REFUGEES, CONFLICT AND THE SEARCH FOR BELONGING Lucy Hovil Refugees, Conflict and the Search for Belonging Lucy Hovil Refugees, Conflict and the Search for Belonging Lucy Hovil International Refugee Rights Initiative United Kingdom ISBN 978-3-319-33562-9 ISBN 978-3-319-33563-6 DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-33563-6 (eBook) Library of Congress Control Number: 2016942042 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016 This work is subject to copyright All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made Cover illustration: © seanbear / Alamy Stock Photo Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG Switzerland ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book has evolved out of six years of research by the International Refugee Rights Initiative As a result, current and former colleagues have played an invaluable role throughout, and I owe them an enormous debt of gratitude Specifically, Olivia Bueno has worked closely on the project from its inception and has been a tireless and constructive critic, and Deirdre Clancy has offered invaluable guidance and inspiration, not least on the legal aspects of the project Suffice to say, all mistakes (legal or otherwise) remain my own Josh DeWind of the Migration Program of the Social Science Research Council was instrumental in helping to initiate the project and subsequently giving the benefit of his wisdom I am also grateful to Zachary Lomo who not only acted as an adviser to the project but also shaped many of my ideas during my time at the Refugee Law Project (RLP) in Kampala, Uganda, where he was director Indeed, my eight years at the RLP was an invaluable learning experience, and I am thankful to all of my former colleagues there I am also indebted to the many individual researchers with whom I have worked, including Dr Opportuna Kweka of the University of Dar es Salaam, Theodore Mbazumutima of Rema Ministries, Moses Chrispus Okello of the RLP, Joseph Okumu of the Makerere Institute for Social Research, and an anonymous researcher from Darfur It is a measure of the injustice with which so many in Sudan live that he cannot be named I have learnt and benefitted far more from working with each of them than they have from working with me In addition, none of the field research or thinking around the project would have been possible without the generous financial support of the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation and the Open Society Foundations I am v vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS grateful for their willingness to invest in this project. I am also deeply indebted to the 1115 people who were willing to give of their time to be interviewed during the research, often on issues that were deeply painful This book is dedicated to them Finally, I would like to thank Jem, Hudson, Tess and Charlie for supporting me and releasing me go to places, both physical and figurative, that others might consider too precarious I hope this book will be judged for what it is, namely, a reflection of the ongoing work of a group of activists committed to promoting human rights in situations of conflict and displacement It is one approach to tackling a highly complex problem that demands multiple ideas and methods, and it is precisely that: one approach I hope that it will be of use to those who want to understand better the complexities of conflict and displacement in a particular region, and that it will complement the work of others striving for a world in which those in exile are no longer left stranded on the margins CONTENTS Introduction Conflict and Displacement, Citizenship and Belonging: A Framework for Discussion 17 Living Through Exile: (Not) Belonging to a State 43 Living Through Exile: Belonging to the Local 73 Local and National Belonging in Exile: Convergence or Divergence? 97 Marginalised in Sudan, Exiled from Sudan: Citizenship on the Margins 123 Refugee Policy Structures: Promoting or Undermining Belonging? 155 Conclusion 191 Index 203 vii LIST Map 1.1 Map 1.2 OF MAPS Scope of the field research within the broader African context Detail of sites where field research took place (excluding Khartoum and Darfur) 13 14 ix 192 L HOVIL social processes and emphasises the extent to which law needs to be understood as much as a process as an outcome.1 As stated at the outset, the book holds in tension the fact that, on the one hand, spaces for refugee protection are continually shrinking and the label, refugee,2 is a critical tool for targeting and maintaining focus on a specific legal category of people who are living with the realities of a specific set of circumstances both during exile and at the point of return On the other, realities on the ground demonstrate that refugees have multiple identities, deploy multiple coping strategies, and often defy tidy categories that inevitably fall wide of the mark This book, therefore, has sought to bring these two approaches together – not to claim that one or the other is right, but to demonstrate that both narratives need to listen to and interact with each other Therefore, it has maintained a clear engagement with legal categories both through its emphasis on policy and the extent to which it has upheld the use of categorisation The somewhat ‘dirty’ work of policy (from the perspective of the academy) relies on a structure that is, at the very least, recognisable to those who operate within it (even if they not always respect it) But the findings have also demonstrated the inadequacies of an overreliance on these categories, and have shown the need for far greater nuance and flexibility in adapting to the specific context It has emphasised the many spaces in which categories either overlap or dissolve altogether, seeking to allow these spaces to reinfuse discussions around policy The interaction between policy and lived reality has thrown up multiple contradictions; and yet it recognises these contradictions as a strength or an opportunity rather than a threat In many respects, the challenge is one of emphasis in a particular context rather than of hierarchy; of recognising the shortcomings and benefits of any process of categorisation; and of acknowledging the limitations of an exclusively formula-driven agenda In particular, the findings have pointed to the multiple ways in which refugees forge spaces for belonging in the specific locality in which they are living in ways that often contradict—or even subvert—national and international policies It also points, therefore, to the somewhat obvious fact that policy needs to be bottom up, rather than top-down—something that has long been recognised by practitioners and academics alike, but has yet to infuse much programming on the ground A number of themes emerge from the convergence of these two approaches, which have application not only in the Great Lakes region but in any situation in which migrants, forced or otherwise, are searching for belonging CONCLUSION 8.1 193 RESISTING MARGINALISATION The findings have demonstrated that exclusion animates and sustains cycles of violence and displacement in the Great Lakes region and beyond Returning once more to the crisis in Burundi, while it was sparked by the announcement of a third term, this issue was simply a catalyst that pointed to deeper, structural issues, including the government’s failure to address injustices that lay at the heart of decades of conflict, and which had led to a chronic deficit in civic trust It also stemmed from a lingering failure to reabsorb hundreds of thousands of refugees and IDPs who had been living in external or internal exile for years or even decades In one of the poorest countries in the world, the ongoing failure of the government to ensure that resources were accessible to the population rather than horded by the few in power, had left people not only disillusioned with those in authority regardless of their political affiliation, but also with few opportunities to escape poverty As a result, while people might technically have been called citizens of Burundi, the lack of substance to their citizenship was a terrible disappointment to most Worse still, many who spoke out against these injustices became victimised by the same state that was supposed to protect them The momentum behind the protests, therefore, reflected the many issues that the Arusha Peace Agreement (or at least its lack of implementation) failed to address, including corruption, ongoing militarism and, of key importance, exclusion—exclusion of the majority of citizens from a centralised power source that had retained a monopoly on access to resources The ongoing presence of refugees, and the failures of reintegration for many who returned, are evidence of these dynamics Burundi gives substance to the reality that peace will never be sustainable when individuals or groups are left to carve out their lives on the margins—whether inside or outside of the country The findings have also demonstrated that marginalisation is a characteristic of exile A core problem that emerged repeatedly throughout the research was the extent to which current policy approaches to refugees— including both national policies and the international policy regime—tend to push them to the margins of societies thereby emphasising and maintaining their exile With humanitarian aid being delivered in such a way as to prioritise the political objectives of states over those of refugees, the exclusion of refugees has been constantly reinforced by the structures around them This exclusion is echoed in the sense of powerlessness that pervades the research As a refugee man in Ulyankulu settlement in 194 L HOVIL Tanzania said, ‘I am called a refugee, a person without power.’3 It is this disempowerment—not only by policy, of course, but by the forces that created exile—that encapsulates the marginalisation that is so characteristic of exile It has then been reinforced by discussions around ‘durable solutions’, and the emphasis on repatriation as the optimal outcome, which has maintained and prolonged exclusion in exile The disempowerment of exile, therefore, is reinforced by powerlessness in the face of an intractable conflict in their ‘home’ country that they never started nor wanted, and from which they are deriving no benefit In this context—and as an antidote to marginalisation, exile and conflict—inclusion matters In fact, it matters a great deal At the same time, the case studies have demonstrated that refugees have shown extraordinary resourcefulness in the search to end their marginalisation—to find spaces for inclusion They have forged local forms of belonging, not least through seeking out economic resources despite their broader political exclusion Indeed, they have often faced similar constraints and boundaries to the host population amongst whom they are living and who themselves have often been pushed to the fringes of the polity Against the odds, therefore, many refugees have repeatedly defied the restrictions placed on them and have fed their families, sent their children to school and built up resources However, the precariousness of their situation has remained a dominant feature of their lives, and the findings show clearly that the parameters for discussion need to be broadened In particular, there needs to be a far more robust focus on creating spaces for belonging that draw people in from the margins regardless of the trajectory of any conflict The notion that refugees should have their lives put on hold until their home country is stable enough for them to return has repeatedly been shown to be not only short-sighted and inefficient, but highly detrimental to the many who find themselves in exile for long periods of time—periods of time that often span generations Any policy based on the speculative assumption that their presence will be short-term and temporary is likely to lead to failure Instead, those who are exiled need to be drawn into the mainstream right from the beginning of exile, not left on the margins regardless of whether, in time, their stay will prove to be a temporary or permanent solution to their plight This idea has application well beyond the Great Lakes region Indeed, it is interesting to speculate that if post-9/11 US foreign policy had not been driven by the idea of a ‘war on terror’ but rather by a war on CONCLUSION 195 marginalisation, the current contours of conflict around the world, particularly in the Middle East, would likely be significantly different Instead, the war on terror has been a foreign policy disaster It has sustained and exacerbated marginalisation by creating foot soldiers living on the edges of society who can all too easily be deployed by those intent on generating violent extremism At the same time, this same ‘war on terror’ has validated the growing securitisation of foreign policy, which has further entrenched the divide between insiders and outsiders Migrants—both forced and otherwise—have been particular victims of this approach As Bauböck recognises, exclusion and marginalisation are a core ingredient of conflict and violent extremism: ‘we must remain aware that immigrant exclusion and social marginalisation may breed forms of political radicalism and religious fanaticism that create serious threats for democratic polities.’4 The dramatic increase of refugees into Europe has further highlighted failures in addressing causes and drivers of conflicts, which continue to feed off the frustration of those living on the margins, unable to find sanctuary in the face of violent conflict European states are discovering that contributing to foreign aid budgets without appropriate policies to address the drivers of these crises cannot ‘contain’ emergencies indefinitely A key factor in this regard is the extent to which discussions around migration have become strongly securitised and politicised In a global context in which there is shrinking asylum space, and where increasingly refugees and migrants are being associated, however falsely, with violent extremism and with uncontrolled and uncontrollable movement, it has become increasingly difficult for asylum seekers, migrants and refugees—regardless of categorisation—to access places of safety Indeed, it is often the narratives around mixed migration that have, in a sense, created the emergency Those who fail to get in are often forced to make impossible choices in order to survive in a context in which spaces for safety are minimal. And for those who make it into Europe, patterns of exclusion are often replicated as people remain on the peripheries of societies that struggle to absorb newcomers Thus, the need to understand and address the reality that links violent extremism with marginalisation urgently needs to be recognised as a top priority for governments Of course, this is not the whole story Many people respond to the arrival of strangers with empathy and a determination to help And equally, it is important not to characterise refugees and migrants merely as victims of these circumstances Nowhere is this truer than in the Great Lakes region where, time and again, host populations have shown an incredible level 196 L HOVIL of hospitality to those arriving in their communities; and refugees have shown incredible levels of resourcefulness despite restrictions on their movement However, any welcome is often shadowed by a fear of scarcity that can ignite the opposite reaction, in which strangers are a threat, are viewed as competition. All too easily it can leave people barricaded into corners with few alternatives but to fight their way out 8.2 MOVEMENT AS AN ANTIDOTE Implicit throughout this discussion, therefore, is the fact that a key component of marginalisation is the limitation on movement It stands to reason, therefore, that one way to mitigate against refugees (and migrants) being left on the margins is to ensure that they have the ability to move—both metaphorically and physically—from the margins to a place of inclusion Yet once again, the findings have shown that exile is often characterised by a lack of mobility, which has reinforced the negative consequences of forms of categorisation that contort rather than safeguard those who are searching for safety In this way, categorisation traps refugees—it acts as a stumbling block rather than as a form of protection Thus, the linkage between exclusion and restrictions on the movement of people lies at the heart of many of the problems and challenges that have been articulated by those interviewed for the research Movement is often one of the key coping strategies for people caught up in situations where their environment compels them to seek safety and livelihoods elsewhere Yet mobility (forced or otherwise), rather than being seen as an innovative strategy, is seen as a challenge to state sovereignty and, therefore, leads to those who move being labelled ‘illegal’ and pushed to the margins Given that movement is a key coping mechanism in situations of conflict, therefore, it will fail to protect people for as long as policy structures, securitised narratives around refugees and migrants, and broader issues of xenophobia place limitations on it Of course, people are moving all the time—and globally, movement is only on the increase But those who move often so despite the policy context, not because of it Instead of being allowed to carry their belonging with them as they move, national and regional structures go to great lengths to repel them And, where they manage to cross borders, they are asked to shed their identity in order to be included in a new place and/or a new polity. By contrast, movement needs to be accepted as the norm Indeed, it is worth noting that, prior to the Second World War, there was considerable migration from Europe CONCLUSION 197 driven by colonisation of lands outside of Europe prior to the Second World War This was followed by migration within Europe after the war, and has now been replaced by migration to Europe, a trend that is driven, in part, by the legacies of that colonisation Yet in practice there remains a blindness to these realities and those who move are demonised and constantly have to prove their worth As a result, there is a need for a far more versatile approach to belonging that might incorporate citizenship, but is not driven by it And it points to the need for far more flexible and open approaches to citizenship that take account not only of multiple forms of belonging, but also of identities that move, identities that are mobile The sacrosanct nature of citizenship that is fixed and that needs to be protected at any cost, needs to bend in the face of these realities And it needs to ensure that localised approaches to belonging are supported, rather than undermined, by wider policy responses Thus, while free movement is something which, at a theoretical level, is often endorsed, in practice it is one of the most controversial issues in the world today It creates a tension between broader notions of global justice and national belonging, as they become a contradiction rather than mutually compatible in a context in which boundaries of citizenship are seen as synonymous with boundaries of belonging In this way, refugees highlight the lack of space for Simmel’s ‘Stranger’ who is in the society but not of it—and, more significantly, who is not just here today and gone tomorrow, but here today and quite possibly still here tomorrow.5 8.3 EXTERNALLY DRIVEN PEACE AGREEMENTS THAT LACK INCLUSION The marginalisation that drives people out of their homes and then enforces their lack of movement in exile is further compounded by the failure to address issues of marginalisation in any resolution to conflict As stated at the outset, the international community repeatedly tries to understand why countries in the Great Lakes region appear prone to conflict when they have invested so much time and money in pushing forward peace processes and negotiated settlements Yet peace processes—either the documents themselves, or the subsequent failure to implement them—are often part of the logic of conflict itself rather than its resolution. And often at the core of this failure is a lack of inclusion of those on the margins Well-meaning international involvement can often lead to quick-fixes that are externally imposed and that fail to deal with core dynamics of 198 L HOVIL marginalisation and discrimination Too often, peace agreements fail to shift the power dynamics that are the drivers of conflict, making them little more than an opportunity for elites to redistribute power among themselves.6 As a result, elections, regime change or peace agreements that are accompanied by just enough ‘transitional justice’ rhetoric by governments to endorse the process going forward, continually fall short of addressing the drivers of conflict And at times, they make things much, much worse As John Gray says, ‘We’ve come to imagine that ideas like ‘democracy’, ‘human rights’ and ‘freedom’ have a power of their own, which can transform the lives of anyone who is exposed to them.’7 As a result, top-down approaches that are characteristic of so much liberal peace-making continually fail to address underlying causes It might give the illusion—albeit temporarily—that warring parties have accepted the wisdom of a Western-driven and dominated world order, but in reality genuine democratic processes are in short supply behind this faỗade The focus on elites and the failure to draw in those who are on the margins means that these processes of peace-making continue to fail They create the context in which conflict re-erupts, driven by neurotic approaches to belonging that are symptomatic of a lack of faith in the fairness of the democratic process in the country As a result of dysfunctional peace processes, the humiliation of not belonging, of being an outsider, of not being seen as legitimate remains at the heart of much of the ongoing crisis of conflict and displacement in the Great Lakes region Constantly, the antidotes to this are missing—whether due to the short-sightedness of policy, or as a result of a lack of political will As Haddad states, ‘the sooner we can understand the refugee domain as a space of possibility and a space to reimagine that which we have for too long taken as different, dangerous and unstable, the sooner we can begin to truly understand the refugee figure and respond accordingly.’8 In a context in which access to power and access to resources are intimately connected, citizenship has huge potency— both positive and negative In this context, Gibney talks of ‘unrecognised citizens’ as being a better term than ‘statelessness’,9 an approach that emphasises the legitimacy to belong of those who are not yet recognised as belonging, of those who are kept on the margins, rather than their lack of legitimacy We need to realign our attitude to refugees and recognise their potential rather than give up in the face of a seemingly intractable emergency CONCLUSION 8.4 199 RE-SECURING CITIZENSHIP? So where does that leave citizenship? On the one hand, despite its flaws, its failures, and the fact that it is attached to states which, as the findings have constantly demonstrated, are deeply problematic, it remains a status for which people have strong aspirations It continues to offer an imagined alternative to living on the margins and a resolution to exile Furthermore, the existence of the state as a primary means of organising the world remains a reality: despite the glamour and possibilities of globalisation and a cosmopolitan world, for better or worse (and mainly for worse) there is little to suggest that states are likely to be assigned to history any time soon One only has to look at the regressive back-peddling taking place in the European Union to see the evidence Yet at the same time, and as the findings have demonstrated repeatedly, citizenship—however well imagined—remains deeply problematic and suboptimal in practice, particularly when it is measured by its ability to deliver access to rights At one level, pragmatics suggest that the use of rights-based language sets standards that it can never achieve However, at a more fundamental level, the findings give credence to Mutua’s assertion that the African postcolonial state is a normatively and inherently flawed institution that is prone to failure—indeed, that it was set up for failure by those who coerced into being.10 The conclusion he draws from this failure is that new map-making and normative reorientation of internal polities may be the only way to salvage states from failure and put back together those that have already failed—or, to use his analogy, put humpty dumpty back together again This idea, which is both controversial and uncomfortable, holds great resonance in contexts in which it is hard to find any aspect of states within the region that should be either preserved or restored.11 The question, therefore, is can—indeed, should —citizenship be reimagined in a context in which, arguably, meaningful state formation has never taken place? The findings continually point to the tenuous nature of state-bounded citizenship that have failed to accommodate the reality that notions of inclusion and exclusion function in multiple ways that go beyond—or even discard—national citizenship (assuming that it exists) Instead, individuals and groups have multiple allegiances and forms of identity that function in a plurality of ‘spheres’ and arenas.12 Within that framework, this book has pointed to some of the ways in which the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion operate, namely the bond between 200 L HOVIL the state and its citizens—or, in this case, between the state and those who are deliberately marginalised from it It has also shown some of the alternatives that operate at the local level The findings, therefore, point to the possibility of humpty dumpty being put back together again, but provide no guarantee that this will happen For sure, whether for those living on the margins within their own state in Khartoum, or refugees pushed to the edges of a polity in exile, citizenship retains strong symbolic—as well as, at times, real—value But ultimately, for the marginalised to become included there needs to be a major shift in political power dynamics And until this happens, citizenship remains fallible in delivering the change that it promises because political interests are so deeply entrenched Instead, we are left with an ideal—an ideal in which belonging is attached to a state that draws its citizens into the centre rather than pushes them to the peripheries; and an ideal that is reinforced and buffered by multiple other forms of belonging that both give it legitimacy, and reinforce local understandings of legitimacy Anything less, and the assertion that it is prone to failure will be proved right In the meantime, refugees will continue to challenge the parameters of citizenship and belonging, and will continue to test our political imaginations And long may they so The realities of exile will continue to demonstrate, unequivocally, that belonging is a multi-faceted process to which human beings will continue to aspire regardless of any circumstances thrown at them by those who are intent on their relentless pursuit of power In the meantime, rather than sitting around waiting for the postcolonial state to sort itself out or to finally implode, thousands of refugees are sending their children to school, generating livelihoods and negotiating their way through exile But it should never be this hard Instead, in order for responses to be anything more than palliative, policies will need to be rooted in understandings of identity and belonging that are more supple; that pull people into the centre rather than polarise and exclude; and that draw on, rather than negate, the creativity that refugees demonstrate in their quest to forge spaces in which to belong NOTES Sally Falk Moore, (1978) Law as Process: An Anthropological Approach OUP It is acknowledged that, while the book has talked briefly about IDPs, this has not been the focus—as stated at the outset Of course, many of the CONCLUSION 10 11 12 201 issues discussed here that relate to refugees have parallel narratives in discussions around those who are internally displaced However, given the fundamental legal differentiation between an IDP and a refugee, a pragmatic decision was taken to keep the two categories distinct—albeit highlighting some of the dilemmas over the collapsing of categories Interview with refugee man, Ulyankulu, Tanzania, August 2008 Rainer Bauböck, (2006) “Citizenship and migration—concepts and controversies.” In Rainer Bauböck (ed), Migration and Citizenship: Legal Status, Rights and Political Participation IMISCOE Reports, Amsterdam University Press p. 12 See Donald Levine (ed), (1971) ‘The Stranger.’ In Georg Simmel: On Individuality and Social Forms, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 143–50 Jeremy Astill-Brown, ‘South Sudan’s slide into conflict: Revisiting the past and reassessing partnerships.’ Chatham House Research paper, December 2014 http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-30129713 Emma Haddad, The Refugee in International Society: Between Sovereigns Cambridge University Press, 2008, 215 Matthew Gibney, ‘Statelessness and Citizenship in Ethical Perspective.’ In A. Edwards and L. Van Waas, Nationality and Statelessness under International Law Cambridge University Press, 2014 Makau W. Mutua, (1995) ‘Putting Humpty Dumpty Back Together Again: The Dilemmas of the African Post-Colonial State.’ (1995) Brooklyn Journal of International Law, Vol 21 Mutua (1995), p. 508 T. Ranger and R. Werbner (eds.), (1996) Postcolonial Identities in Africa London and New Jersey: Zed Books, p. 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY Astill-Brown, Jeremy 2014 South Sudan’s slide into conflict: Revisiting the past and reassessing partnerships Chatham House research paper, London, December Bauböck, Rainer 2006 Citizenship and migration—Concepts and controversies In Migration and citizenship: Legal status, rights and political participation, IMISCOE reports, ed Rainer Bauböck Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press Falk Moore, Sally 1978 Law as process: An anthropological approach Oxford: Oxford University Press Gibney, Matthew 2014 Statelessness and citizenship in ethical perspective In Nationality and statelessness under international law, ed A. Edwards and L. Van Waas New York: Cambridge University Press 202 L HOVIL Haddad, Emma 2008 The refugee in international society: Between sovereigns Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Levine, Donald 1971 The stranger In Georg Simmel: On individuality and social forms, 143–150 Chicago: University of Chicago Press Mutua, Makau 1995 Putting Humpty Dumpty back together again: The dilemmas of the African post-colonial state Brooklyn Journal of International Law 21: 505 Ranger, T., and R. Werbner (eds.) 1996 Postcolonial identities in Africa London/ Atlantic Highlands: Zed Books INDEX A African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, 23 African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, 23 African Union, 34n4, 36n36, 173 Agier, M., 5, 15n3, 158, 182n7 Allen, T., 27, 37n49 Alternatives to Camps policy, 74, 180 Amit, R., 15n10, 76, 91n7 Arendt, H., 21, 31, 35n26, 158 autochthony, 29–30, 38n62, 63, 86, 87 B Bakewell, O., 15n9, 182n8 Baubock, R., 31, 34n5, 195, 201n4 Benhabib, S., 68n2, 75, 91n6 Burundi Arusha Peace Agreement, 193 Peter Nkurunziza, 1, 55 C cessation clauses, 177 Chabal, P., 20, 35n16 Citizenship Rights in Africa Initiative, 36n38 Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple (CNDP), 85, 86, 101, 108, 109 1951 Convention, 75, 91n3 cross-border movement, 10, 18, 32, 39n80, 46, 53, 60, 75, 80, 90, 92n9, 112, 120n18, 125–8, 130, 139, 157–60, 162, 171–4, 177, 178, 181, 182n5, 195, 196–7 trade, 76, 81, 98, 129, 140, 160, 166, 171 D Daloz, J., 35n16 Democratic Republic of Congo Banyamulenge, 65, 103, 118n5 Kinyarwanda speakers, 63–5, 87, 88, 90, 101–4, 109 Laurent Kabila, 104 nationality laws, 34n1 North Kivu province, 9, 65, 85–90, 99 © The Author(s) 2016 L Hovil, Refugees, Conflict and the Search for Belonging, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-33563-6 203 204 INDEX Democratic Republic of Congo (cont.) South Kivu province, 103 De Waal, A., 29, 37n57, 125, 149n8, 151n53 discrimination, 11, 35n24, 54, 59, 73, 131–6, 144, 178, 198 drawing of boundaries during colonialism, 44, 102 durable solutions, 4, 10, 12, 15n5, 32, 34n2, 67, 74, 78, 102, 113, 157–9, 172, 174, 175, 183n19, 184n36, 186n58, 194 E education, 46, 48, 78, 82, 90, 113, 126, 128, 161–3, 171, 175 ethnicity, political manipulation of, 26–30, 32, 56, 59, 60, 62, 63, 86, 100, 103, 109–11, 125, 135, 179 F Ferguson, Y., 18, 34n3, 35n20 Forces Democratiques de Liberation du Rwanda (FDLR), 85–6, 108, 110 G Geschiere, P., 26, 29, 37n47, 38n62 globalisation, 44, 199 H Haddad, E., 43, 68n1, 198, 201n8 Hollenbach, D., 25, 36n39, 182n5 Holsti, K., 34n14 host communities, 50, 78, 91, 98, 116 humanitarian aid, 39n81, 186n60, 193 I injustice, 55, 59, 84, 110, 111, 115, 125, 131, 141, 168, 193 interahamwe, 4, 86, 87, 89, 105, 108, 110 internally displaced persons, 2, 32, 38n73 J Jackson, S., 29, 38n59, 94n53 K Kaiser, T., 15n8, 170, 184n36 Kenya, 19, 23, 36n37, 37n45, 38n73, 81, 143, 183n16 Nubian rights, 19, 23 Kibreab, G., 98, 118n1 Kraler, A., 28, 34n9 Kweka, O., 184n40 L land access to livelihoods, 9, 46, 54, 78, 82, 106, 129, 161, 163, 170 disputes over, 85, 100, 116 Landau, L., 15n10, 76, 91n7, 182n1 Lemarchand, R., 37n54, 57 Lomo, Z., 15n5, 34n2, 36n37, 37n51 Long, K., 151n55, 158, 182n10, 184n29 Lord’s Resistance Army, 27 M Malkki, L., 47, 48, 68n6, 158, 182n6, 185n43 Mamdani, M., 20, 29, 35n22, 94n58 Manby, B., 119n8 186n68 INDEX Mansbach, R., 18, 34n3 Mbazumutima, T., 46, 68n5 mobility, 9, 34n9, 162, 181, 196 Mutua, M., 20, 35n21, 199, 201n10 N naturalisation, 8, 15n4, 32, 38n74, 47–53, 70n50, 74, 77, 80, 90, 92n7, 112, 113, 173–5 Newbury, C., 37n52, 70n35, 94n58 Newbury, D., 94n58, 119n7 non-refoulement, 61, 70n49 See also under 1951 Convention Nordstrom, C., 123, 148n2 O Open Society Justice Initiative, 35n24 P post-colonial state, 117, 201n10 Pottier, J., 33, 39n81, 186n60 Prunier, G., 27, 104, 119n12, 119n14, 125, 148n5 R Ranger, T., 29, 30, 35n19, 36n41, 45, 84, 90, 94n52, 148n1 refugee settlements/camps, 57, 173, 182n6 Responsibility to Protect (R2P), 22, 25, 36, 36n39 Reyntjens, F, 94n51, 109, 120n17 Rwanda aftermath of the genocide, 56–8, 105, 108, 176, 177 Forces Armées Rwandaises (FAR), 57 Gacaca, 58, 60 205 Génocidaires, 56, 57, 59, 173, 176 1994 genocide, 2, 56, 62, 63, 86, 89, 99, 103 Kagame, P., 175, 176 Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), 103 S sectarian divides, 2, self-settled refugees, 32, 39n80, 46, 47, 74–6, 156, 171, 172, 182n9 See also under urban-based refugees settlements Gihembe, 99, 101, 118n3 (See also under Rwanda) Katumba, 49, 51, 52, 77, 80, 82 (See also under Tanzania) Mishamo, 52, 77–9, 111 (See also under Tanzania) Nakivale, 70n41, 71n65, 94n61, 187n71 (See also under Uganda) Ulyankulu, 46, 52, 77–9, 81, 112, 193 (See also under Tanzania) Sommers, M., 47, 68n6 South Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement, 3, 125 (See also under Sudan) Garang, John, 125 Juba, 142, 143, 166, 167, 170, 171 Kajo Keji, 167, 184n26 secession, 3, 10, 11, 125, 127, 133–4, 136, 137, 140–2, 147, 159 Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army1, 25, 127, 160 statelessness, 23, 25, 35n25, 36, 198, 201n9 206 INDEX Sudan Abyei, 127 Blue Nile state, 11, 139 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, 3, 125 (See also under South Sudan) Darfur, 3, 11, 12, 15n4, 29, 123, 126–32, 135, 137–48, 149n15 janjawiid, 127, 141 Khartoum, 11, 12, 15n4, 123, 124, 126–31, 133–9, 141, 142, 144, 145, 200 national identity documents, 132 South Kordofan state, 3, 128, 132, 139, 146, 149n14 Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North, 127 T Tanzania 2003 National Refugee Policy, 174 Nyerere, 77, 92n10, 172, 185n45 1998 Refugees Act, 173 refugee settlements, 32, 45, 46, 51, 75, 77, 91, 92n9, 157, 160, 162–4, 170, 172, 173, 197 Ujamaa, 77, 92n10 transnationalism, 160 U Uganda Nakivale refugee settlement, 187n70 Rwandan refugees in, 9, 15n4, 43, 61, 119n10, 177, 186n66 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) ibelong campaign, 23, 27, 127 (See also under statelessness) 1969 Organisation of African Union (OAU) Refugee Convention, 176 1951 Refugee Convention, 31 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 21, 35n31 urban-based refugees, 156 See also under self-settled refugees Uvin, P., 37n53 W war economies, 100 Werbner, R., 34n11, 35n19, 94n52, 148n1, 201n12 Whitaker, B., 30, 38n66, 184n41 Z Zetter, R., 156, 182n2 .. .Refugees, Conflict and the Search for Belonging Lucy Hovil Refugees, Conflict and the Search for Belonging Lucy Hovil International Refugee Rights... are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this... Lakes region2 for decades Conflict and displacement in the region seem to be as entrenched as they are perplexing With © The Author(s) 2016 L Hovil, Refugees, Conflict and the Search for Belonging,