Brain gain or brain circulation

High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 DOI 10.1007/s10734-009-9270-5 Brain gain or brain circulation? U.S doctoral recipients returning to South Korea Jenny J Lee Æ Dongbin Kim Published online: 27 August 2009 Ó Springer Science+Business Media B.V 2009 Abstract This study explored the reasons for current reverse mobility patterns in South Korea and how the country benefits from returning U.S doctoral recipients in the forms of brain gain and brain circulation Based on interviews of Korean faculty who studied in the U.S., this study found that while the political economy might help to explain why Korean students choose to study in the U.S., it does not fully capture their decisions to return Family ties and cultural reasons transcended reasons related to economic mobility The study also found that while both brain gain and brain circulation were present, brain adaptation was especially prevalent Keywords International students Á Korea Á Faculty Á Student mobility Á Brain gain Á Brain circulation Introduction International mobility has mostly been understood as a unidirectional phenomenon with international students from ‘‘peripheral,’’ or poor, countries seeking study in ‘‘core,’’ or wealthy, countries typically located in the northern hemisphere (Altbach 1991, 2004) Assumptions are quite often made that these students seek to not only study in the host country but also to work in the same country upon graduation According to the National Science Foundation (NSF) (Hoffer et al 2006), among the doctorate recipients with temporary visas who received their degrees during the 2005 academic year, 73.9% intended to stay in the U.S upon graduation as compared to 26.1% who planned to return Given that the intended stay and return rates are a fairly accurate proxy of the actual stay and return rates (Finn 2007; Zweig and Changgui 1995), these statistics indicate a general J J Lee (&) University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA e-mail: JennyLee@u.arizona.edu D Kim University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS, USA e-mail: dbkim@ku.edu 123 628 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 tendency of international students to stay in the U.S upon graduation The reasons for staying in the host country are numerous, some of which include pursuing a more lucrative career, taking job opportunities that might not be available in the home country, and the relevance of the education that may apply more readily to the host country Each of these factors can be explained by the nature of the global political economy (Bratsberg 1995; Cantwell et al 2009; Chen and Barnett 2000; Lee et al 2006), which considers the political, economic, and social structures both within and across countries, and how various forces ‘‘push’’ students out of their home country and ‘‘pull’’ them towards studying and possibly staying abroad (Altbach 1991) While such patterns mainly focusing on the global political and economic push and pull forces reflect the dominant flow of international mobility (Chen and Barnett 2000), less research examines what happens upon graduation or after returning to the home country, sometimes referred to as reverse mobility In the case of this study, a political economy perspective assumes that a primary reason would be that graduates were unable to secure desired job positions in the host country and thereby forced to return home, assuming that international graduates prefer to stay but have no other option but to return involuntarily The pattern of reverse mobility (i.e., return rates) has been consistently stable over time and by the country of origin: China and India being the countries with the lowest return rates while Korea and Taiwan are typically the opposite (Finn 2007) Although the economic inequality across nations and comparative labor market conditions are common factors in explaining what drives international mobility, it is less clear how and to what extent noneconomic factors, such as cultural backgrounds, family obligations, and social networks exert their unique influences on the mobility pattern A more comprehensive understanding is needed to identify the specific reasons that graduates return home, particularly when the flow of students is economically lateral rather than upwards, as in the case of South Korea Relevant research While international study has been idealized as a form of cultural and diplomatic exchange, globalization forces have tipped this view towards understanding (and thereby recruiting) international students as units within the political economy (Lee et al 2006) International students have been sought after as sources of revenue by host countries and institutions (Lee et al 2006; Marginson 2002) as well as potential sources of skilled migration (Tremblay 2005) Evidence suggests that immigration policies are being eased to facilitate international students staying and working in host countries after earning their degrees (Tremblay 2005) Consequently, there has been increasing concern about the ‘‘winners’’ and ‘‘losers’’ of international exchange and the ‘‘brain drain’’ that results in developing countries (Schiff 2005) Research has indicated different orientations to studying abroad depending on the region or country of origin A recent study of international students in Mexico, for example, found that international students from North America and Europe were oriented towards short-term study and the overall experience of studying in Mexico whereas international students from Latin America were oriented towards earning Mexican degrees (Cantwell et al 2009) The same study indicated that many of the students coming from the Latin American region were more interested in the rankings and research of Mexican institutions and hoped to complete their degree and further their education in Mexico compared to students from North America and Europe In another study of Mainland Chinese students in Hong Kong and Macau (Li and Bray 2009), students in Hong Kong 123 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 629 prioritized academic enhancement as their strongest motivation in pursuing a degree in the host country whereas students in Macau prioritized economic income and employment competitiveness The study also found that the institutions in these nearby countries were selected over mainland and foreign institutions for its ‘‘mix of Eastern and Western cultures, social and cultural identity, geographic proximity, and bridge between mainland China and outside’’ (Li and Bray 2009, p 806) In such ways, nearby countries offer a ‘‘stepping stone’’ towards internationalization while maintaining cultural ties and familiarities While there has been considerable research on what drives international students to study abroad and where they choose to study, less research has examined where international students choose to stay upon completing their education Among international students from Turkey studying in more developed countries, Tansel and Gungor (2003) found that the likelihood of not returning to the home country increased over time More than double of the Turkish students who initially indicated an intention to return changed their minds while studying abroad The authors attribute one of the major reasons for not returning to Turkey was the country’s economic crises (and fears of not finding employment) when the study was conducted Among the participants who planned to return, the leading reasons were ‘‘reaching academic and work experience goals’’ (70.9%), ‘‘missing family while abroad’’ (60.8%), and furthering their ‘‘children’s education’’ (22.7%) (p 61) These findings indicate a mix of economic and familial push or pull factors for these students to return to their home countries or stay in their host countries Other research more strongly asserts the primary role of the political economy in the decision-making process In a study of 273 Chinese students, scholars, and former Chinese residents living in the U.S., Zweig and Changgui (1995) found that the leading reasons for returning to China were ‘‘higher social status in China’’ (26%) and ‘‘better career opportunities in China’’ (20.5%) and ‘‘patriotism’’ (17.3%) (p 118) They further found that the leading reason for not returning to China were ‘‘lack of political stability’’ (30.3%), ‘‘lack of political freedom,’’ (12.4%) and ‘‘lack of opportunity for career advancement’’ (11.6) (p 119) However, the authors also pointed out, ‘‘Certain family factors might affect the decision to return, including parental views about returning, concerns for children, and the attitude of one’s spouse about returning’’ (p 46) Huang (1997) further found that once Chinese students and scholars decided to remain in the U.S., they and their families adapted to the U.S quickly after overcoming any early adjustment difficulties and were more likely to stay for the long-term Some research has further investigated international graduates’ decisions to return home or work abroad depending on their fields of study An extensive survey of over 6,000 international Ph.D recipients from U.S institutions revealed considerable variation by field of study (Das Gupta et al 2003) The researchers found the highest exit rates among English and Political Science majors and the lowest exit rates in Computer Science and Electrical Engineering Similarly, NSF data reveal significant variances in the stay rates across different fields of study, ranging from 39.4% for those in education to 82.3% for those in physical science (Hoffer et al 2006) In other words, because of the applicability of the knowledge and skills, graduates in the applied science fields may have an easier time finding employment, which in turn influence their higher stay rates than graduates in the applied social sciences Moreover, the U.S.’ decline in attracting and preparing its domestic students in the science and math fields may also influence its increasing reliance on scholars from overseas Some research suggests that regions of origin not only differentiate international students’ orientations on where they study, but also differentiate their decisions on whether to 123 630 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 return home Cantwell et al (2009) found that international students from the U.S and Latin America were more inclined to return to their home countries to work after studying in Mexico compared to international students from Europe This finding cannot fully be explained by the political economy as one might expect that there would be more similarities among international students from the U.S and Europe (being highly industrialized regions) than international students from the U.S and Latin America The authors suggest that the Europeans in their study reflect the region’s intercultural orientation and disposition towards diversity over purely economic factors Das Gupta et al (2003) also identified differences in return rates based upon the country of origin They found the highest exit rates among Japanese and South Korean international graduates but significantly lower rates among international graduates from Hong Kong and Taiwan, suggesting that the reasons are not necessarily consistent across East Asia Such differences cannot be easily explained by the geographic origin but through a combination of the political economy and cultural values While the researchers indicated a range of political and economic reasons for the doctoral recipients’ decisions to stay or return, they stated: The one overwhelming trend that ran through the ‘return’ data was this: a predetermination to return, powered by the pull of existing ties… Those who returned home were somehow ‘‘bound’’ to return, through the strong pull of their ties to cultural values and preferences, to friends and family, to their employers or governments, or to personal values such as the desire to contribute to their nation or society (Das Gupta et al 2003, para 6) Similarly, Gu’s (2000) research on a national policy to attract Chinese scholars who have studied abroad back to China revealed that patriotism and being held in high esteem by their country drew many to return In another study of female Asian faculty in the U.S (De Stefanis 2007), four major pull forces led to their decision to emigrate from their home countries These forces included: knowledge of other’s migration, educational and training opportunities, family, and the idea of freedom Among these reasons, familial responsibilities and familial changes played major roles in their career plans and decisions about returning While the study was limited to faculty who opted to remain in the U.S., 29% of the participants explained that ties to their home country were pulling them to return Several even returned home for short period of time In a more focused study of Korean scientists and engineers who obtained their doctorate in the U.S between 1960 and 1987, survey results indicated that ‘‘the most important factor which affected their choice [to stay in the U.S or return to Korea] was the difference in economic conditions between America and Korea at the time of making their decision’’ (Song 1997, p 332) However, the author also found that ‘‘following the improvement in Korea’s economic conditions…the value framework stemming from cultural differences between the two countries became more apparent as a determinant of the return rate’’ (p 332) In particular, the author pointed to family-related responsibilities and concerns, such as continuing children’s education in the U.S or Korea or taking care of parents as the eldest sons, as among the non-economic factors in whether to return to Korea or remain in the U.S While the political economy has been established as a compelling reason for international graduates’ stay and return rates, some research also suggests that culture and family are also important considerations Past studies have also indicated differing patterns by region, country, and field of study What remains less understood however, is the extent to 123 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 631 which non-economic factors are considered, especially when there is no obvious difference between the home and host countries’ economies Case of South Korea The top host country in the world for international students is the U.S with over 600,000 in enrollment (Institute of International Education 2008) The top senders are China, India, and South Korea (Institute of International Education 2008) Among international doctoral recipients in the U.S in 2005, Chinese students ranked first with 3,827 U.S doctorates, followed by South Koreans with 1,530 U.S doctorates (Hoffer et al 2006) Given that China’s total population in 2005 was more than 25 times than that of South Korea, the proportional representation of U.S doctorates is strikingly high in South Korea South Korea provides an interesting case example because it not only sends among the highest number of students, but also has less economic ‘‘push’’ factors compared to India and China Unlike China and India, South Korea is considered an ‘‘advanced economy’’ (International Monetary Fund 2008) or ‘‘high income’’ country (World Bank 2007), representing a considerably smaller economic gap between the home and host country.1 Therefore, in the case of South Korea, the political economy may represent only part of the reasons that international students study in the U.S and return home Among the limited literature on the topic, financial pay may be a lesser incentive compared to nation-building (Gu 2000) and that returning family members and the familiarities of one’s national culture may be a strong draw to return (Altbach 1991) Conceptual frameworks This study utilizes the concepts of ‘‘brain gain’’ and ‘‘brain circulation’’ to explain the flow of individuals moving in and out of South Korea In contrast to ‘‘brain drain,’’ the loss of human capital from trained individuals leaving a country, ‘‘brain gain’’ refers to the gain of human capital from trained individuals entering a country (Ozden and Schiff 2005; Stark et al 1997) ‘‘Brain circulation’’ is somewhat extended definition of brain gain with an emphasis on human capital circulating across nations in the global market, benefiting both the sending and receiving nations (Saxenian 2002, 2005) Instead of focusing on brain gain as a stable force, brain circulation emphasizes the dynamic mobility of skilled individuals who return home countries while maintaining social and professional relationships in host country, which in turn enhances their productivity in the home country (Saxenian 2005) To more clearly differentiate the two terms, brain gain is considered a one-way flow (just like brain drain except in the opposite direction) and brain circulation is a two-way flow of skill, capital, and technology (Saxenian 2005) In the case of South Korea, the net brain drain in terms of population is relatively small with 1.4% loss among its working-age residents (Ozden and Schiff 2005) The rate of return has increased steadily since the early 1970s as the Korean economy has grown (Song 1997) However, brain gain can also be understood as the extent to which individuals train abroad and bring those skills back to their home country (Stark et al 1997) The latter factor presents South Korea as building its human capital and thereby succeeding in brain gain South Korea has served as an exemplary model of brain gain because of the For example, the average faculty salaries for assistant professor in South Korea were approximately $34,000 in 2002–2003, which is comparable to the range of $34,826–$50,552 for the fulltime faculty in U.S during the same period (Lee 2002; NCES 2009) 123 632 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 high participation rate of individuals seeking higher learning abroad combined with the high percentage rate of highly skilled returnees (Yoon 1992) Among South Korea’s 140,000 doctorates, 22% received their degrees in overseas educational institutions and 56.8% of the international doctorates received their degree from U.S (Jin et al 2006) Historically, South Korea has been among the very top countries in their internationally trained scholars’ return rates (Finn 2001, 2007) As further evidence, South Korea’s strategic governmental incentives in its brain gain, such as government-sponsored R&D projects and legal and administrative reforms, has contributed to the country’s rapid industrialization (Yoon 1992), all of which potentially shape the political economy of South Korea Within the higher education sector, there is a strong preference for hiring faculty and scientists who are trained in the U.S (both Korean citizens as well as U.S citizens) For instance, among the 21 faculty members in the Department of Education at Seoul National University, nineteen received their doctoral degrees in the U.S and this pattern is consistent throughout the university Seoul National University has also been actively seeking to hire international faculty in an effort to further globalize In this past year alone, SNU hired 86 international faculty, 22 of which are hired as tenured or tenuretrack faculty The majority of the hired faculty were U.S citizens (Seoul National University 2007, 2008) This study also uses the concept of the ‘‘diaspora option’’ to explain how South Korea’s national strategy is not limited to brain gain but also seeks to extend its relationships with foreign countries through brain circulation with an effort to maintain and strengthen ties between South Korea and other developed nations, particularly the U.S The concept of the ‘‘diaspora option’’ was originally defined by Meyer and his colleagues (1997): As a brain gain strategy it differs from the return option in the sense that it does not aim at the physical repatriation of the nationals living and working abroad Its purpose is the remote mobilisation of the diaspora’s resources and their association to the country of origin’s programmes (p 287) While the concept was originally applied to Colombia’s national strategy among individuals who stayed in their host countries and maintained scholarly networks with those back home, the same emphasis on such intellectual collaboration applies in the case of South Korea Zweig et al (2008) further explain the diaspora option as a national strategy to encourage brain circulation As an example of South Korea’s policies that reflect the diaspora option, the Brain Pool Program, sponsored by the Korean Federation of Science and Technology Societies, seeks to promote science and technology in Korea through collaboration between Korean scientists in Korea and abroad The program invites Korean scientists and engineers abroad and offers temporary positions at universities and R&D institutes in Korea By supporting short-term or long-term visits of overseas Korean scientists and engineers, the program seeks to collect and distribute information on science and technology and encourages collaboration among home and overseas scientists (The Korean Federation of Science and Technology Societies 2008) Purpose of the study The focus of this study is on Korean faculty who have earned their doctorates in the U.S and returned to work in South Korea This selected group represents the brain gain and possible brain circulation of South Korean higher education We seek to extend the current literature by (1) examining the extent to which the political economy affects educational 123 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 633 mobility in returning to an economically developed country, (2) exploring alternative reasons that contribute to international graduates’ return, and (3) demonstrating how brain gain or brain circulation is evidenced in South Korean university settings Methodology As a way to learn about Korean faculty’s reasons for studying in the U.S and returning to Korea and their subjective experiences, this study utilized in-depth interviews (Marshall and Rossman 1999) The data for this study was collected at four universities in Seoul, Korea The universities included a less selective women’s private university (LSWU), a highly selective women’s private university (HSWU), a highly selective private university (HSPU), and a highly selective public research university (HSRU) Table presents the list of participants Twelve faculty were interviewed: three from LSWU, two from HSWU, four from HSPU, and three from HSRU The combined sample consisted of seven women and five men The sample of faculty earned their doctorate in research universities in the U.S within the past three decades—two in the 1980s, four in the 1990s, and six in the 2000s A range of disciplinary fields was also reflected in the sample with the majority from the education field The fields included human development, consumer science, mathematics, food science, family education, biology education, education counseling, special education, math education, and education The snowball sampling technique was utilized as a way to identify interviewees who met the following criteria: Korean doctoral recipients who obtained their degree in the U.S and were employed as faculty in a Korean university (Bogden and Bilken 1998) The interviewees were given the option to be interviewed in Korean or English Several measures were taken to ensure the reliability of the data First, interviewees were assured that they would remain anonymous and were given the option of being tape-recorded Second, interviewees were encouraged to speak in the language of their choice, to allow the interviewees to fully and comfortably express themselves Seven professors were Table List of participants No University type Academic field Gender Year of PhD completion LSWU Human Development Female 1989 LSWU Consumer Science Female 2001 LSWU Mathematics Female 2001 HSWU Food Science Male 1982 HSWU Family Education Female 2002 HSRU Education Male 1998 HSRU Biology Education Male 1993 HSRU Math Education Female 1993 HSPU Education Male 2000 10 HSPU Education Counseling Male 2004 11 HSPU Special Education Female 2005 12 HSPU Education Male 1996 123 634 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 interviewed in Korean and the remaining five were interviewed in English with some Korean Third, interviewees were given the option of skipping questions they did not wish to answer and to end the interview at any time The interview protocol included questions related to reasons for studying abroad and returning home and their experiences as U.S.-educated faculty working in Korea Tape-recoded interviews were transcribed and translated (if in Korean) The data analysis included both focused-coding on the influence of the political economy and open-coding on alternative explanations for South Korea’s brain gain, brain circulation, and disaspora option in the university setting Once the initial codes and preliminary findings were established, follow-up interviews with some participants were conducted for fuller elaboration on emerging themes, such as the role of the family, gender, and global mobility The data was then examined for exploration, patterns, and larger constructs to illuminate the research questions (Marshall and Rossman 1999) Among of the strengths of this study were that we were able to take advantage of a team approach that employed both insider and outsider investigators The research team consisted of two Korean-born faculty now working in U.S public research universities, one in the Southwest and one in the Midwest The lead researcher, a Korean American, was born in Korea and obtained all her formal education in the U.S and the second researcher obtained most of her formal education in Korea but attended most of her graduate school in the U.S as an international student Such a blending of insider/outsider statuses in Korean and U.S orientations was an advantage in this study because the team was able to examine the Korean faculty stories from multiple angles (Aguilar 1981) Our insider/outsider perspectives were helpful in understanding the cultural assumptions that were made throughout the interviews (as an insider is able to do) as well as contrast these assumptions from a U.S perspective and contextualize the findings to an outsider audience (as an outsider is able to offer) Limitations There are some limitations to this study that affect the generalizability of the study First, there was a disproportionate portion of faculty from education or education related fields (8 out of 12 interviewees) While this study does not address faculty across all fields, it is worth noting that some of the major issues that we discuss in this article may not be equally applicable to faculty in other fields Given the possibly different employability factors for faculty in the science and applied science fields and that the return rates of international doctorates are significantly different by fields of study, ranging from 15.9% in engineering to 57.6% in education (NSF 2007), we not claim to represent all faculty across the fields and acknowledge that the findings and majority of implications of this study could be specifically related to the field of education Another limitation of the study is that all faculty interviewed in the study are employed at highly (or relatively) selective public and private institutions located in Seoul, the capital city in South Korea Working at universities located in Seoul provides significant amount of social, economic, and academic advantages for the faculty and thus is a highly sought-after career for many Korean doctorates Therefore, the interview participants may only reflect a very selective group of faculty in Korea Nevertheless, given the scant literature on Korean faculty who have studied in the U.S and challenges in accessing this population, this study will hopefully serve as a necessary starting point to build future research 123 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 635 Findings The findings of this study indicate that the political economy played a considerable role in choosing to study in the U.S but was not necessarily the primary reason that determined the participants’ decision to return to Korea Already anticipating that they would be competitive in the Korean job market, cultural familiarity and returning to be with family members transcended reasons related to professional or economic gain These findings were consistent across faculty in both lower-ranked and higher-ranked institutions The faculty experienced professional success, which they attribute to the U.S degree, and some continue to maintain professional relationships abroad The role of the political economy The major reasons the participants sought study in the U.S were (1) the prestige associated with studying in the U.S., (2) the opportunity to be trained in highly specialized fields, and (3) the experience of studying and living abroad The political economy’s influence was in the form of perceived prestige of studying in the U.S (over studying in a particular university) that was believed to provide ‘‘better jobs’’ or ‘‘a job itself’’ (as compared to no job availability) than studying in the home country As one faculty member of education at HSPU (#10) explained, A U.S degree could provide a better job – I got my current job because of a U.S degree However, even if I was not successful landing at a better university than my colleagues with a Korean degree, I would still be in a better position in finding any kind of job in other sectors When I first went to U.S., I was thinking, even if I couldn’t become a professor with U.S degree, I could still find a job as an English instructor or counselor at for-profit sectors Additional work experience in the U.S proved invaluable in obtaining work in more highly ranked universities One faculty member in education counseling at HSPU (#10) similarly said, Having a few years of faculty experiences at a U.S institution tremendously helped me land my current position at this highly prestigious institution If I just came back with a U.S degree, I wouldn’t have been capable of securing this position But because I proved myself, because I know the system, and how it works in the U.S., I got this position A U.S doctorate served as a symbolic good or investment that was anticipated to pay off upon entering the job market All the informants attributed being hired to their current faculty positions because of their U.S degrees although their U.S training was not always utilized or directly relevant in their current positions Some faculty even admitted that the quality of education in both countries is comparable According to a biology education professor in HSRU (#7): The quality of classroom learning itself in South Korea is not less than the U.S The difference between the U.S degree and Korean degree is mainly from … the out-ofclassroom experience, not in-classroom If one says he finished his [Ph.D.] in three years, I would assume that he did not learn anything significant from the U.S Think about it If you finished your degree in three years that means you did not participate in research projects or other extracurricular activities Even in Korean graduate 123 636 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 school, we use U.S textbooks and we utilize the textbook more in depth than in the U.S classroom–at least based on my experience But by participating in many extracurricular activities, research projects, or meeting/conferences, you learn a lot more about the system, I mean, the U.S education system and how people work within the system For some, the draw to obtain a U.S doctorate was more than symbolic A few deliberately sought to advance their education because their specialty areas of study were less available in Korea This was particularly the case among the faculty in specialized social science fields, such as family education Upon studying in the U.S., however, faculty in these fields especially felt that the information that they learned in the U.S did not readily apply to the Korean context For these faculty, the U.S doctorate became symbolic than practical The role of family and culture Beyond any forces related to the political economy, ties to the family in the home country were among the primary reasons that influenced their decisions to return The vast majority of the participants had never intended to stay in the U.S after receiving their doctorate Others who considered remaining in the U.S eventually returned for family reasons within a few years Examples included having spouses in the home country, returning home to care for an ill family member, and desiring to live close to parents and other immediate family members Such reasons reflect the ways that a high cultural value of family may extend beyond economic forces in understanding global return patterns One faculty in biology education at HSRU (#7) has admitted, I’m the only son in my family and I have never even questioned about not returning Even if I could find a job in U.S., I would still come back [to Korea] I know one of my friends actually invited his parents to the U.S and stay there But my parents are old and they did not want to leave their friends and family in Korea I have to pay back their sacrifice by returning and being around here when they need me Another male faculty member of food science in HSWU (#4) also returned to Korea because he felt it was his duty as the oldest son in the family He worked in the U.S for years following his graduation but returned home when his father became ill He has not returned to the U.S in over 20 years and intends to stay in Korea, explaining, ‘‘America is a very good place for young people to challenge you But once you are getting old, it’s tough to continue to work [in a field] like an astrophysics… it takes 2–3 years to adjust to another country’s educational system.’’ Another important aspect of returning to Korea with parental or family obligations is related to Korean parents who may not understand American universities Unlike most Western societies in which late adolescents or young adults separate from their parents, Koreans abide by the desires of their parents throughout adulthood For most Korean parents, having sons and daughters as university professors in South Korea is considered much more prestigious than being a professor at a more highly ranked public or private institution outside South Korea, including the U.S One faculty of education at HSPU (#12) elaborated: If I just think about my career and my life, I would have been better off by staying in U.S The work[ing] condition[s] in Korean universities is not really favorable for 123 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 637 someone who wants to research My chair even has said, ‘do your research when you have free time.’ Nevertheless, I don’t regret my decision for returning because I made my parents proud of me That means a lot to me Such findings indicate how family is not only a draw in terms of being within close physical proximity, but also in terms of the desires of the entire family unit, even at the expense of the individual For the single women in this study in particular, education was a culturally acceptable reason to temporarily live abroad and away from their immediate family Otherwise, living away from the family was unimaginable A math professor in LSWU (#3) shared that she had always intended that the length of her stay in the U.S would be based on how long it took for her to complete her doctorate and planned to return as soon as she graduated She explained, ‘‘Well, because I left my family in Korea I never imagined I could live separated from my family.’’ According to a female professor of human development in LSWU (#1), ‘‘I wanted to be independent from my parents…in Korea, [among] unmarried women especially, people live with their parents until they get married, it is so a typical to be independent from their parents So I wanted to be by myself.’’ According to this participant, she knew she would eventually get married and wanted to take advantage of her temporary period of singlehood to travel and study outside South Korea According to a female professor of consumer science at LSWU (#2), she had always intended to return to Korea and explained, ‘‘actually it was comfortable in my own country,’’ and while the majority of her Korean friends returned, she indicated that several stayed because they met their spouses in the U.S According to this participant, ‘‘the Ph.D from the United States [offers] some important advantage to get [a] research or professor job in Korea So, I think it was main reason’’ but then also acknowledged that forming a family in the U.S was a common incentive among those she knew who stayed Regardless of whether Korean graduates stayed or returned, kinship in Korea or newly formed kinship in the U.S played a major determining factor for many As mentioned, family obligations can become further complicated when the faculty member has a spouse who prefers to stay in Korea One female faculty in special education at HSPU (#11) who studied in U.S with her husband said, ‘‘My husband came back to Korea before I finished my degree My husband tried to find a job in the U.S but couldn’t When I finished my degree, I knew I was more marketable in the U.S and could find a job But because I knew my husband could not find a job in the U.S I had no choice but [to] return.’’ Another female faculty member of consumer science at LSWU (#2) was initially undecided about whether to return to Korea until she met her current husband, who was also a Korean graduate student in the U.S They agreed to return to Korea upon completing their education because ‘‘he hated it there,’’ referring to the United States She further justified her decision in stating that it was unrealistic for her to seriously consider staying in the U.S because of the competitiveness of securing a faculty position in her field due to her language difficulties Soon after returning to Korea, she and her husband moved into her parents’ house, a conventional living situation for many Korean newlyweds Another faculty member from HSRU in mathematics education (#8) was inclined to return to Korea because she was single and wanted to marry a Korean After a few years of graduate school she visited Korea over the summer and met and married her current husband, a Korean citizen and resident She then immediately returned to live in Korea upon completing her doctoral education When asked if they would consider returning to the U.S to work, almost every participant replied that he or she prefers staying in Korea The most common reasons were 123 638 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 that they were comfortable in their current faculty positions and preferred to live near their extended family members Others also believed that their English language ability was not as fluent and that they would have some difficult retransitioning to the U.S A female math professor in LSWU (#3) who obtained a doctorate in the U.S and was a postdoctoral scholar in Canada explained, ‘‘Family reasons [are the first reason] and the second one is [that] in Korea I am in the mainstream But I don’t feel that way in Canada or the States I don’t like the feeling [that] I’m an outsider.’’ One faculty member, a faculty of education at HSRU (#6), openly admitted that he would be willing to come back to U.S if he could secure a position in U.S His reason for not remaining in the U.S., however, was highly cultural He explained: When I was a doctoral student at U of Wisconsin, I was accused of cheating by my instructor As an international student, because of the unfamiliarity with the classroom discussion, I hardly participated in the classroom activities But when I wrote my paper, I hired an editor and worked hard to get a good grade Because of the huge gap between my class participation and the quality of my paper, my instructor simply thought I was cheating, somebody wrote the paper for me…it was humiliating experience and I returned Korea without a second thought While accusations about plagiarism would commonly be embarrassing or frustrating for anyone who was falsely accused, this participant found the experience as ‘‘losing face’’ and ‘‘humiliating’’ enough that he would leave the country ‘‘without second thought.’’ As a way to redeem himself, he expressed a willingness to return to the U.S He elaborated: Now I think I can feel comfortable with the U.S education system and learning environment I try to participate [in] as many conferences or professional meetings held in the U.S and to make connections with U.S scholars Hopefully with [these] connections, [I can] collaborate with U.S faculty and even possibly work at a U.S institution Brain gain or brain circulation? The findings of this study identified forms of brain gain as well as brain circulation While culture and family ties were notable pull factors to return, the country benefitted from increased brain gain Brain gain was most clearly evident in the science-based fields but more abstract in the other fields of study Participants from these science-based fields readily applied their U.S education to their current research Participants from the nonscience-based fields referred to learning and applying U.S pedagogy in their classrooms, such as incorporating more class discussions over lectures, but were less able to describe how their U.S education influenced their current practice Language and cultural acquisition were other forms of brain gain As evidence of increasing internationalism within Korean higher education, some Korean universities require junior faculty to teach Englishonly classes According to a faculty in education at HSPU (#12): When we had an opening for a faculty position very recently, we did not have as many candidates as we wished to have because my institution requires faculty to teach English-only classes In terms of research or academic qualifications, I think there can be many well-qualified candidates who received their Ph.D.s in Korea But because of the English and cultural diversity aspects, the majority of the applications are from the doctorates who received their degrees in the U.S or other countries, such as the U.K It is not simply a language issue It is like a package You’ve got to 123 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 639 have U.S or overseas experiences to have a global perspective that we emphasize as an institutional goal, nowadays Out-of-classroom interactions in English between faculty and students are also encouraged In this context, having a U.S degree not only indicates increasing human capital that is acquired through a U.S education but also demonstrates increasing cultural awareness and familiarity with ‘‘the American way.’’ Western culture (in this case teaching in English and U.S awareness) continues to be highly sought after and valued in Korea’s higher education institutions Furthermore, brain circulation was also evident At least three of the participants in this study continue to communicate and meet their colleagues from the U.S One math professor in LSWU (#3) who regularly meets with U.S and Canadian colleagues felt that although she is in Korea, she is able to take advantage of her study in the U.S by maintaining her relationships with colleagues in the U.S and Canada She converses with her Canadian and U.S colleagues on a regular basis and attends international conferences Similarly, a faculty member in education at HSRU (#6) also attends and presents at international meetings in the U.S at least twice a year He stressed the importance of not only learning about issues concerning the U.S., but also disseminating research about Korea to his international colleagues Another evidence of brain circulation was a faculty member of mathematics education at HSRU (#8) who actively collaborates and publishes with her U.S colleagues This study also suggests that neither brain gain or brain circulation best singularly captures what happens as international doctoral recipients return to South Korea The vast majority of the interviewed faculty in the social science and applied fields described adapting most of what they learned in the U.S to the national and cultural context Further, some faculty expressed that while a U.S degree is highly esteemed, the country’s goal is not to become another United States As one faculty in education at HSPU (#12) stated, We consider our competitors in higher education market are not only other highly selective Korean universities but also the research universities in the U.S We try to hire faculty who are qualified to be a faculty in U.S as well With this approach, we can continue our interaction and communication with the U.S higher education as a partner or as a friend…As faculty in education, we don’t have to be updated with the most and current information about what the U.S does because a lot of what we are highly contextualized in the specific situation in South Korea However, we want to maintain our relationship and having faculty who knows how the U.S education system works are very crucial Both brain gain and brain circulation fueled the desire to attract Korean scholars who have studied in the U.S., but as explained by this participant many adapted their knowledge to the local context Discussion This study explored the reasons for current reverse mobility patterns in South Korea and how the country benefits from returning U.S doctoral recipients in the forms of brain gain and brain circulation While the political economy might help to explain why Korean students choose to study in the U.S., it does not fully capture their decisions to return Knowing that they would eventually secure jobs in South Korea, cultural familiarity and reuniting with 123 640 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 family members were additional important reasons for the vast majority of our participants to return, even despite not securing immediate employment The significance of this finding cannot be understated The majority of participants in this study did not seek and neglect to find permanent employment in the U.S and thus returned home While most research has solely applied economic principles in understanding academic mobility, this study emphasizes the importance of understanding the culture, which cannot be adequately captured in financial terms In the case of this study about South Koreans, a strong value in Confucianism transcended individual economic mobility Valuing family relationships, loyalty, and social harmony were evident as many participants of this study made decisions on returning to Korea for the sake of their family members While traditional Western culture might perceive such decisions as ‘‘self-denial’’ or ‘‘selfless,’’ Confucianism does not readily separate the individual from others and values the greater good of the family over the specific wants of the individual The participants of this study did not indicate any struggle in choosing to return to Korea as abiding by the family was ‘‘expected’’ and their decisions were based on the welfare of the entire family, primarily their parents and spouses Although the role of gender in the decision to return was not our primary focus, it is important to note that among the few female faculty in the study, family-related reasons (particularly involving the spouse) played a more significant role than career-related reasons in returning Female faculty tended to be more influenced by family members’ advice on whether to study in U.S and whether to return upon completion of their doctoral degrees compared to their male counterparts None of the married female faculty in the current study initiated the decision on whether to return but rather, their spouse, those who were already in Korea or who decided to return Korea, led the decision The role of ‘‘follower’’ was very prevalent, even from a female faculty member who recently received her degree in 2005 However, given the competitiveness to become a faculty member in South Korea, particularly for females, suggests that the female faculty in our study are a very selective, highly capable group of individuals, despite their perceived roles as ‘‘followers’’ in their return decision This study presents a major break for future research in accounting for the cultural perspectives of international students in understanding student mobility All too often Western notions of individualism and economic gain are applied that may not fully account for the values and choices of many from non-Western societies A purely political economy perspective on the accounts of these participants may have discredited the stories presented in this study as lacking sufficient reasoning, representing a weak commitment to their education and professional development, or making irrational excuses in opting to not stay in the U.S Thus, this study calls for further research on the cultural reasons for student mobility from the perspective of the culture being investigated The study also demonstrates that the political economy still plays a significant role and should not be ignored The influence of Western democracy has influenced many cultures’, including South Korea’s, increasing value in individual gain and financial prosperity into a new blending of Western and traditional norms China and India similarly share a strong commitment to family and maintaining cultural values as South Korea but experience lower return rates, likely due to different political economies In particular, factors related to job opportunity, job security, salary, reputation of the faculty job, and faculty workload may be more important considerations than cultural affinity Thus, this study suggests that once there are no major economic disparities between the home and host countries, noneconomic factors come into play Locations within the country also matter In this study, all of the participants worked at universities located within the country’s capital city, Seoul Regardless of the institutional 123 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 641 rank and type, jobs in universities located within Seoul are highly sought-after and esteemed given that the economic, social, and cultural conveniences of the country are heavily centered on the city As the global economy continues to shift, future research should explore the role of political economies across different countries and consider other factors that might shape international student flows For example, would family and cultural considerations be as important if the South Korean economy and academic system was less developed? Future research should also investigate individuals who returned to their home countries and were unable to secure employment as well as those who remained in the host countries In terms of the latter, future research should consider whether the findings would be similar among faculty in fields with lower rates of return (i.e., the applied science and engineering fields) The participants in this study were fairly confident that they could eventually secure an academic position in South Korea upon graduating Such awareness may likely have made the cultural or social forces stronger than for others who may not have been as certain about their job prospects upon returning their home country In other words, once the economic factors are satisfied (i.e., employment), the cultural forces (i.e., family) may become stronger Another explanation might be that professional networks enabled the participants to secure faculty positions upon their return While networking between Korean universities and Korean doctoral students in the U.S was not the focus of the interviews, several participants mentioned maintaining relationships with Korean faculty while studying in the U.S Future research should further examine the role of professional networks in doctoral recipients returning to their home countries Future research should also investigate how the political economy materializes depending on the local context In the case of South Korea, the forces of the political economy were largely symbolic, especially among the faculty in the applied social science fields, where the research and teaching are more contextualized within the local culture and setting An earned doctorate from the U.S provided some perceived benefits such as a heightened reputation that rendered faculty jobs but did not always produce research projects and affect the teaching content While there is evidence of brain gain and brain circulation, neither appears to best capture the findings from this study To some extent, the diaspora option represents the strategies towards South Korea’s national development National policies, incentives, and institutional hiring practices that emphasize such global perspectives were created with the intention of building relationships abroad and promoting brain circulation The emphasis on teaching in English and encouragement to attend international meetings are some examples of how the country is moving towards internationalization and scholarly exchange, which are valued as essential to South Korea’s own national development Furthermore, the concept of brain gain emphasizes the added knowledge placed upon a given country In the case of South Korea, the U.S doctoral recipients not only offer the knowledge that they gained in graduate training, but also a broadened perspective of the issues that they study and teach in a more global context However, for the majority of our participants, which happened to be located in social science and applied fields, there was limited evidence of traditional forms of brain gain and brain circulation Most of the faculty adapted what they gained in the U.S in their teaching and research Our study suggests that ‘‘brain adaptation’’ best captures the experiences of many of our faculty participants While identifying the exact forms of adaptation were not the intended goals of this study, we recommend that future research consider brain adaptation as amended forms of brain gain and brain circulation Finally, this study extends the traditional push and pull model that tends to largely focus on the decision to study abroad This study not only examines the decision to stay or leave 123 642 High Educ (2010) 59:627–643 after studying abroad, but also where the push and pull forces originate The traditional push and pull model assumes that push factors come from the home countries and that pull factors are within the host countries (Altbach 1991) In this study, the push factors in studying abroad were located both 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The findings of this study identified forms of brain gain as well as brain circulation. .. who have earned their doctorates in the U.S and returned to work in South Korea This selected group represents the brain gain and possible brain circulation of South Korean higher education We... still find a job as an English instructor or counselor at for-profit sectors Additional work experience in the U.S proved invaluable in obtaining work in more highly ranked universities One faculty