The foundations of the british conservative party

www.ebook777.com The Foundations of the British Conservative Party ii www.ebook777.com The Foundations of the British Conservative Party Essays on Conservatism from Lord Salisbury to David Cameron Edited by Bradley W Hart and Richard Carr N E W YOR K • LON DON • N E W DE L H I • SY DN EY Bloomsbury Academic An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 1385 Broadway New York NY 10018 USA 50 Bedford Square London WC1B 3DP UK www.bloomsbury.com First published 2013 © Bradley W Hart, Richard Carr and Contributors, 2013 All rights reserved No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury Academic or the author Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The foundations of the British Conservative party: essays on Conservatism from Lord Salisbury to David Cameron/edited by Bradley W Hart and Richard Carr pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index ISBN 978-1-4411-0614-8 (hardcover: alk paper) 1.  Conservative Party (Great Britain)–History 2.  Conservatism–Great Britain 3.  Great Britain– Politics and government I Hart, Bradley W II Carr, Richard, 1985– JN1129.C7F68 2013 324.24104–dc23 2013006009 ISBN: HB: 978-1-4411-0614-8 ePub: 978-1-4411-5723-2 ePDF: 978-1-4411-8141-1 Typeset by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India www.ebook777.com Dedicated to the staff of the Churchill Archives Centre, Cambridge, without whom this work would not have been possible vi www.ebook777.com Contents Acknowledgements Foreword  The Rt Hon The Lord Carrington KG GCMG CH MC PC DL Contributor Information ix Introduction  Bradley W Hart x xi Section 1  The Conservative Ideal The Principles of British Conservatism from Balfour to Heath, c.1910–75  Stuart Ball 13 The Conservative Dialectic of Margaret Thatcher’s First Term  Kieron O’Hara 39 Section 2  The Conservatives and the Union Tory Rebels and Tory Democracy: The Ulster Crisis, 1900–14  Robert Saunders 65 The Conservative Party and the Irish Question, c.1885–2010  Alan Macleod 84 Section 3  Looking Beyond Westminster Machinations of the Centre-Right and British Engagement with the Pan-European Ideal, 1929–48  Richard Carr and Bradley W Hart 107 The Conservatives and Local Government: Reform, Localism and the Big Society since 1888  Steven Howell 133 Section 4  Conservatism and Party Politics Coalition Blues: The Conservatives, the Liberals and ConservativeLiberal Coalitions in Britain since 1895  Chris Wrigley 153 viii Contents   How to Put ‘the People First’: Conservative Conceptions of Reform Before and After the Second World War  Richard Carr 175 Section 5  The Future of Conservatism   The Limits of Power: Conservative Experience and Opportunity  The Rt Hon Sir John Major KG CH ACIB 197 10 Neo-Orthodoxy: Conservative Economic Policy in the Twenty-First Century  Irwin Stelzer 206 Conclusion – Where Next?  Bradley W Hart and Richard Carr 230 Index 237 www.ebook777.com Acknowledgements The editors would like to thank all those who contributed to the conference from which this volume has emerged Conservatism: Today and Yesterday was held on 26 November 2010 at Churchill College, Cambridge, and the work of college staff both before and on the day itself helped make for a stimulating and successful event As two former students of the college, we should of course thank Churchill’s Master Sir David Wallace for his role in making the conference such a success The Winston Churchill Memorial Trust, Churchill College, and the George Trevelyan History Faculty Conference Grants at the University of Cambridge have all provided funding at various stages of either the initial conference or research and editing process for the book itself, and we are grateful for the support these organizations have provided Our editors at Continuum and Bloomsbury have been extremely helpful throughout the process of the production, and we would like to thank Marie Claire-Antoine, Kaitlin Fontana, and Ally Jane Grossan in particular for helping see this volume through to fruition Equally, our contributors have produced a variety of chapters on several topics – and in some cases have written two papers, one for the initial conference, and another for this volume Our many thanks to all of them We are grateful to Sir John Major and Dr Irwin Stelzer for permission to reproduce their conference papers in full Lord Carrington very helpfully turned round his generous foreword in extremely quick time Lastly, as the dedication at the front of this book makes clear, Allen Packwood and his team at the Churchill Archives Centre have assisted in numerous ways in the production of this work – through the initial conference event, the archiving and sourcing some of the documents referenced throughout this volume, and various forms of kindness shown to both editors over several years Our grateful thanks go to them 228 ● ● ● ● ● The Foundations of the British Conservative Party Recognizing externalities and coping with them through taxation or other forms of internalization can open the door to unwise subsidy or tax policies Recognizing that attempting to deal with market failure can open the door to interventionists who see such failure wherever they look, and to government failure Restructuring the financial services industry and attempting to improve corporate governance can lead to costly paperwork and risk aversion by corporate leaders Attempts to create a more equitable capitalism can easily be perverted into programmes for a more equal society Most of all, I am aware that there are always unintended consequences But awareness of the problems associated with what I have called neo-orthodox policies cannot be allowed to produce policy paralysis There is a crying need for a vigorous defence of reformed, market-based capitalism In part because the recession was brought on by what critics see as ‘financial capitalism’, in part because capitalist countries are seen as nations rattling their begging bowls before cash-rich rulers of centrally directed economies and in part because of the success of China in so far avoiding the worst of the recent upheaval in financial markets, market capitalism no longer captures the imagination of the world’s policymakers, as it did after Margaret Thatcher’s privatization programme brought Britain back from the brink of secular stagnation, and Ronald Reagan’s policies produced ‘Morning in America’ and the collapse of the Soviet Union Tony Tan, chairman of the Government of Singapore Investment Group, one of the oldest and largest sovereign wealth funds with over $100 billion under management, told a recent gathering of leaders of the financial sector in Davos that Asian and other emerging market countries are reappraising whether they should rely on a ‘system of free markets and minimal regulation, and large dependence on financial institutions and minimum interference from the state State capitalism, interference by the state, has served [some countries] well’.52 It is up to conservatives to see to it that the performance of market capitalism once again outstrips that of rival forms of economic organization Let me conclude on a cheery note In  1835, Tocqueville wrote, ‘The great privilege of the Americans is therefore not only to be more enlightened than 52 ‘Asian Banks told to seize unique chance’, Financial Times, 30–31 January 2010 www.ebook777.com Neo-Orthodoxy: Conservative Economic Policy in the Twenty-First Century 229 others, but to have the ability to make repairable mistakes.’53 We have in the past ‘repaired’ the economic mistakes that brought on the Great Depression by adopting some of the reforms instituted by Franklin Roosevelt, and the cultural mistakes by eventually ending institutionalized racial discrimination, just as Margaret Thatcher ‘repaired’ the failing British economy It is particularly important that those of us who believe that conservative doctrines, modernized but true to the underlying principles set forth by Adam Smith and others, hold the key to prosperity and freedom, take up the fight against attacks on market capitalism Unless we correct the recently revealed imperfections, using a coherent set of neo-orthodox principles, we are in serious danger of being unable effectively to oppose massive intervention to eliminate every perceived market failure, and prevent incentive-stifling redistribution We cannot sit back and wish we were in a world in which bankers are once again loved, regulations are being rolled back and taxes are coming down R H Coase had it right: A better approach would seem to be to start our analysis with a situation approximating that which actually exists, to examine the effects of a proposed policy change and to attempt to decide whether the new situation would be, in total, better than the original one In this way, conclusions for policy would have some relevance to the actual situation.54 I have tried to suggest such a basis, one that might be applied to a variety of policy issues, as a starting point for discussion, in the hope that we conservatives can avoid the alternative – opposition for the sake of opposition, with no constructive alternatives on offer 53 54 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America Translated and edited by Harvey C Mansfield and Delba Winthrop (Chicago and London: Chicago University Press, 2000), 216 R H Coase, ‘The Problem of Social Cost’, The Journal of Law and Economics, Vol III, October 1960, 43 Conclusion – Where Next? Bradley W Hart and Richard Carr The Conservative Party has been and will likely remain a decisive force in British politics To its advocates, it has offered stable, reassuring leadership of the nation at times where liberal or socialist alternative have proved unattractive, incompetent or both To its critics, it has retarded progressive politics in the UK, divided elements of the voting public (and particularly the working class) against one another and has been responsible for regressive legislation across whole swathes of social and economic policy Yet, for all the debate, a betting man or woman would clearly have done well to have put any stake on the Tories emerging victorious in a given election over the past century, as this volume has shown As Stuart Ball has illustrated, Conservatives and the party itself has sought to remain grounded in the practical realities of the day This is in part because, as Alan Macleod notes, even those loose ideals it does hold have to play out in the sometimes-dirty nature of the political game Given such flexibility, it is perhaps not surprising that it has been the party of numerous contradictions – and Robert Saunders makes a powerful case for Conservative rhetorical use of ‘democracy’ actually emerging from its opposite: the prospect of, as they saw it, illegitimate action by an executive not possessing a mandate to legislate on Irish Home Rule Similarly, Steven Howell’s examination of how Conservatives have engaged with local government both ideologically and pragmatically adds a valuable and oft-neglected perspective on the juncture between political ideas and their implementation The relationship between Conservatives and other parties remains interesting as well The propensity of both liberalism and the Liberal Party to be subsumed within a Conservative agenda (or coalition) is very much a theme of the past century or so given voice in the chapters by Kieron O’Hara and Chris Wrigley Whereas Labour’s fundamental belief in the state renders either a formal or ideological coalition between it and the Conservatives unlikely save in times www.ebook777.com Conclusion – Where Next? 231 of wartime necessity, an understanding between Liberalism and Conservatism goes beyond Clegg and Cameron Those such as Roy Hattersley who see the divergence between the two main progressive parties – Labour and the Liberal Democrats – as a tragedy to be rectified as soon as possible (the Parliament of 2010 representing an opportunity for a ‘new radical dawn’) perhaps have a point, but within the Liberal Party there will be always those of an Orange Book (a 2004 collection of essays written by several Lib Dem ministers in the 2010 government) slant – who, like the Tories, place much faith in the market as societal arbiter.1 John Major’s 2010 speech at Churchill College, which served as the keynote to the conference from which this volume emerged, certainly may speak to such ears The state of the party The Conservative Party has often been one where stereotypes have been levelled, not inaccurately, of being elitist, stuffy and out of touch with contemporary Britain There is certainly something in this – though David Cameron’s attempts to broaden (or de-toxify) the Tory talent pool had some impact In  2010, 54 per cent of Conservative MPs had been to public school, compared to 64 per cent and 60 per cent in 2001 and 2005 respectively (the UK average being 7%).2 Future analyses of the 2010 coalition negotiations may indeed wish to dwell on the near 40 per cent, including Nick Clegg, of Liberal Democrat MPs who attended similar fee-paying institutions Clubbiness can die hard While then, the modern Tory Party is not quite so middle and upper class as in decades past (in the 1950s and 1960s, 7, sometimes in 10 of its MPs had been to public school and a majority of its parliamentary party elected in each election from 1951 to 1974 had been to Oxford or Cambridge universities), it has some way to go to modernize David Cameron’s much vaunted 2006 ‘A-List’ of candidates – an attempt by Conservative Central Office (prompted by the leader) to advance the prospects of minority candidates – met with mixed success: with women like Louise Mensch winning both a parliamentary seat and political prominence, See Hattersley’s article in the Guardian, 11 May 2010 P Marshall and D Laws, The Orange Book: Reclaiming Liberalism (London, 2004) Essay titles included ‘Harnessing the market to achieve environmental goals.’ All stats in this section from the House of Commons Research Paper 12/43, August 2012 232 The Foundations of the British Conservative Party but high-profile black, minority and ethnic (BME) candidates including Shaun Bailey losing out Less than per cent of Tory MPs in 2010 were from a BME background, with Labour recording some per cent Both figures represent marginal improvements on recent trends (0% and 3% in  2001, respectively), but still lag behind a BME population of some per cent in 2001, and estimated to approach 20 per cent by 2020 If the Tory Party is to maintain its ‘national’ appeal – which has run through the homely rhetoric of Baldwin to the Union Jack strewn days of Falklands-era Thatcher – it will need to more here That surely cannot involve simply parachuting in media-friendly candidates who help to soften the Tory image, but has to see a fundamental re-examination of what modern Britain is, and how Conservatism can make a dynamic contribution to that It cannot, in other words, involve mere tokenism, but has to involve Conservative governments and the Conservative Party offering further opportunities for women and ethnic minorities to break through the glass ceilings that bedevil British politics That 90 MPs elected in 2010 came from a political career previously also exacerbates such inertia, and it should also be noted that Labour – partly a result of a long period of office, and thus an accumulation of parliamentary researchers, special advisers and party appointees – contributed more to this figure (52 to 31) than the Conservatives did Our politics will not change if our politicians not After the 2012 Presidential election – where a narrow focus on the older white voter cost Mitt Romney dearly against an opponent, Barack Obama, who won significant support in Latino and African American communities – such a lesson may be of value to American conservatives as well Some of the anti-Conservative stereotypes, indeed, are actually common across UK politics, and here the Tory Party is almost a victim of its own success The image of Conservatism being elderly and decrepit is certainly not borne out by a finite analysis of parliamentary cohorts In 14 of the 16 General Elections held since 1951, the Conservative parliamentary party has been on average younger than its Labour counterpart Interestingly, even Tony Blair’s New Labour had an average age of 48 for its MPs in 1997, scarcely much lower than the parliamentary Conservative Party (average age of 50) its ruthlessly efficient public relations machine managed to portray as completely out of touch Explanations for the embarrassing dancing seen in the newsreels of the early hours of May 1997 may lie here Then again, the performance of the youthful Cameron, Clegg and Osborne after the 2010 General Election might suggest that a bit of experience sometimes goes a long way www.ebook777.com Conclusion – Where Next? 233 Gaining office Prior to that election, the public were faced with a choice between Gordon Brown and David Cameron The Conservatives, rather effectively, suggested Brown’s lengthy (1997–2007) term as Chancellor of the Exchequer denoted responsibility for the worldwide economic slump from 2007/8 onwards Having presided over an economy where a Labour government was, to quote a threetime minister, ‘intensely relaxed’ over people getting ‘filthy rich’, and where levels of household borrowing had doubled over 10 years, there was something in this, even if it played down the positive effects of the Brownite economy pre 2007/8 – record low levels of long-term unemployment, the introduction of a minimum wage and stable, if varied by sector growth in national GDP.3 Yet if New Labour’s alleged kowtowing to the interests of the City of London was indeed a legitimate criticism, it was disingenuous in the extreme for the Conservative Party to be the ones making it The then-Shadow Chancellor George Osborne’s stance prior to the crash had been, far from urging him to rein in the City, to criticize Brown for not deregulating the financial sector enough His reaction to the crash – as Chancellor Darling and Prime Minister Brown swiftly nationalized banks to prevent wider economic contagion – was to hedge, criticizing the government’s handling of the crisis while agreeing with the proposals to prop up the banks Brown was routinely mocked by Tory MPs in the Commons for a slip of the tongue in late 2008 when he claimed that the British government ‘helped save the world’ with its actions on the crash He was labelled as negative and unlikeable when offering a gloomy TV debate performance prior to the 2010 election which starkly warned viewers that ‘in eight days time David Cameron could be Prime Minister, supported by Nick Clegg’ Yet, on both, he was not far off The Cameron-Clegg administration would indeed come to pass, cutting public services and expenditure savagely in an attempt to eliminate Britain’s £167bn deficit in the course of a single parliament Two years in, they were forced to admit that this would not be possible, and, as late as July 2012, the British economy was producing 0.2 per cent less than it had at the end of Brown’s tenure Paul Krugman’s 2008 endorsement of Brown – that he had led and the rest of the world had followed in engineering the global economic recovery that was beginning to bed in by May 2010 – which had triggered the phrase Daily Mail, 31 August 2010 234 The Foundations of the British Conservative Party the then  PM had bastardized to much derision, perhaps began to look more poignant in retrospect Brown may have cut a rather odd figure on occasions – prior to the 2010 TV debates, he spent hours trying to convince advisers that bizarre comments such as ‘where’s the meat in the pie, David?’ would play well with the public – but his diagnosis of the solution to the crisis, slower deficit reduction and continued public investment to prop up the economy, was proven largely correct after the sober reality of an Osborne-led economy began to bite.4 That there was not a more popular figure in charge was, no doubt, a fault of both Brown himself and his surrounding advisers But that, once presented with Brown, Cameron and Clegg, the British public voted, in essence, for an administration led by the latter two – the positive Conservative performance in the polls was no secret, and Clegg had more or less pledged to back the larger party – should not be ignored either Under Cameron and Osborne, a crisis of the market and of the private sector was successfully turned into a crisis of government and the need to cut the public sector On whatever side of the political divide one sits, that was quite an achievement For all Tony Blair and Harold Wilson made their own contributions to this field – and early comparisons of them to Clinton and Kennedy sometimes rung a little oddly – it is perhaps in the successful selling of the Conservative message that the Tories have made their most telling impact on the body politic Coalition politics In portraying the previous government as incompetent – building, no doubt, on errors it had committed – they opened up a space where committing to roll back the state per se was given something of an electoral mandate Nick Clegg and Vince Cable had more ambitious plans for public investment – and interesting ideas in their 2010 manifesto surrounding mansion and financial transaction taxes to raise revenue for such spending – but, like every Liberal leader since Lloyd George, they were nowhere close to leading a government on their own The more laissez-faire aspects of their manifesto were combined with that of their Tory counterparts, and while the Liberal Democrats occasionally kicked up a fuss, they took their place in a government trebling student tuition fees A Rawnsley, The End of the Party: The Rise and Fall of New Labour (London, 2010), 719 Thanks to Pete Cherns for pointing out this bizarre episode www.ebook777.com Conclusion – Where Next? 235 (alienating many of their protest vote supporters in one fell swoop), going much further in privatizing the NHS than Labour’s forays in the late 1990s and early 2000s, and, most painfully, attempting (unsuccessfully) to eliminate the deficit by 2015/16 If British Liberalism has long been divided between social democrats (Lloyd George, Shirley Williams and Charles Kennedy) and those who look more towards the free market (Herbert Samuel, David Laws and Nick Clegg), then even had the Lib Dem tally of 57 of the 2010 election split roughly down the middle between these two groups, this was still enough to give a parliamentary majority to the Coalition In reality, nearly all the Lib Dem MPs in the 2010 coalition have remained compliant at the time of the writing The defence of both Coalition partners became pure mathematics A Conservative government placing much stock on the UK Government’s credit rating with the major agencies needed to evidence that it was stable and could last a full term in office Lacking a parliamentary majority, this meant some kind of deal with the Lib Dems, or to go back to a country which had deemed it less unattractive than Labour, but not fully deserving of unseating an unpopular Prime Minister For the Lib Dems, an alliance with Labour and some combination of parties in the Celtic Fringe was scarcely likely to hold for a parliamentary term, notwithstanding the accusations of keeping Labour in office after its having being rejected by the electorate that would have followed Any attempt to hedge between these extremes, it was often suggested, would have produced a minority Conservative government in the short term to be followed by a sweeping Tory victory in a snap autumn 2010 election The situation facing Clegg in the days after the election was not easy However, his decision to join a fully fledged Coalition and extract only minor concessions from his Conservative partners produced the worst of both worlds: assuming the blame for much of what the government did while actually having very little control of the policy process Possibly that mattered little on a day-to-day basis The two Lib Dem members of ‘the Quad’ of ministers taking the major decisions over the Coalition’s economic policy – Clegg and Danny Alexander, George Osborne’s immediate deputy at the Treasury – were Orange Book liberals par excellence (Clegg contributing an essay to that publication), and frequent bonhomie in the joint public appearances of Cameron and Clegg suggested an easy working relationship Occasional briefing from the offices of disgruntled ministers and cries in the wilderness from the Lib Dem left or Tory right were fairly small beer Despite, or rather because of, negative ratings in the polls, the Tories and Lib Dems appear, at the time of writing, bound together until a 2015 election, or something close to it Where 236 The Foundations of the British Conservative Party Clegg and his ideological bedfellows end up at that point is difficult to predict As Chris Wrigley’s chapter in this volume makes clear, however, that election is unlikely to be good news for British Liberalism Given the precedents outlined in this volume – an ability to roll with the punches of war, armed strife in Northern Ireland, major changes in the consti­ tutional relationship between Britain and Europe, opposition from the trade unions, and others – it is likely that the Conservative Party will be in a better position to respond to the challenges that will arise in the coming years Whether that constitutes a good thing for the British people is not this volume’s intention to judge But both Conservative advocates and their opponents may gain much from a reconsideration of the past, and we welcome further debate on some of the enduring themes this volume has explored www.ebook777.com Index Adams, Gerry  102 Addison, Christopher  168 Ahern, Bertie  103 Amery, Leo  109, 111, 116–19, 122–8, 130 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985)  100–1 Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921)  82, 92 Asquith, Herbert  67, 70, 78, 89, 158, 166 Atkins, Humphrey  98–9 Attlee, Clement  5, 107, 189 Bailey, Shaun  232 Baldwin, Stanley  4, 16, 26, 31, 65, 82, 109, 114, 145, 173, 179–81, 183–4, 189–90, 193, 232 Balfour, Arthur  30, 77, 87, 137, 144, 154, 158 Bevan, Aneurin  182 Beveridge, William  177, 186, 188, 190–2 Beveridge Report  31, 35, 42, 185, 190 Bevin, Ernest  107 ‘Big Bang’, The  57–60 Big Green Society, The  147–8 Big Society  1–2, 133–5, 144, 146, 148, 175 Birch, Nigel  43 Black Minority Ethnic (BME) candidates  232 Blair, Tony  103, 132, 140, 232, 234 Blond, Philip  Bloody Sunday (1972)  94–5 Blum, Leon  126–7 Bonar Law, Andrew  66, 69, 76, 78–9, 88–90, 159, 162, 171, 174 Bonham Carter, Violet  155–6 Boothby, Robert  176, 181–2 Braine, Bernard  14 Bretton Woods  43 Briand Plan (1929)  110, 121–2 British Coal  57 British Steel  55 Brown, Gordon  1–2, 148, 206, 233 Burke, Edmund  3–4, 20, 27, 48, 188 Bush, George H W.  44 Bush, George W.  217 Business rates  138, 140 Butler, R A (Rab)  37, 123, 178, 183–9, 191, 193 Butskell(ism)  185 Cable, Vince  1, 8, 234 Cameron, David  1, 83, 132, 141, 143, 145, 154, 174–6, 194, 201, 203, 231–3 Capitalism, outcomes of  223–7 Carington, Peter (Lord Carrington)  ix, 48, 56 Carson, Sir Edward  79, 88–90, 159, 162, 174 Cecil, Lord Hugh  15–16, 69, 77 Cecil, Lord Robert  119 Chamberlain, Austen  74, 85–6, 90, 118 Chamberlain, Joseph  135, 137, 149, 154, 156–7, 174 Chamberlain, Neville  5, 137, 180 Cherns, Pete  234 China  207–8, 212, 228 Church of England  58, 188 Churchill, Sir Winston  5, 65–6, 78, 107, 109, 113, 126–8, 131, 154–6, 159–60, 162, 173, 187 City of London  198, 233 Clegg, Nick  1, 8, 10, 163, 231–6 Clinton, Bill  234 Coalition Agreement (2010)  142 Committee (1922)  36 competition, preservation of  213 constitution (Britain)  34, 65–83 Coudenhove-Kalergi, Richard  108–32 county councils, creation of  135 credit rating (agencies)  207, 235 Croft, Henry Page  159–61, 169 Cromwell, Oliver  77 Curragh Mutiny  89 Index 238 Davies, Clement  155 De Gaulle, Charles  131 Democratic Party (United States)  124, 232 Disraeli, Benjamin  26, 30, 157, 174, 193 Duff Cooper, Alfred  109, 116, 123 Easter Rising  91 Eden, Anthony  5, 35, 124, 182 Einstein, Albert  113 Erskine-Hill, Alexander  36 Europe, British relations with  107–32 European Economic Community  131 European Union (EU)  125, 132 Falklands War  46, 99 fascism  21, 113 Faulkner, Brian  95 financial crisis (2008)  233–4 Freud, Sigmund  114 Friedman, Milton  39, 43–7, 56, 211–12 Gascoyne-Cecil, Robert (Lord Salisbury)  70, 85–7 Geddes Axe, The  168 General Election (UK)  (1892) 156, (1895) 76, 157, (1900) 69, (1906) 68, 87, (1910) 68, 74, 87–8, 161, (1918) 92, 116, 158, 160, 162, (1922) 163, 166, 174, (1923) 37, (1924) 112, (1929) 173, 180, (1931) 145, 172, 180, (1945) 35, 37, 42, 60, 129, 154–5, 176, 192, (1951) 156, (1970) 94, 136, (1974) 97, 138, 153, (1979) 50, 98, (1983) 46, (1992) 101, (1997) 198, 200, (2001) 132, 231, (2005) 104, 231, (2010) 1, 83, 231–5 General Strike (1926)  179 Gilmour, Ian  21, 51, 54 Gladstone, William  85, 161, 174 Glasman, Maurice  133, 148 Good Friday Agreement (1998)  84, 101, 104 Government Communications Headquarters (GCHQ)  57 Greenspan, Alan  222 Grigg, Edward  124, 131 Hague, William  132, 203 Hague Congress (1948)  110, 126, 128, 130 Hailsham, Lord see Hogg, Quintin Hayek, Friedrich  39, 42–4, 178, 188–9, 194 Heath, Edward (Ted)  26, 43–4, 46, 48, 57, 94, 96–7, 101, 131, 136, 143, 153 Henderson, Arthur  118, 173, 180 Heseltine, Michael  48, 52, 136, 149, 156 Hinchingbrooke, Viscount  178, 185–6, 192 Hitler, Adolf  113, 120 Hogg, Quintin (Lord Hailsham)  16, 48, 50, 175–6, 184, 187, 190–1, 194 Home Rule (Ireland) see Ireland House of Lords  27, 70–4, 87–8, 190 Howard, Michael  136 Howe, Geoffrey  199 Huhne, Chris  Hurd, Douglas  200 India  33, 212, 225 International Monetary Fund (IMF)  47, 54 International Pan-European Union (PEU)  110, 123, 125 Intervention to correct market failure  217–23 Ireland  6–7, 65–104, 203, 230 Irish National Liberation Army (INLA)  98 Irish Republican Army (IRA)  92, 103 Jenkinson, Robert  Joseph, Keith  46, 49, 60–1 Joynson Hicks, William  160 Kennedy, Charles  10, 235 Kessler, Harry  108 Keynes, John Maynard  37, 43, 49, 177–8, 182–3, 189, 192, 194, 207 Keynesianism see Keynes, John Maynard Keyserling, Herman Graf  108 Khaki Election (1900, 1918)  Kinnock, Neil  132 Krugman, Paul  233 www.ebook777.com Index Labour Party  1, 4, 35, 37, 65, 75, 110, 115, 128–30, 132–3, 136, 140, 143, 148–9, 153–5, 160–6, 168–9, 174–9, 182, 184–5, 188–9, 192–4, 199–202, 230–5 Lawson, Nigel  58–60, 199 Layfield Committee  138 Layton, Walter (Lord Layton)  109–11, 129 League of Nations  115, 119 League of Nations Union (LNU)  108–9 Liberal Democrats  1, 146, 149, 154–5, 157, 175, 199, 201–2, 231, 234–5, 237 Liberal Party  30, 35, 66, 68–74, 85–7, 119, 124, 129–30, 153–74, 179, 187, 192, 194, 202, 230–1, 234, 237 liberalism  41–2, 56 Liverpool, Lord see Jenkinson, Robert Lloyd George, David  10, 21, 37, 73, 92, 154, 158–63, 165–6, 169–70, 174, 180, 182, 235 local government  7, 133–50 Local Government Act  (1888) 135, (1972) 136, (1929) 137, (1948) 137, (1958) 138 Localis (think tank)  141 Loder, John  180–2 Loftus, Pierse  30 Lytellton, Oliver  177, 184, 193 MacDonald, Ramsay  110, 131, 153, 172 MacFadyean, Andrew  109, 113, 119–24, 130 Maclean, Donald  168, 172 Macmillan, Harold  5, 37, 43–4, 55, 109, 116, 128, 176, 180–1, 183, 186, 189, 192 Major, Sir John  8, 103, 132–3, 143, 175, 231 Marxism  18, 21–2, 211–12 Maude, Angus  44, 49 Mensch, Louise  231 Miliband, Ed  148 Monetarism see Friedman, Milton Mosley, Oswald  180, 182–3 Mussolini, Benito  113, 117, 182 National Citizenship Service  146 National Health Service (NHS)  1–2, 39, 143 239 Neave, Airey  97–8 New York University (NYU)  125 Nott, John  156 nudge thinking  147 Obama, Barack  232 Orange book liberalism  231 Osborne, George  232, 235 Paisley, Ian  98 Parliament Act  73–4, 78, 81 Parnell, Charles Stewart  85, 87 Peel, Robert  26–7 planning system  142 Poll Tax  139 Powell, Enoch  42–3, 94, 189, 193 Presidential Election (US)  (2012) 232 Prior, Jim  98–9 production, social costs of  216–17 Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA)  93, 95, 97 Pym, Francis  46, 57 Rees, Merlyn  107 regulation to ensure competition  216–17 Republican Party (United States)  124 Rhodesia  49 Right to Buy  175 Road to Serfdom, The see Hayek, Friedrich Romney, Mitt  232 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano  124, 229 Rustecki, Dominic  147 Salisbury, Lord  144, 156–7 Samuel, Herbert  172–3, 235 Sandys, Duncan  118, 126 Schacht, Hjalmar  113 Shakespeare, Tom  140 Shakespeare-Simpson-Thomson model  141 Simon, John  154–5 Sinn Féin  92, 98, 100–2, 158 Skelton, Archibald Noel  25, 176 Smith, Adam  41, 209–11, 224, 229 Smith, F E.  161, 173 socialism  18–19, 22, 73, 127 Soviet Union  46, 49, 111, 127 Stanley, Oliver  176, 180–1, 193 Index 240 strikes see unions Sunningdale Agreement  96–7, 100 Tax Increment Financing  1, 148 Thatcher, Margaret  1, 6, 22, 30, 35, 37–61, 65, 97–102, 132–3, 143, 175, 194, 199–200, 206, 208, 217, 228–9, 232 Thatcherism see Thatcher, Margaret think tanks  61, 141 Thomson, Alex  141 Thorneycroft, Peter  43, 193 Troubles, The  93–103 Tyrie, Andrew  193 UK Independence Party (UKIP)  132 Ulster  65–83 Ulster Volunteers  66, 77, 79 Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) see Soviet Union Unionism/Unionists  68–9, 81, 86–8, 91–2, 94, 97, 100, 104 unions  54–7, 204 United States  34, 100, 115, 123, 203, 206, 212 Vansittart, Robert  113 Wales  75 Walker, Peter  48 welfare state  24, 177 ‘Wets’  45–50, 98 Whigs (Britain)  2, 85 Whitelaw, William  45, 48, 51–61, 95 Wilson, Harold  43, 66, 84, 93–4, 234 World War I  4, 119, 178, 180, 182 World War II  5, 7, 23, 29, 35, 42, 122–6, 134, 137, 143, 149, 161, 175–92 Younger, George  163 www.ebook777.com 241 242 www.ebook777.com ... the party of the NHS’, January 2010 (http://www.telegraph co.uk/news/election-2010/6932043/David-Cameron-Tories-are -the- party -of -the- NHS.html) 2 The Foundations of the British Conservative Party. . .The Foundations of the British Conservative Party ii www.ebook777.com The Foundations of the British Conservative Party Essays on Conservatism from Lord... 119 6 The Foundations of the British Conservative Party Foundations of the modern Conservative Party This volume integrates these ideas and historical circumstances with a consideration of more