: Thunder-Clouds Gather in the West, 1763–1766 (New York, 1967), 304–6 An excellent account of New York in the immediate postwar period and the Stamp Act crisis unfortunately came to hand too late to influence this narrative and the preceding account of the effects of the postwar depression on the northeastern port towns It is, however, generally consistent with my own understanding, in that it stresses the significance of both the Seven Years’ War and Cadwallader Colden as influences on New Yorkers’ behavior in the years 1763–66 See Joseph S Tiedemann, Reluctant Revolutionaries: New York City and the Road to Independence, 1763–1776 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1997), 43–6 (impact of postwar depression), 49–55 (character of Colden), 55–61 (significance of the war), and 62–82 (riot and aftermath) Pauline Maier, From Resistance to Revolution: Colonial Radicals and the Development of American Opposition to Britain, 1765–1776 (New York, 1972), 68–9 The nine colonial assemblies that passed resolves were Va (31 May), R.I (Sept.), Pa (21 Sept.), Md (28 Sept.), Conn (25 Oct.), Mass (29 Oct.), S.C (29 Nov.), N.J (30 Nov.), and N.Y (18 Dec.); see Edmund S Morgan, ed., Prologue to Revolution: Sources and Documents on the Stamp Act Crisis, 1764–1766 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1959), 47–62 Mass., R.I., Conn., N.Y., N.J., Pa., Del., Md., and S.C sent delegations to the Stamp Act Congress N.H.’s assembly, in the pocket of Gov Benning Wentworth, declined to send a delegation, while the governors of Va., N.C., and Ga refused to convene their assemblies and thus prevented the election of delegates (Edmund S Morgan and Helen M Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution [New York, 1963], 139) Except where otherwise noted, the following account of the congress’s proceedings derives from C A Weslager, The Stamp Act Congress (Newark, Del., 1976), 107–68 Only Christopher Gadsden, delegate from South Carolina, protested against petitioning the House of Commons, on the grounds that the colonies derived none of their rights from it; he withdrew the motion when more conservative delegates objected (Morgan and Morgan, Stamp Act Crisis, 147–8) Morgan, Prologue, 68 Mob restraint: Maier, From Resistance to Revolution, 69–71 Quotation: Francis Bernard to John Pownall, and Nov 1765, ibid Boston’s merchants made a large donation to the mobs and provided Ebenezer Mackintosh with a splendid uniform, a gold-laced hat, a cane, and a speaking trumpet He marched, as “Captain-General of the Liberty Tree,” at the head of the parade, arm-in-arm with a member of the Council Later the merchants footed the bill for a magnificent “union” dinner at which two hundred men from the mobs and other antistamp constituencies celebrated the victory of liberty—and order (Peter Shaw, American Patriots and the Rituals of Revolution [Cambridge, Mass., 1981], 180, 188–90) Maier, From Resistance to Revolution, 72–4 Origins and spread of nonimportation: ibid., 74; Bernhard Knollenberg, Origin of the American Revolution, 1759–1766 (New York, 1960), 192–3, cites articles from the Providence Gazette and the Connecticut Courant from Oct 1764 Boston’s association: Arthur Meier Schlesinger, The Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution, 1763–1776 (1918; reprint, New York, 1966), 78, 80 “Upwards of Two Hundred” : “The New York Agreement, October 31, 1765,” in Morgan, Prologue, 106 Philadelphia: Schlesinger, Colonial Merchants, 79 Thomas M Doerflinger, in A Vigorous Spirit of Enterprise: Merchants and Economic Development in Revolutionary Philadelphia (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1986), 189, notes that the Philadelphia merchants had been divided, generally, between antiproprietary Quakers who favored submission and proprietary Anglicans and Presbyterians who opposed it Their evident unity on nonimportation may have reflected fears of violence, if they did not comply 10 14 Oct 1765; reprinted in Robert J Taylor et al., eds., Papers of John Adams, vol 1, September 1755–October 1773 (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 147 11 Ploughjogger to the Boston Evening-Post, 20 June 1763, in Papers of Adams, 1:63 (Adams wrote three Ploughjogger letters in 1763, then no more until October 1765.) 12 Quotation: diary entry, 18 Dec 1765, in L H Butterfield et al., eds., Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, vol 1, Diary 1755–1770 (Cambridge, Mass., 1962), 263; weather: entry of 19 Dec., ibid., 265 (“A fair Morning after a severe Storm of days and Nights A vast Quantity of rain fell”) 13 Diary and Autobiography, 1:285 (entry of Jan 1766) 14 On the significance of women in resistance, see esp Mary Beth Norton, Liberty’s Daughters: The Revolutionary Experience of American Women, 1750–1800 (Boston, 1980), 155–94; and Linda K Kerber, Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1980), 35–42 15 Diary and Autobiography, 1:282–4 PART X: EMPIRE PRESERVED? 1766 CHAPTER SEVENTY-ONE: The Repeal of the Stamp Act Paul Langford, The First Rockingham Administration, 1765–1766 (Oxford, 1973), 77–83, and Peter D G Thomas, British Politics and the Stamp Act Crisis (Oxford, 1975), 132–8 For an assessment of Rockingham’s character, personality, and habits, see Langford, Rockingham Administration, esp 16–21 and 244–8; also (less critically) Ross J S Hoffman, The Marquis: A Study of Lord Rockingham, 1730–82 (New York, 1973), esp ix–xii, 1–21, 79–80, 94, 333–4 Since late May 1765, Temple had been reconciled with his younger brother, George Grenville, which meant that he had been estranged from his brother-in-law, William Pitt; thus Pitt’s demand that Temple be offered the Treasury was either a ploy to detach him from Grenville (for Temple was notoriously covetous of both honors and office), or a nonnegotiable demand intended to make it clear that Pitt had assumed office on his own terms Temple, it seems, hoped to restore the old family alliance, with himself as first lord of the Treasury and Pitt and Grenville as secretaries of state for the Southern and Northern Departments See Stanley Ayling, The Elder Pitt, Earl of Chatham (New York, 1976), 330–1, 339–40 Langford, First Rockingham Administration, 104–5, 135–8; Ayling, Elder Pitt, 335–7, 343–4; Thomas, British Politics, 175–6 On the massacre, see Lewis Namier, England in the Age of the American Revolution (1930; reprint, New York, 1961), 403–15 The voting strength of the King’s Friends was reckoned in Jan 1766 at about 148; see Langford, Rockingham Administration, 156–8 Edmund Burke would later make the alienation of the Rockinghams from the King’s Friends a major theme of Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents (1770), alleging that Bute’s allies had deliberately undermined the Rockingham ministry Paul Langford, in A Polite and Commercial People: England, 1727–1783 (Oxford, 1989), 527–8, dismisses this view as “a sublime and beautiful form of sour grapes”; but cf Conor Cruise O’Brien, The Great Melody: A Thematic Biography and Commented Anthology of Edmund Burke (Chicago, 1992), esp i–lii “Plan of Business,” 28 Nov 1765 [misdated 27 Nov.], in Langford, Rockingham Administration,111 I have reordered Rockingham’s phrases for syntactical clarity Rockingham’s analysis—which is to say, the analysis of the merchants whom he consulted—did not extend to the functioning of the Proclamation of 1763 This measure was failing to stabilize the backcountry and malfunctioning badly in Canada, where Yankee traders who had arrived after the war were in a state of virtual rebellion against a governor who, they claimed, favored Canadian papists in violation of the proclamation’s terms (Hilda Neatby, Quebec: The Revolutionary Age, 1760–1791 [Toronto, 1966], 36–55; and Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol 9, The Triumphant Empire: New Responsibilities within the Enlarged Empire, 1763–1766 [New York, 1968], 172–6) Langford, Rockingham Administration, 111–18, 200–12 10 Thomas, British Politics, 168–70; Langford, Rockingham Administration, 135–6, 141–3 11 “Authority” and “welfare”: speech from the Throne, 14 Jan 1765, in Thomas, British Politics, 170 “A pepper-corn”: speech of Robert Nugent, Lord Clare, M.P for Bristol, summarized in William Stanhope Taylor and John Henry Pringle, eds., Correspondence of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, vol (London, 1838), 364 See also Edmund S Morgan and Helen M Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution (New York, 1963), 267 12 Quotations from “Confidence is a plant of slow growth” to “the head of man”: Chatham Corr., 2:365–7 “Ought to be erroneous policy”: summary of Pitt’s position by James West, quoted in Thomas, British Politics, 172 13 Quoted in Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol 10, The Triumphant Empire: Thunder-Clouds Gather in the West, 1763–1766 (New York, 1961), 378 14 Pitt’s reply to Grenville, 14 Jan 1766, in Chatham Corr., 2:369–73 15 Yorke and the Declaratory Act: Langford, Rockingham Administration, 151 Trecothick’s petition drive: ibid., 119–24; and Thomas, British Politics, 187–8 16 Langford, A Polite and Commercial People, 366; id., Rockingham Administration, 153–4; Thomas, British Politics, 189–90 17 Ibid., 191–5; Langford, Rockingham Administration, 154–6 Rockingham’s meeting with the king was only minimally reassuring George preferred a modification of the Stamp Act to repeal and offered his support only if Rockingham refrained from making it public He refused to countenance the dismissal of any minister—he was thinking of his friend Lord Northington, the lord chancellor—who broke with the administration’s policy He then sent an account of the meeting to Northington, implying that he expected the ministry to fall See the king to the lord chancellor, Feb 1766, in John Fortescue, ed., The Correspondence of King George the Third, from 1760 to December 1783, vol 1, 1760 to 1767 (1927; reprint, London, 1967), 252 18 Thomas, British Politics, 195–9 19 Resolutions: quoted in Gipson, Thunder-Clouds Gather, 390–1 Grenville’s motion: Grenville to Hans Stanley, Feb 1766, in Thomas, British Politics, 206 20 Langford, Rockingham Administration, 175–8; Gipson, Thunder-Clouds Gather, 392–3; Thomas, British Politics, 206–17 (quotation: Benjamin Franklin to Joseph Fox, 24 Feb 1766, at 213) 21 Summary of Trecothick’s testimony, ibid., 217–19 22 On the risk of social disturbance arising from unemployment, see Langford, Rockingham Administration, 182–5 The following summary of Franklin’s testimony derives from the version reprinted in Leonard W Labaree et al., eds., The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol 13, January through December 31, 1766 (New Haven, Conn., 1969), 129–59 23 The Examination of Doctor Benjamin Franklin, before an August Assembly, relating to the Repeal of the Stamp Act, &c (Philadelphia, 1766) 24 Nugent quotation: Franklin’s notes on the examination, quoted ibid., 159 n Vote: Thomas, British Politics, 233 25 Ibid., 240–1, 246–7; Langford, Rockingham Administration, 190–5; Gipson, Thunder-CloudsGather, 398–407 The House of Lords actually had a small majority in favor of using troops to enforce the Stamp Act, and its approval of the repeal bill looked doubtful because several powerful peers—notably the duke of Bedford and the earl of Sandwich—thought Rockingham too soft on the colonists In the end a procedural issue determined the outcome The Stamp Act had been a “supply bill”—a tax measure—which constitutionally could only be granted by the Commons; thus authority to repeal also lay solely with the Commons, and the Lords had only the duty of offering their advice (which they had done in debate) and consent (Langford, Rockingham Administration, 192–4) CHAPTER SEVENTY-TWO: The Hollowness of Empire “Houses at night”: Annual Register, 1766, quoted in Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol 11, The Triumphant Empire: The Rumbling of the Coming Storm, 1766–1770 (New York, 1967), “Many Barrels”: Pennsylvania Gazette, 22 May 1766 The Commons House of Assembly stipulated that Pitt should be depicted “in the Ciceronian character and habiliment” (Stanley Ayling, The Elder Pitt, Earl of Chatham [New York, 1976], 345) CHAPTER SEVENTY-THREE: Acrimonious Postlude: The Colonies after Repeal “Open your Courts”: Placard posted before the Massachusetts Province House, Dec 1765[?], quoted in John J Waters Jr., The Otis Family in Provincial and Revolutionary Massachusetts (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1968), 157 Hopeful letters, dismal prospects: Conway to Francis Bernard, 31 Mar 1766, quoted in John Tyler, Smugglers and Patriots: Boston Merchants and the Advent of the American Revolution (Boston, 1986), 94 Business went on as usual in all the major ports by the clearing of ships on unstamped paper, since it very soon became clear that without trade the economy would totally collapse Virginia’s surveyor general of customs was the first to allow coastal shipping to clear port without stamps, on Nov 1765; followed by Newport on 22 Nov.; Philadelphia, Dec.; Boston, 17 Dec.; Annapolis (Maryland), 30 Jan 1766; Savannah, sometime in Feb.; and Charleston, Feb Judges were more reluctant than customs officials to operate without stamps, and most merely granted continuances (which did not require stamps) from session to session through the spring term of 1766 Nonetheless, at least two court systems opened before news of the repeal reached the colonies, and operated with unstamped documents: the inferior courts in Massachusetts, on 13 Jan 1766; and the entire court system of Maryland, on Apr 1766 (Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol 10, The Triumphant Empire: ThunderClouds Gather in the West, 1763–1766 [New York, 1967], lxxiv–lxxv) “Contrivers”: quoted in Merrill Jensen, The Founding of a Nation: A History of the American Revolution, 1763–1776 (New York, 1968), 193 “Thus the Triumph”: entry of 28 May 1766, in L H Butterfield et al., eds., Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, vol 1, Diary 1755–1770 (Cambridge, Mass., 1962), 313 This account follows Jensen, Founding, 193–8; William Pencak, War, Politics, and Revolution in Provincial Massachusetts (Boston, 1981), 172–5; and Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol 11, The Triumphant Empire: The Rumbling of the Coming Storm, 1766–1770 (New York, 1967), 13–38 The twenty-eight-member Governor’s Council, which functioned as the upper house of the Massachusetts legislature, was elected by joint vote of the incoming representatives and the outgoing council members, with the consent of the governor The governor could veto obnoxious appointments (and occasionally did), but the composition of the Council always remained in the control of the House of Representatives Purges of the Council by the House were all but unknown: the election process (by secret ballot) was difficult to control, and coordination among the representatives highly uncommon See Robert Zemsky, Merchants, Farmers, and River Gods: An Essay on Eighteenth-Century Politics (Boston, 1971), 221–9 Quotation: John Adams Diary, 29 May 1766, 313 Bernard’s power to affect appointments to leadership posts in the House was closely confined by the terms of the Massachusetts charter Such executive weakness impressed contemporaries as one of the leading defects of the Bay Colony’s constitution See Zemsky, Merchants, Farmers, and River Gods, 221–9; and Bernard Bailyn, The Origins of American Politics (New York, 1967), 131–3 Gipson, Coming Storm, 17–25; Jensen, Founding, 196–7 The grant of amnesty blatantly trespassed on the prerogative powers of the governor—and the Crown Bernard understood the unconstitutional character of the act but assented to it on Dec., because he knew the House would not otherwise make the grant It was a shrewd move: the Privy Council later disallowed the act, thus solving the constitutional problem—after the “sufferers” had been compensated Bernard to the earl of Shelburne [secretary of state for the South], 24 Dec 1766, ibid., 197 James F Smith, “The Rise of Artemas Ward, 1727–1777: Authority, Politics, and Military Life in Eighteenth-Century Massachusetts” (Ph.D diss., University of Colorado at Boulder, 1990), 96, 120, 148–52, 166–7 “I thought I could”: Hutchinson to Thomas Pownall, June 1768, quoted at 167 “Thought fit to supersede”: John Cotton, deputy province secretary, to Ward, 30 June 1766; quoted ibid., 153 The governor’s messenger presented the notice to Ward while Ward was helping his fellow parishioners construct a new meeting house at Shrewsbury Town tradition held that Ward read the message aloud to those present; then he told the messenger to tell the governor that he considered himself “twice honored, but more in being superseded, than in being commissioned” because in taking away his office Bernard had shown “that I am, what he is not, a friend to my country.” Ward’s response (if it was in fact so eloquent) could scarcely have been better calculated to shore up his status—so abruptly threatened—as Shrewsbury’s leading citizen and public mediator It also tied him permanently to the country party As Smith observes of the incident, “From this moment on he would have no choice, if he hoped to maintain his local standing, but to oppose [Bernard,] the man whose peevishness had exposed him so unexpectedly on that summer’s day” (ibid., 154) On Hutchinson’s frustrations with Bernard, see esp Bernard Bailyn, The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 45–7 Gipson, Coming Storm, 34–5 Ibid., 36–7; Jensen, Founding, 278; Hiller B Zobel, The Boston Massacre (New York, 1970), 51–4 Writs of assistance operated only during daylight hours The fear of military intervention was eminently rational: a principal duty of the army in the British Isles was to arrest smugglers and to break up coastal wrecking gangs See Pauline Maier, From Resistance to Revolution: Colonial Radicals and the Development of American Opposition to Britain, 1765–1776 (New York, 1991), 153–4; and Tony Hayter, The Army and the Crowd in Mid-Georgian England (Totowa, N.J., 1978), 23, 32, 35, 62, et passim Boston Gazette, 23 Dec 1765; quoted in Tyler, Smugglers and Patriots, 92 10 “The distinction” and “the merchants”: Bernard to Shelburne, 22 Dec 1766, quoted in Gipson, Coming Storm, 34 11 Tyler, Smugglers and Patriots, 25–107 12 Thomas Doerflinger’s analysis of the divided and fundamentally apolitical character of the Philadelphia merchant community during most of the postwar era corrects the view that emphasizes radicalism among traders—a point also applicable to Boston, albeit with a few significant exceptions, especially John Hancock See id., A Vigorous Spirit of Enterprise: Mer chants and Economic Development in Revolutionary Philadelphia (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1986), esp 180–96 13 On conspiratorial thinking and its implications, see Bernard Bailyn, “A Note on Conspiracy,” in The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), 144–59; and Gordon S Wood, “Conspiracy and the Paranoid Style: Causality and Deceit in the Eighteenth Century,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 39 (1982): 401–41 14 Except as otherwise noted, the following account derives from Jensen, Founding, 211–14; Gipson, Coming Storm, 45–65; and John Shy, Toward Lexington: The Role of the British Army in the Coming of the American Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1965), 250–8 15 “After the expense”: assembly resolve, in Gipson, Coming Storm, 46 “Set the Demand aside”: Gage to Conway, 21 Dec 1765, in Clarence Edwin Carter, ed., The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage with the Secretaries of State, 1763–1775, vol (New Haven, Conn., 1931), 77 Gage’s expectations: same to same, May 1766, ibid., 89 16 Sung Bok Kim, Landlord and Tenant in Colonial New York: Manorial Society, 1664–1775 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1978), 298–347 17 “The Montresor Journals,” ed E D Scull, New-York Historical Society, Collections 14 (1881): 363 (entry of May 1766) On the rioting of winter and spring 1766, see Kim, Landlord and Tenant, 367–89, and the contrary interpretation of Edward Countryman, A People in Revolution: The American Revolution and Political Society in New York, 1760–1790 (Baltimore, 1981), 36–71; also Dixon Ryan Fox, Yankees and Yorkers (New York, 1940), 147–51 18 Quotations: Gage to Conway, 24 June 1766, Gage Corr., 1:95 Gage’s motives: ibid., and same to same, 15 July 1766, ibid., 99 19 Quotations: Brown to Gage, 30 June 1766, and Clarke to Gage, 29 July 1766, in Shy, Toward Lexington, 219, 220 20 Ibid., 219–21 21 “Burnt and destroyed”: “Geographical, Historical Narrative, or Summary .” [Lansdowne MSS.], quoted ibid., 222 “Affair has not been transacted”: earl of Shelburne to Moore, 11 Dec 1766, quoted ibid., 223 22 Jensen, Founding, 212–14; quotation, Moore to the secretary of state for the Southern Department, 20 June 1766, at 213 23 Assembly to the governor, 13 Nov 1766, ibid., 214 24 Except as otherwise noted, the following account derives from Jensen, Founding, 198–205; Douglas Southall Freeman, George Washington: A Biography, vol 3, Planter and Patriot (New York, 1951), 142–3, 146–50, 165–72; and Joseph Ernst, Money and Politics in America,1755–1775: A Study in the Currency Act of 1764 and the Political Economy of Revolution (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1973), 175–96 (the only account that coherently estimates the scandal’s economic impact) On Lee’s character and finances, see Pauline Maier, The Old Revolutionaries: Political Lives in the Age of Samuel Adams (New York, 1980), 164–200, esp 195–7 25 There was one notable exception to this generalization, which illustrates another dimension of the scandal’s disordering impact on gentry lives and relationships Robinson had sunk ten thousand pounds into lead mines his father-in-law, John Chiswell, operated on the upper New River, a tributary of the Kanawha, west of the Allegheny height of land (and hence beyond the Proclamation Line) Robinson’s death left Chiswell a de facto bankrupt; drunk and enraged, he murdered a creditor, Robert Routledge He was arrested, but justices of the peace who were also his business partners released him—an abuse of power that disturbed many who feared for the honor of the gentry class Chiswell died soon thereafter, a broken man (See Carl Bridenbaugh, “Virtue and Violence in Virginia, 1766, or The Importance of the Trivial,” Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings 76 (1964): 3–29; Ernst, Money and Politics, 187 n 43.) 26 T H Breen, Tobacco Culture (Princeton, N.J., 1985), 168 27 Virginia Gazette (Rind), 26 July 1770, quoted ibid., 170 28 Quoted ibid., 176 CHAPTER SEVENTY-FOUR: The Future of Empire On Johnstone’s career, see Dictionary of National Biography, s.v “Johnstone, George”; on the tangled history of command and precedence of civilian and military authorities, see John Shy, Toward Lexington: The Role of the British Army in the Coming of the American Revolution (Princeton, N.J., 1965), 181–4; on the military dimensions of the dispute, ibid., 283–5; and on the larger context, Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire before the American Revolution, vol 9, The Triumphant Empire: New Responsibilities within the Enlarged Empire, 1763–1766 (New York, 1968), 210–31 Hilda Neatby, Quebec: The Revolutionary Age, 1760–1791 (Toronto, 1966), 30–44 See also Gipson, New Responsibilities, 163–76; Shy, Toward Lexington, 287–8; and Walter S Dunn Jr., Frontier Profit and Loss: The British Army and the Fur Traders, 1760– 1764 (Westport, Conn., 1998), 165–6 At least part of the antagonism between the American merchants and Murray was ethnic in origin Dunn points out that Murray, a Scot, tended to treat Scots merchants most favorably, and particularly those Scottish officers who had remained in Canada and gone into the fur trade after the war “The exertion”: Gage to Capt James Murray, May 1767, in Richard White, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (New York, 1991), 319 “Double the Number”: George Croghan to Sir William Johnson, 18 Oct 1767, ibid Shy, Toward Lexington, 229; Gage to Shelburne (Southern secretary), 13 June 1767, in Clarence Edwin Carter, ed., The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage with the Secretaries of State, 1763–1775, vol (New Haven, Conn., 1931), 142–3 Gage’s reluctance to press the issue probably also reflected his reaction to being reprimanded for using regulars to kick Yankee intruders off New York estates; since Virginia and Pennsylvania both claimed the area, by expelling Virginia squatters he might be censured for putting the army at the service of the Penn family, as he had with the Hudson Valley patroons On Croghan’s diplomacy, which kept open communications between Fort Pitt and Fort de Chartres, see White, Middle Ground, 436– 47; and Nicholas B Wainwright, George Croghan, Wilderness Diplomat (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1959), 238 (Croghan evidently bought the gifts he needed for this condolence diplomacy from Baynton, Wharton and Morgan, in which he was a silent partner; suggesting yet again that the wind never blew so ill as to waft George Croghan no good.) “Cost him more trouble”: White’s summary of Croghan to Gage, 15 June 1766, in Middle Ground, 347 n 65 “Under no Laws”: Capt James Murray to Gage, 16 May 1767, ibid., 344 “Those who have injured them”: Gage to Murray, 28 June 1767, ibid., 320 n On the alarming rise in frontier violence and retaliation, see Tom Hatley, The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians through the Era of the Revolution (New York, 1993), 183–6; and Michael N McConnell, A Country Between: The Upper Ohio Valley and Its Peoples, 1724–1774 (Lincoln, Nebr., 1992), 240 Croghan’s itinerary: Howard H Peckham, ed., George Croghan’s Journal of His Trip to Detroit in 1767 (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1939), 31–47 Effects of diplomacy: McConnell, A Country Between, 241–2, 264–5 For quantities of rum in the Ohio Country and elsewhere in the west, and for the role of Baynton, Wharton and Morgan in the trade, see Peter C Mancall, Deadly Medicine: Indians and Alcohol in Early America (Ithaca, N.Y., 1995), 52–7, 181–2; and Dunn, Frontier Profit, 178–9 (Mancall estimates the per capita consumption of alcohol among western Indians under the British regime at between approximately and 1.1 gallons annually, or between 2.1 and 4.5 gallons annually for “active drinkers,” mainly young men; a notably higher rate of consumption than when the French were the principal traders in the region [211 n 108] Dunn makes the much higher per capita estimate of 12 gallons per annum “per warrior” [table 10.1, 178].) For Croghan’s and Gage’s anticipation of a new Indian war, see Wainwright, Croghan, 248 Shy, Toward Lexington, 290: “the army, as an instrument of imperial control in time of peace, had a dull edge.” EPILOGUE: MOUNT VERNON, JUNE 24, 1767 Harvest and weather: Donald Jackson and Dorothy Twohig, eds., The Diaries of George Washington, vol 2, 1766–1770 (Charlottesville, Va., 1976), 21, 23 (entries of 19–24 June and 14 July 1767) Wheat farming and plantation enterprises: Douglas Southall Freeman, George Washington: A Biography, vol 3, Planter and Patriot (New York, 1951), 179–80 Weaving: W W Abbot et al., eds., The Papers of George Washington, Colonial Series, vol 7, January 1761– June 1767 (Charlottesville, Va., 1990), 508 n Speculative enterprises: ibid., 219–25, 268–75 et passim Washington to Capt John Posey, 24 June 1767, in Papers of Washington, vol 8, June 1767–December 1771 (Charlottesville, Va., 1993), 1–4 Washington to Capt William Crawford, 17 Sept 1767, ibid., 28 Washington’s mention of Indians’ consent to white occupation beyond the Proclamation Line referred to the Six Nations’ agreement, at the end of Pontiac’s War, to cede lands west of the Alleghenies and south of the Ohio, as far as the Tennessee River The Shawnees, Delawares, Mingos, Munsees, Miamis, and Wyandots who lived in the region, of course, were determined to resist white colonization Sartorial tastes: Washington to Charles Lawrence, 26 Apr 1763, Papers of Washington, 7:201–2 “Nine of such influence”: minutes of the Mississippi Land Company, Sept 1763, ibid., 223 n FRED ANDERSON CRUCIBLE OF WAR Fred Anderson is Associate Professor of History at the University of Colorado, Boulder He is the author of A People’s Army: Massachusetts Soldiers and Society in the Seven Years’ War (1984), as well as articles, essays, and reviews, ALSO BY FRED ANDERSON A People’s Army: Massachusetts Soldiers and Society in the Seven Years’ War (1984) FIRST VINTAGE BOOKS EDITION, JANUARY 2001 Copyright © 2000 by Fred Anderson Maps copyright © 2000 by David Lindroth, Inc Vintage and colophon are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc The Library of Congress has cataloged the Knopf edition as follows: Anderson, Fred, 1949– Crucible of war: the Seven Years’ War and the fate of empire in British North America, 1754–1766 / Fred Anderson; with illustrations from the William L Clements Library p cm United States—History—French and Indian War, 1755–1763 Seven Years’ War, 1756–1763 Great Britain—Colonies —History—18th century United States—History—French and Indian War, 1755–1763—Influence I Title E199.A59 2000 973.2’6—dc21 99-18512 CIP www.randomhouse.com eISBN: 978-0-307-42539-3 v3.0 ... PART III - NADIR CHAPTER 12 - Lord Loudoun Takes Command 1756 CHAPTER 13 - Oswego 1756 CHAPTER 14 - The State of the Central Colonies 1756 CHAPTER 15 - The Strains of Empire CAUSES OF ANGLO-AMERICAN... 51 - The Intersections of Empire, Trade, and War HAVANA AUGUST 1762 CHAPTER 52 - Peace SEPTEMBER 1762-APRIL 1763 CHAPTER 53 - The Rise of Wilkes, the Fall of Bute, and the Unheeded Lesson of. .. OCTOBER-NOVEMBER 1765 PART X - EMPIRE PRESERVED? CHAPTER 71 - The Repeal of the Stamp Act JANUARY-MARCH 1766 CHAPTER 72 - The Hollowness of Empire 1766 CHAPTER 73 - Acrimonious Postlude THE COLONIES