THE REAGAN MANIFESTO “A TIME FOR CHOOSING” AND ITS INFLUENCE Edited by Eric D Patterson and Jeffry H Morrison The Reagan Manifesto Eric D Patterson • Jeffry H Morrison Editors The Reagan Manifesto “A Time for Choosing” and its Influence Editors Eric D Patterson Robertson School of Government Regent University Virginia Beach, Virginia, USA Jeffry H Morrison Robertson School of Government Regent University Virginia Beach, Virginia, USA ISBN 978-3-319-39986-7 ISBN 978-3-319-39987-4 DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-39987-4 (eBook) Library of Congress Control Number: 2016953751 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016 This work is subject to copyright All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, 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daughters, Jane Margaret Patterson and Evelyn Morrison FOREWORD “‘A TIME FOR CHOOSING’ THEN AND NOW: RONALD REAGAN’S MESSAGE AND YOUNG AMERICANS” There are many experts on Ronald Reagan I am one voice whose life has been impacted—personally and professionally—by life, leadership, and legacy of the 40th President of the United States I believe his legacy will continue to invigorate the next generations because of the man he was, how he lived, how he led, and how he communicated “A Time for Choosing” is a perfect example Ronald Reagan was elected President of the United States in 1980 at the age of 69 I was in college as he campaigned, was elected, inaugurated, and began his presidency During the primaries and general election of 1980, it was his message and the way he communicated that message that captured my interest in him and his candidacy And it was at that time that I first learned of his 1964 “A Time for Choosing” speech Fast forward four years to the re-election campaign of 1984 I was a young member of that campaign staff in Washington, DC, working with a large number of my twenty something peers to re-elect what would be the oldest serving president in our Nation’s history The morning after that historic election, my boss at the campaign huddled with our young staff team and told us to stop and savor the moment Never again would we have the privilege of working for a man like Ronald Reagan and experience such a landslide victory in a presidential election She was prophetic Two years after he delivered the “A Time for Choosing” speech in 1964, Ronald Reagan took office as Governor of California He was 55 years old vii viii FOREWORD At an age when most Americans seem to be interested in reinforcing plans toward retirement, Ronald Reagan was just getting started in what would become the pinnacle two decades of his career And in 1966, when he took office as governor, many who would vote to re-elect him as president in 1984 were in diapers The springboard of the “A Time for Choosing” speech led to a twentyfive-year career in public service that significantly impacted America in the twentieth century and, I believe, inspired a next generation of leaders who will lead our nation and the world well into the twenty-first century In recent, and even current campaigns, Ronald Reagan’s name seems to be invoked as much as the candidates who are currently running He emerged on the national political stage in 1964 through the speech we focus on today, and he remains a significant influence in political and ideological debate Throughout 2011, I was privileged and honored to lead the team orchestrating the Centennial Celebration of Ronald Reagan for the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation Given Ronald Reagan’s impact on me as I began my career, it was important to me during the Centennial planning to engage the next generation of young Americans in the Centennial programs and events This yearlong Centennial celebration across the country and around the world was not just a trip down memory lane, or a time for sentimental older Americans to pour a scotch or coffee and reminisce about the good old days of Ronald Reagan It was a time to celebrate, to be sure, but more importantly to involve young people, who did not know him as a living candidate or president, in a way that they could understand and be inspired by this man—this president—as I had been a generation before when I was their age In 6,896 high schools and on 193 college campuses and through course materials and programs, and with a national youth leadership committee, we were very successful to involve tens of thousands of 18–25 year olds in the Reagan Centennial An example of this is the invitation extended to the governor of every state to nominate two high school students from their state for a weeklong partnership with the Close Up Foundation for a program in Washington, DC, on “Civil Discourse,” a concept that none of the attendees were familiar with when they arrived Using examples of the presidential leadership of Ronald Reagan, we opened their eyes to a new concept (to them) in working with others, that one can disagree with someone without them being an enemy Throughout 2011, I was continually inspired by the words of these young people on what Ronald FOREWORD ix Reagan means to them And it is those words of current young Americans that I reflect on as we discuss this historic speech In preparation for these remarks today, I went back to many of those young people from the Centennial and also engaged others through colleagues and other organizations I interviewed dozens of young people from California to Massachusetts and Alabama to Idaho, asking them to watch the “A Time for Choosing” speech with fresh, young eyes and give me their thoughts and feedback These young people were not all Republicans or even conservatives In fact, knowing in advance their political affiliation was not a consideration in asking them to watch, listen, and respond to the interview questions I posed I also surveyed a group of my peers, from all over the country and with differing political experiences and affiliations Many, like me, were politically active in the Reagan presidential years But it is the younger voices that I found to be most compelling because it is in their words that I hear the echoes of my own thoughts and feelings over 30 years ago, and what I believe young people heard in October 1964 when Ronald Reagan first delivered the challenge “You and I have a rendezvous with destiny.” It would take me the rest of the afternoon to share in full all of their responses so what I will today is to share nine observations that were most representative of what they all had to say I was actually surprised that most shared similar thoughts and feelings and only a few were impacted negatively I will share some of that flavor as well While this was in no means a scientific study, it did give me insights into how this speech, given 50 years ago this year, still resonates And that the man who gave this speech—Ronald Reagan—still has an impact From a West Point cadet: I wish that the leaders of today had the same direct dialogue, wit and uncompromising optimism that Reagan displays here and throughout his presidency many in my generation not want to hear a call to action To me, there could be no better time for one America needs someone to call them together and get them moving in the right direction It was amazing to hear Reagan call America earth’s last best hope People simply don’t talk this way anymore I think college has made me extra sensitive towards considering all points of view and acknowledging other cultures are important But the reality is, nowhere in the world is quite like America President Reagan seemed to have that idea instilled in his soul so profoundly that he could not help but talk about it It really is invigorating A TIME FOR CHOOSING (THE SPEECH—OCTOBER 27, 1964) 135 We have so many people who can’t see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one So they’re going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer—and they’ve had almost 30 years of it—shouldn’t we expect government to read the score to us once in a while? Shouldn’t they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help? The reduction in the need for public housing? But the reverse is true Each year the need grows greater; the program grows greater We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night Well that was probably true They were all on a diet But now we’re told that 9.3 million families in this country are poverty-stricken on the basis of earning less than 3,000 dollars a year Welfare spending [is] 10 times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression We’re spending 45 billion dollars on welfare Now a little arithmetic, and you’ll find that if we divided the 45 billion dollars up equally among those million poor families, we’d be able to give each family 4,600 dollars a year And this added to their present income should eliminate poverty Direct aid to the poor, however, is only running only about 600 dollars per family It would seem that someplace there must be some overhead Now—so now we declare “war on poverty,” or “You, too, can be a Bobby Baker.” Now they honestly expect us to believe that if we add billion dollars to the 45 billion we’re spending, one more program to the 30-odd we have—and remember, this new program doesn’t replace any, it just duplicates existing programs—do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic? Well, in all fairness I should explain there is one part of the new program that isn’t duplicated This is the youth feature We’re now going to solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC camps [Civilian Conservation Corps], and we’re going to put our young people in these camps But again, we some arithmetic, and we find that we’re going to spend each year just on room and board for each young person we help 4700 dollars a year We can send them to Harvard for 2700! Course, don’t get me wrong I’m not suggesting Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help? Not too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles He told me of a young woman 136 R REAGAN who’d come before him for a divorce She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer earning 250 dollars a month She wanted a divorce to get an 80 dollar raise She’s eligible for 330 dollars a month in the Aid to Dependent Children Program She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who’d already done that very thing Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we’re denounced as being against their humanitarian goals They say we’re always “against” things—we’re never “for” anything Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they’re ignorant; it’s just that they know so much that isn’t so Now—we’re for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old age, and to that end we’ve accepted Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem But we’re against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood They’ve called it “insurance” to us in a hundred million pieces of literature But then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified it was a welfare program They only use the term “insurance” to sell it to the people And they said Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government has used that tax There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that Social Security as of this moment is 298 billion dollars in the hole But he said there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble And they’re doing just that A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary—his Social Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee 220 dollars a month at age 65 The government promises 127 He could live it up until he’s 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security Now are we so lacking in business sense that we can’t put this program on a sound basis, so that people who require those payments will find they can get them when they’re due—that the cupboard isn’t bare? Barry Goldwater thinks we can At the same time, can’t we introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can better on his own to be excused upon presentation A TIME FOR CHOOSING (THE SPEECH—OCTOBER 27, 1964) 137 of evidence that he had made provision for the nonearning years? Should we not allow a widow with children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband? Shouldn’t you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which we cannot do? I think we’re for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds But I think we’re against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples, as was announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program is now bankrupt They’ve come to the end of the road In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government give up its program of deliberate, planned inflation, so that when you get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar’s worth, and not 45 cents worth? I think we’re for an international organization, where the nations of the world can seek peace But I think we’re against subordinating American interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that today you can muster a two-thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly among nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world’s population I think we’re against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in the Soviet colonies in the satellite nations I think we’re for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we’re against doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world We set out to help 19 countries We’re helping 107 We’ve spent 146 billion dollars With that money, we bought a million dollar yacht for Haile Selassie We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenya[n] government officials We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity In the last six years, 52 nations have bought billion dollars’ worth of our gold, and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size So governments’ programs, once launched, never disappear Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we’ll ever see on this earth Federal employees—federal employees number two and a half million; and federal, state, and local, one out of six of the nation’s work force 138 R REAGAN employed by government These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man’s property without a warrant? They can impose a fine without a formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury? And they can seize and sell his property at auction to enforce the payment of that fine In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier over-planted his rice allotment The government obtained a 17,000 dollar judgment And a U.S marshal sold his 960-acre farm at auction The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work Last February 19th at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six times candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said, “If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States.” I think that's exactly what he will But as a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn’t the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration, because back in 1936, Mr Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American people and charged that the leadership of his Party was taking the Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin And he walked away from his Party, and he never returned til the day he died— because to this day, the leadership of that Party has been taking that Party, that honorable Party, down the road in the image of the labor Socialist Party of England Now it doesn’t require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people What does it mean whether you hold the deed to the—or the title to your business or property if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property? And such machinery already exists The government can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute Every businessman has his own tale of harassment Somewhere, a perversion has taken place Our natural, unalienable rights are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues They want to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men—that we’re to choose just between two personalities Well what of this man that they would destroy—and in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold A TIME FOR CHOOSING (THE SPEECH—OCTOBER 27, 1964) 139 dear? Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is? Well I’ve been privileged to know him “when.” I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I’ve never known a man in my life I believed so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing This is a man who, in his own business before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan before unions had ever thought of it He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn’t work He provides nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there An ex-GI told me how he met him It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas And he said that [there were] a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes And then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, “Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such,” and they went down there, and there was a fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long, he’d load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load During the hectic split-second timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said, “There aren’t many left who care what happens to her I’d like her to know I care.” This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son, “There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life on that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start.” This is not a man who could carelessly send other people’s sons to war And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all the other problems I’ve discussed academic, unless we realize we’re in a war that must be won Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us they have a utopian solution of peace without victory They call their policy “accommodation.” And they say if we’ll only avoid any direct confrontation with the enemy, he’ll forget his evil ways and learn to love us All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers They 140 R REAGAN say we offer simple answers to complex problems Well, perhaps there is a simple answer—not an easy answer—but simple: If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our national policy based on what we know in our hearts is morally right We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the Iron Curtain, “Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skins, we’re willing to make a deal with your slave masters.” Alexander Hamilton said, “A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one.” Now, let’s set the record straight There’s no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there’s only one guaranteed way you can have peace—and you can have it in the next second—surrender Admittedly, there’s a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every lesson of history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the specter our well-meaning liberal friends refuse to face— that their policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between peace and war, only between fight or surrender If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the final demand—the ultimatum And what then—when Nikita Khrushchev has told his people he knows what our answer will be? He has told them that we’re retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the final ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary, because by that time we will have been weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically He believes this because from our side he’s heard voices pleading for “peace at any price” or “better Red than dead,” or as one commentator put it, he’d rather “live on his knees than die on his feet.” And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don’t speak for the rest of us You and I know and not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin—just in the face of this enemy? Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the pharaohs? Should Christ have refused the cross? Should the patriots at Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard “’round the world?” The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn’t die in vain Where, then, is the road to peace? Well it’s a simple answer after all A TIME FOR CHOOSING (THE SPEECH—OCTOBER 27, 1964) 141 You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, “There is a price we will not pay.” “There is a point beyond which they must not advance.” And this—this is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater’s “peace through strength.” Winston Churchill said, “The destiny of man is not measured by material computations When great forces are on the move in the world, we learn we’re spirits—not animals.” And he said, “There’s something going on in time and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty.” You and I have a rendezvous with destiny We’ll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth, or we’ll sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny Thank you very much [This speech is widely available, including at: http://www.reagan utexas.edu/archives/reference/timechoosing.html] BIBLIOGRAPHY Adelman, Ken 2014 Reagan at Reykjavik: Forty-eight hours that ended the Cold War New York: Broadside Aldous, Richard 2012 Reagan and Thatcher: The difficult relationship New York: Norton Allen, Richard V 2000 The man who won the Cold War Hoover Institution, Stanford University, January 30, 2000 http://www.hoover.org/publications/ hoover-digest/article/7398 Brinkley, Douglas (ed.) 2009 The Reagan diaries New York: Harper-Perennial Brownlee, W. Elliot, and Hugh Davis Graham, eds 2003 The Reagan presidency: Pragmatic conservatism and its legacies Lawrence: University Press of Kansas http://www.historynewsnetwork.org/article/10968 Accessed Mar 2016 Butterfield, Herbert 1951 History and human relations London: Collins Cannon, Lou 2000 President Reagan: The role of a lifetime New York: Public Affairs Cooper, James 2012 Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan: A very political special relationship London: Palgrave Macmillan D’Souza, Dinesh 1999 Ronald Reagan: How an ordinary man became an extraordinary leader New York: Free Press Ehrman, John, and Michael Flamm 2009 Debating the Reagan presidency Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Fischer, Beth 1997 The Reagan reversal: Foreign policy and the end of the Cold War Columbia: University of Missouri Press Gaddis, John Lewis 1997 We now know: Rethinking Cold War history Oxford: Clarendon Press Gaddis, John Lewis 2005 The Cold War: A new history New York: Penguin Press © The Author(s) 2016 E.D Patterson, J.H Morrison (eds.), The Reagan Manifesto, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-39987-4 143 144 BIBLIOGRAPHY Guerra, Darren Patrick 2013 Perfecting the Constitution: The case for the Article V amendment process Lanham: Lexington Hayward, Steven F 2009 The age of Reagan: The conservative counterrevolution, 1980–1989 New York: Crown Forum Kengor, Paul 2004 God and Ronald Reagan: A spiritual life New York: HarperCollins Kengor, Paul 2006 The crusader: Ronald Reagan and the fall of communism Los Angeles: Regan Knott, Stephen F 1996 Reagan’s critics The National Interest, Summer 1996, p. 67 Knott, Stephen F., and Jeffrey L. 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Chidester 2009 At Reagan’s side: Insiders’ recollections from Sacramento to the White House Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Lazare, Daniel 1996 Frozen republic New York: Harcourt Brace & Co Leffler, Marvin 2007 For the soul of mankind: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Cold War New York: Hill and Wang Lettow, Paul 2006 Ronald Reagan and his quest to abolish nuclear weapons New York: Random House Loconte, Joseph 2006 The end of illusions: Religious leaders confront Hitler’s gathering storm Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Mahnken, Thomas 2009 The Reagan administration’s strategy toward the Soviet Union In Successful strategies: Triumphing in war and peace from antiquity to the present, ed Williamson Murray and Richard Hart Sinnreich New York: Cambridge University Press/Penguin Press Mann, James 2009 The rebellion of Ronald Reagan New York: Penguin Marlo, Francis 2012 Planning Reagan’s war: Conservative strategists and America’s Cold War victory Washington, DC: Potomac Books Meese, Edwin III 1992 With Reagan: The inside story Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing Niebuhr, Reinhold 1952 The irony of American history New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons Noonan, Peggy 2002 When character was king: A story of Ronald Reagan New York: Penguin Press Patterson, Eric 2005 The Christian realists: Reevaluating the contributions of Niebuhr and his contemporaries Lanham: University Press of America Powaski, Ronald E 1997 The Cold War: The United States and the Soviet Union, 1917–1991 New York: Oxford University Press Powers, Richard Gid 1998 Not without honor: The history of American anticommunism New Haven: Yale University Press Ramsey, Paul 1985 War and the Christian conscience Durham: Duke University Press Reagan, Ronald 1964 A time for choosing October 27, 1964 In The Public Papers of President Ronald W. Reagan Ronald Reagan Presidential Library http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/reference/timechoosing.html Accessed Mar 2016 BIBLIOGRAPHY 145 Reagan, Ronald 1982 Promoting democracy and peace: The Westminster address June 8, 1982 United States Department of State—Bureau of Public Affairs http://www.ned.org/ronald-reagan/promoting-democracy-and- peace Accessed Mar 2016 Reagan, Ronald 1984 Abortion and the conscience of a nation Nashville: Thomas Nelson Reagan, Ronald 1987 Remarks at an ecumenical prayer breakfast in Dallas, Texas, August 23, 1984 In Public Papers of the President of the United States: Ronald Reagan: 1984: Book II, June 30–Dec 31, 1984 Washington, DC: US Government Printing Office http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/ speeches/1984/82384a.htm Accessed Mar 2016 Reagan, Ronald 1990 An American life: The autobiography New York: Simon and Schuster Reeves, Richard 2005 Ronald Reagan: The triumph of imagination New York: Simon and Schuster Schweizer, Peter 2002 Reagan’s war: The epic story of his forty-year struggle and final triumph over communism New York: Anchor Books Shlaes, Amity 2007 The forgotten man: A new history of the Great Depression New York: HarperCollins Shlaes, Amity 2013 Coolidge New York: HarperCollins Shultz, George P 1993 Turmoil and triumph: My years as secretary of state New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons Sinnreich, Richard Hart (ed.) 2014 Successful strategies: Triumphing in war and peace from antiquity to the present Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Smith, Tony 2012 America’s mission: The United States and the worldwide struggle for democracy Princeton: Princeton University Press Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards 2006 The first cold warrior: Harry Truman, containment, and the remaking of liberal internationalism Lexington: University Press of Kentucky Suri, Jeremi 2002 Explaining the end of the Cold War: A new historical consensus? 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Diplomacy and Statecraft 18(4): 773–780 Wilson, James Graham 2014 The triumph of improvisation: Gorbachev’s adaptability, Reagan’s engagement, and the end of the Cold War Ithaca: Cornell University Press Zakaria, Fareed 1990 The Reagan strategy of containment Political Science Quarterly 105(3): 373–395 INDEX A ABM Treaty, 39 Abortion, 65, 66, 69, 72–3, 98–100, 104–6, 106n1 Affirmative action, 69 Afghanistan, 23, 53, 56, 82, 87 Soviet Union invasion of, 81 Air Force, 51 Air traffic controllers’ strike, Allen, Richard, 54 American Revolution, 2, 78, 98, 103, 132 Americans for Democratic Action, 120 Anarchy, 117 Arms control, 15, 21, 22, 24, 25, 55 Reagan aids brief him on, 22 Reagan on taking risks for, 21 Regan rejects early in his presidency, 25 Reykjavik proposals for, 55 B B-1 Bomber, 20 Berlin, 85, 86, 123 airlift of 1948–49, 85 Berlin Wall Speech, 124 Bill of Rights, 99 Bork, Robert, 5, 72 Brezhnev, Leonid, 54, 87 Budget, balancing of, 4, 36, 113, 131 Bureaucracy, 3, 127, 137 Bush, George W., xi, 13, 70 C California, ix, vii, xiii, 2, 4, 49, 52, 99, 102, 121 Camp David, 39 Canada, 110 Cannon, Lou, 57n2, 89 Capitalism, 10, 30, 33, 34, 81, 121, 127 Carter, Jimmy, 9, 14, 78, 80–1, 117 Casey William, 22 Note: Page numbers followed by “n” refers to end notes © The Author(s) 2016 E.D Patterson, J.H Morrison (eds.), The Reagan Manifesto, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-39987-4 147 148 INDEX Castro, Fidel, 78, 124, 132 China, 3, 44, 124 Christian(s), 33, 79, 80, 90, 100, 104, 115–30 Churchill, Winston, 7, 85, 141 CIA (Central Intelligence Agency), 23 Civilization, 81, 93, 106 Civil War, 78 Cold War, 2, 7–11, 13, 15, 16, 18, 20, 22, 24, 25, 27n27, 37, 38, 46n22, 49, 51–4, 56, 58n13, 61, 77–95, 115, 133, 140 as battle of ideas, 69, 70 Reagan recasts American approach to, 61 Reagan seen as “winning”, 2, 25, 38, 53, 82 Communism, 3, 7, 9, 10, 15, 16, 19, 22, 23, 34, 48, 50, 55, 78–81, 83, 85, 86, 88–9, 93, 94, 115, 119–21, 123, 124, 126 Communist Party, USA, 50 Congress, 36, 67, 68, 71, 83, 84, 134 Conscience, 106 Conservatism, 5, 47, 119 Constitution, U.S., 5, 63, 67, 105 abuse of, 66 Coolidge, Calvin, 4, 109 Corruption, 62, 63 D Declaration of Independence, 6, 64, 73, 98 Defense, 5, 9, 10, 15, 16, 20, 21, 25, 35–7, 39, 40, 46n19, 46n20, 49, 53, 57, 61–76, 80, 82, 85, 86 spending, 36, 37, 49, 80 Deficits, 36 Democracies, 13, 15–17, 22, 23, 27n16, 33, 67, 79, 83, 89, 92–4, 123 Democratic Party, 3, 5, 52, 110, 120, 128 Reagan as Democrat, 3, 111, 131, 138 Democrats, 3, 111, 131, 138 Détente, 14, 15, 17–19, 21, 38, 54, 81, 88, 89, 129 and conservative criticism of Reagan, Dictatorship, 82, 92 Diplomacy, 21, 22, 24, 40, 87, 128 E Economy and economics, 2–5, 7, 8, 16–18, 21, 25, 31, 33–9, 43, 51, 81, 82, 85–9, 91, 99, 109–13, 116, 121, 122, 133, 134 planned versus unplanned, 106 Education, 32, 33 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 18 Equality, 73, 118, 119 Eureka College, xii, 2, 50 “Evil empire” speech, 49, 126 F Faith, 62, 63, 82–3, 86, 87, 100, 104, 126, 139, 141 Farewell speech, 94 Farms and Farming, 111, 133, 134, 138 Federalists, 70 Ford, Gerald, 34 Foreign aid, 137 Foreign policy, 9, 10, 13, 19, 20, 22, 25, 35–7, 43, 44, 56, 78–80, 85, 88, 90–1, 93, 116, 119–21, 123, 127, 128 France, 137 Freedom of the individual, 32, 34, 49, 88, 126, 132, 133 Free Markets, 133 INDEX G General Electric Theatre, Germany, 20, 52, 85 God, 15, 32, 33, 55, 78, 86, 103, 104, 117, 118, 139 Goldwater, Barry, 1–3, 47, 51, 53, 57n1, 113, 121, 124, 129, 133, 136–9, 141 presidential campaign against Johnson, 8, 47, 48, 52 Reagan’s 1964 television address for, 1, 48 Gorbachev, Mikhail, xii, 21, 22, 24, 25, 39, 55–7 John Paul II and Reagan discuss, 54–5, 86 Reagan firsth and knowledge of, 11 Government, x, xi, 3, 4, 6, 7, 15, 17, 19, 30, 31, 33, 35, 36, 42, 61, 65, 66, 68, 73, 74, 77, 80, 82–4, 86, 87, 89, 97–106, 111, 117, 118, 124–7, 131–8 accountability of, 67 cost of, 133 expansion of, forms of, 73 limitation of, 125 local, 137 powers of, 65, 73 proper role of, 68 spending, 36, 131 Great Britain, 30, 34, 36–8, 40–4, 46n20, 109 Great Depression, Great Society, 132 H Haig, Alexander, 22, 37, 40, 88 Hitler, Adolf, 39, 52, 123 Holocaust, nuclear, 20, 55 Hoover, Herbert, 83–4 149 I ICBMs, 20 Income tax, 97 Inflation, 137 Ireland, 35 Israel, 140 J Jackson, Andrew, 138 Jaruzelski, Wojciech, 86 Jefferson, Thomas, 103 Jews, 80 Jobs, 36 John Paul II, Pope, 54–5, 86 Johnson, Lyndon, 1, 2, 8, 51, 52, 102 K Kennan, George, 18, 88 Kennedy, John F., 48, 52 Khomeini, Ayatollah, 80 Khrushchev, Nikita, 126, 140 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 52, 117, 122 Kirkpatrick, Jeanne, 23, 41 Kissinger, Henry, 9, 14, 34, 53, 56 Korea, 86 Korean War, 139 L Lenin, Vladimir, 77, 78, 83, 84, 138 Liberty, 6, 7, 23, 43, 53, 56, 64, 66, 70, 72, 73, 79, 86, 94, 98, 100, 103, 104, 106, 119, 126 Lincoln, Abraham, 62, 63, 73, 78, 93 M Marriage, 6, 98, 100–6 Marx, Karl, 89, 116, 138 150 INDEX McCain, John, 117 Meese, Edwin, 6, 66, 6971, 105 Mitterrand, Franỗois, 88 Monarchy, 65 Money, 32, 36, 105, 111, 137 Munich pact, 128 “Mutually assured destruction” policy, 8, 128 N National debt, 37, 131 National Security Council, 37 National Socialism, Nazi Party, 52, 119 NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization), 8, 35, 48, 51, 55 Nixon, Richard, 9, 14, 53, 54, 56, 70–2, 80 Nuclear freeze movement, 49 Nuclear war, 39, 124 O O’Connor, Sandra Day, 72 P Paine, Thomas, 47, 62, 63 PATCO Strike, Patriotism, 30, 62, 79 Poland, 10, 23, 37, 55, 56, 77, 86–9, 92, 93 Politics, politicians, x, xii, 1, 7, 11, 30, 32–5, 57, 62, 64, 66, 80, 98, 109–11, 139 Poverty, the poor, 135 Power, 16, 18, 20, 21, 23, 29, 30, 34, 36, 43, 44, 47, 51, 64–8, 70, 71, 73, 74, 80, 84, 85, 91, 93, 104, 106, 117–20, 123, 124, 132, 133, 136, 138 Private property, 134, 138 Public employees, strikes by, 5, 110, 112 Public opinion, 87, 99, 104 Putin, Vladimir, 90 R Reagan, Ronald assassination attempt against, 54, 55, 57, 124 Nixon’s disagreement with Soviet policy of, 9, 53, 71 political characteristics and views of, 1, 31; hawkish reputation, 22; ideology’s importance for, 64, 129 political history of, 11 soviet policy of, 17 speeches of, ix, vii, viii, xii, xiii, xiv, 2–5, 8, 11, 14, 17, 23, 43, 44, 47–9, 51, 53, 54, 61, 63–6, 78, 79, 81, 89, 97, 100–2, 109–13, 115, 117, 121, 124–8, 131–41 Reagan Doctrine, 10, 19, 21, 23, 77–95 Realists, 117, 119, 123 Republican party, 5, 49, 110 Reagan as leader of conservative wing of, 5, 110 Rockefeller, Nelson, 53 Roe v Wade, 65, 73, 104, 105 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 3, 65, 71 Russia, 38, 44, 83–5 S SAG (Screen Actors Guild), xii, 2, 3, 50, 112 Savings, savers, 134 Sins, 80, 91 INDEX Smith, Al, 62–6, 138 Socialism, 33, 34, 109, 119, 133, 137, 138 Soldiers, 41, 50, 110, 111 Soviet Union, 3, 7, 9, 10, 13, 14, 16–19, 21, 22, 24, 25, 34, 35, 37–9, 44, 49–51, 53, 54, 56, 57, 80–2, 85–9, 126, 128 Stalin, Joseph, 85, 87, 123, 138 State Department, 17, 18, 80, 116 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), 20, 21, 25, 38, 39, 55, 82, 128 Supreme Court, U.S., 5, 65–9, 72, 74, 98, 102–4, 136 T Talbott, Strobe, 53, 54 Television, 1, 48, 52, 131 Thatcher, Margaret, 7, 29–44, 46n20, 55, 56 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 128 151 Truman, Harry, 9, 15, 16, 18, 50, 53, 85–6 Truman Doctrine, 85, 86 U Unions, 3, 5, 30, 77, 110–13, 139 United Nations, 50, 78 USSR, 16–18, 24, 25, 88 V Vietnam War, 80 W Walesa, Lech, 56, 77, 89, 93 Warsaw Pact, 40 Washington, George, xiii, 10 Wealthy, 31 Welfare system, welfare state, 6, 97, 101, 127, 133, 139 Women, 101, 106, 113, 133, 136 World War II, 50, 85, 88, 94 .. .The Reagan Manifesto Eric D Patterson • Jeffry H Morrison Editors The Reagan Manifesto “A Time for Choosing” and its Influence Editors Eric D Patterson Robertson... are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this... people from California to Massachusetts and Alabama to Idaho, asking them to watch the “A Time for Choosing” speech 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