An examination of the lived experiences of malaysian chinese in singapore and the functional importance of their diasporic spaces

1 Chapter One Introduction and Background 1.1 Illuminating the Malaysian Chinese in Singapore Malaysian Chinese are numerically the largest among all of Singapore’s varied transnational ethnic groups Existing literature on Malaysian Chinese migrants in Singapore has often presented these Malaysians as sharing a similar cultural and historical background with their Singaporean counterparts as both are united not only geographically but have also collectively undergone a common colonial historyi The influx of Malaysian Chinese to Singapore could be observed since the island-state gained independence in 1965 This may be attributed to both the “push” factors for Malaysian Chinese in the rise of Malay nationalism in Malaysia and “pull” factors of better employment and educational opportunities in Singapore (Iredale, 2003) Singapore has often been perceived by many Malaysian Chinese as a nation which can offer them the opportunity to break-free from the constraints of their “state-imposed” and “sanctioned national traditions” (Kritz, 1992; Leventman, 1982) formed out of Malay culture in their native Malaysia (Nonini, 1997)ii The idea of examining the concept of identity and adjustments of Malaysian Chinese in Singapore has often been considered as “superfluous” primarily because they have been assumed to be “culturally similar” to Singaporeans and not just Singaporean Chinese, mainly because these Malaysian Chinese have garnered knowledge in certain languages iii , consumption habits and values (Chong, 1993) Another reason why Malaysian Chinese have been considered to be “attached” to Singaporeans is that many have married Singaporeans or have been awarded the status of permanent residency in the island-state, thus depicting their status as “eventual Singaporeans” or as “Singaporeans in waiting” (Chong, 1993: 15) However, I propose that the Malaysian Chinese iv in Singapore have to be problematized as a “diasporic community” as just like other migrants to the islandstate, they are essentially characterized by “purposive and predominantly reluctant dispersal away from their homeland” and possessed a collective “diasporaconsciousness” in which they identify themselves as migrants with a “common memory” of their homeland v (Cohen and Vertovec, 1999: 293) Migrants in host societies that are culturally similar to their own have often been perceived to be more successful in adjusting to residing in a new environment (Cohen and Vertovec, 1999:294) However, they are nevertheless predisposed to a sense of “diaspora yearning” whereby they are inclined to conceive of the desirability of returning to their homeland (Clifford, 1999:21) which constitutes their place of birth, citizenship and in which their primary kin are located (Tan, 2005:120) Moreover, it is also imperative to examine if the Malaysian Chinese in Singapore are fundamentally “localized” and have perceived themselves as an undistinguished segment of the populace of their host society (Lam, 2000: 2) It may also be imperative to ascertain if they are essentially actualizing the “counter resistance” of transmigrants who are both adamant in not conceiving themselves as being a part of their host societyvi and subsequently refused immersion in the culture of a nation in which they not identify with (Lam, 2000: 3) The issue of identity for these migrants must also be examined in conjunction with their respective lived experiences and their negotiation of a possible “collective identity” (Heidt, 1987: 70) with their fellow counterparts or the possibility that they may organized themselves as “non- amalgamated” groups of migrants with differentiated identities which are open to “permanent revision” in that they will almost certainly undergo constant change in their sense of self (Heidt, 1987: 6) 1.2 Objectives of thesis The initial goal of this thesis is to investigate how Malaysian Chinese in Singapore construct their identity and perceive of the values and ways of life of Singaporeans This illumination of the manners in which Malaysian Chinese conduct their lives in Singapore may also facilitate the uncovering of their internal valuation and up-keeping of their identity and values so as to articulate their uniqueness and accentuate their dissimilarities with a society often perceived as no different from their homeland The results of these investigations will be expected to guide the researcher to the next goal of the research, which is to examine if there is a presence and existence of a Malaysian Chinese diasporic space in Singapore, initiated and maintained by these migrants This is because existing literature on the importance of diasporic spaces have largely dealt with the importance of these spaces for migrants with varied abilities to adjust to their host society and with different levels of identification with their host’s society It may thus be useful to investigate if these different levels of identification and coping amongst these migrants may lead to their different levels of attachment to any potential diasporic spaces for Malaysian Chinese in Singapore 1.3 Highlighting the concepts of “diasporic space” The concept of diasporic space, in this case, would entail all the “possible arenas of congregation” (Radhakrishnan, 1996:41) in which the members of the particular migrant group may come together and interact with each other in a platform which is segregated and enclosed with restrictions to outsiders While research on the functional importance of diasporic spaces frequented by migrants is extremely scarce in Singapore, research on diasporic spaces in other societies has mostly described the significance of these diasporic spaces as crucial arenas for migrants who have problems adjusting to their host society, who cannot identify with the fundamental values and cultures of their host nation, who are keen to preserve their identity and culture amidst the influence of cultural elements from their host society and for migrants who have been marginalized or stigmatized by members of their host society (Dijker, 2007: 26) The spaces thus offer a platform for the migrants to shield themselves from the “glare of the host society” (Dijker, 2007:30), as an outlet for them to share their collective experiences with their compatriots facing the same problems, as an arena where the migrants may offer support and launch certain projects and activities for the diasporic group to achieve their objectives and as an important area to retain their cultural tenets and continuously engage in activities synonymous with their nation (Pang, 2000: 185) It is thus imperative to evaluate if these seemingly “culturally similar” migrants may maintain such diasporic spaces for the reasons and motives revealed by existing researchers on the functional importance of diasporic spaces 1.4 Methodology For the purpose of this survey, I have chosen to adopt the qualitative method of semi-structured interviewing in an attempt to elicit free-ranging and potentially highly descriptive responses from my respondents about their experiences of living in Singapore 50 informants were solicited for this survey with an equal distribution of 25 male and 25 female respondents, all of whom have lived in Singapore for at least a yearvii Purposive sampling was initiated to seek out Malaysian Chinese respondents who have stayed in Singapore for at least a year and who are holding on to working permits, students passes and those who have obtained Singaporean permanent residency status Face-to-face interviews were selected as an effective form of interview as it not only produces the highest form of response rate and allows the interviewer to readily address any concerns and doubts the respondents may have as compared to other forms of interview methods (Herzog, 1996: 116) My initial informants were known contacts while subsequent informants were solicited through snowball sampling from the referrals of these initial contacts Attempts were also made to ensure that there is a relatively equal distribution in the ages of my core respondents with 40% of the informants (n=20) being teenagers and young adults (ages 15-30), 36% (n=18) being working adults and middle aged respondents (ages 31-54) and 24% (n=12) of the informants being older adults (ages 55 and above) Half of the respondents (n=25) are married and almost half of this group of respondents have revealed that their spouses are Singaporeans Most of the informants are permanent residents (n=31), while those with student passes (n=10) and work permits (n=9) forming the rest of the respondents Nine of the informants have resided in Singapore for between 1-3 years, 15 have been in the island-state for 4-6 years, 13 have been here for 7-9 years while 13 of the informants have been in Singapore for more than 10 years In terms of the occupational status of the informants, 14 are students from secondary schools, junior colleges and tertiary institutions, six are home-makers, four are retirees, eleven are blue-collar workers or workers in the service industry and 15 are white-collar workers and professionals The informants selected were interviewed regarding their identity associations, their lived experiences as migrants in Singapore, their capacity to adapt and adjust to living in Singapore and their opinion of Singaporeans and Singapore The interviews were conducted in English, Mandarin and Hokkien, with each interview conducted in the language which the particular informant prefers Consent was solicited from the informants to have their accounts recorded on tape The main difficulties encountered in the interview process is the translation of certain interview transcripts from Mandarin and Hokkien to English and the lack of comprehension of certain informants who may espouse certain phrases in Malay and other Chinese dialects such as Cantonese which the interviewer is not familiar with Efforts were thus made to request the informants to explain these phrases in a language which the interviewer understood Upon the completion of the first stage of qualitative interviews, most of the informants have revealed their respective engagements in spaces where they could interact with other Malaysian-Chinese in Singapore It must be noted that access to a couple of these arenas was not possible due to their exclusivity to Malaysian Chinese and also the unwillingness of the informants to lead the researcher into these sites While many of the informants have no issues reflecting their experiences and opinions of these diasporic sites to me (due to my ability to converse fluently in Mandarin, the language of choice for many of these informants), they have expressed reluctance in inviting me to these sites mainly because of their expressed lack of trust in a researcher whom some feared may be merely interested in commenting solely on the negative aspects of their engagement in these sites Moreover, the revelation of my identity as a Singaporean Chinese (usually from my clear Singaporean-accented Mandarin) has led some of the informants to suspect or to be wary of me as what some deemed as a “Singaporean undercover agent” tasked to opined negatively on Malaysian Chinese and their lifestyle habits in Singapore As a result, information about these “diasporic locales” are garnered solely from the interviews and anecdotal accounts offered by the informants However, access to certain sites was attained through the help of certain informants and also the personal connection between the researcher and some of the participants in these sites It may also be noted that access to these sites are easier as they are located in the public setting such as the open spaces near to a temple in Bugis and also in community centres and arcades which were essential diasporic spaces for some of the Malaysian youths surveyed My initial decision as a researcher was to be a “complete observer” and to shield my identity from the individuals in these arenas and avoid making any forms of interaction with them to minimize any potential bias that may result from my presence (Hessebiber and Leavy, 2006: 246) However, I eventually decided to be a “participant-as-observer” (Hessebiber and Leavy, 2006: 250) in the field sites which means that I would reveal my identity as a researcher and also interact and engage with the participants The main reason I have in not establishing myself as a “complete observer” is that the role would not be able to “clarify the meanings and answer questions concerning things that are not readily understood by the researcher” (Hessebiber and Leavy, 2006: 246) While some of the participants were initially skeptical and suspicious of me observing their activities and proceedings in the field sites due to concerns over my agenda as a non-Malaysian observer, the situation improved when I clarified myself as an observer who was interested in understanding and recording the functions of their diasporic sites and have no desire to present them in a negative light (a chief concern for the majority of the informants) While I did not and was not asked to offer my opinion to any of the issues discussed in these spaces, my request to clarify the issues being discussed and some of the phrases espoused by the participants which was not clearly understood was met by either the participants or my known contact who introduced me to his diasporic group While tape and video recordings of these meetings were not permitted, I did manage to record the proceedings on a notebook which was permitted by the participants 1.5 Review of the literature 1.5 (i) Literature on the concept of diasporic spaces and diasporic spaces of migrants in Singapore The fundamental significance offered to the meanings of “spaces” in the study of migration and diaspora has often centered on the “familiarization of individuals with a territory in a specific locale and thus finding meaning in the territory” (Leach, 2005: 299) De Certeau (2002: 285) has also contexualized the crucial difference between “space” and “place” with the articulation that “space is essentially place made meaningful and awakened by practices that situates it” (De Certeau, 2002:299) 10 The primary features of a migrant diasporic space in a host society is also predicated upon the ideal that migrants are able to “perform” and “produce” certain forms of their desired identity in these spaces which are essentially “enclosed” and exclusive only to migrants with the same nationality (De Certeau, 2002: 301) Cohen (1997) has also posited that the majority of these migrants have voluntarily migrated, are aware of their ethnic origins and possess a feeling of “empathy and solidarity” with “fellow ethnics” in these spaces (Cohen, 1997: 45) The activities within these diasporic spaces may also be described as “ritualistic” in nature in that they are often repeated and may even be “processual” so that the participants may recognize the “functions, proto-cols and expectations of the spaces and may then achieve a certain attachment to the space” (Leach, 2005: 301) The functionalities of these diasporic spaces have also been exemplified by certain researchers While some have argued that participants garnered a sense of “belonging” and “group identity” while partaking in the activities within the diasporic space (Fortier, 1999: 45), other researchers have focused on associating the activities conducted within these spaces as a “mode of operation charged with a political efficacy” and which allow the participants to seek knowledge and power within their own migrant sub-group to cope with living in their host society (Bhabha, 1990:6) Few studies have been conducted on the functional importance of diasporic spaces in Singapore and most in-depth studies of these migrant spaces in Singapore are conducted in the 1980s with few contemporary updates on these areas One study which was conducted in the 1980s illustrated the differences between Thai and Filipinos’ diasporic spaces in Singapore The study (Wong, 1984) revealed that while 113 concerns regarding the decline in the usage of Mandarin and Chinese dialects by Singaporeans and the loss of communal and familial bonding amongst Singaporeans today While the “Malaysian-Singaporeans” and “detached migrants” are able to adapt to living in their host society, there are those who have experienced difficulties in doing so due to a variety of factors They include being educated in a Chinesemedium school in Malaysia, an inability to adapt to Singapore’s urban environment due to them primarily residing in non-urban centers in Malaysia, their lack of ability to speak in English and also being lowly-skilled and educated There is also a need to distinguish this group of migrants into separate categories While the “remedial dreamers” have expressed hope in adapting or adjust to living in Singapore in the near future through learning what they perceived as “Singaporean values and traits” (including learning to speak with a Singaporean accent, engaging in the leisure activities favoured by Singaporeans and embodying the “competitive” spirit celebrated by many Singaporeans), the “segregated outsiders” have no wish to adopt or get engaged with their perception of Singapore’s “values and lifestyle” While the majority of the Malaysian-Chinese migrants surveyed have a firm and direct opinion of their opinion of Singapore, Singaporeans and their ability to adapt to living in the island-state, a group of migrants termed the “neutral go-getters” have expressed that they are predominantly “neutral” and “non-attached” in their conception of citizenship, identity with Malaysia and Singapore and have stipulated that they would have little problem adjusting to any nation They thus wish to be perceived as “global citizens” willing to settle in any nation offering them an ideal career opportunity 114 The diasporic spaces for the Malaysian Chinese in Singapore are functionally important for reasons not vastly different from those occupied by migrants from other societies They have helped the Malaysian Chinese of similar social conditionings and styles of identity to continue to adapt to living in the island-state and to also actualize their communal sense of belonging However unlike a distinct diasporic space which existed for other migrants such as the Indians and the Thais in Singapore, the Malaysian Chinese possess their own unique diasporic spaces which are scattered across the nation and which are mostly clandestine The participants in these spaces have specific issues and particular goals to achieve The lack of a common or distinct diasporic space for them may also be due to a lack of a common “service –centre” where migrants are able to purchase commodities and items particular to their hometowns in Singapore The main reason for this may be attributed to the Malaysian-Chinese in Singapore being able to largely procure commodities and produce from their homeland in Singapore The various diasporic spaces utilized by the Malaysian Chinese in Singapore is also a result of their varied attitudes and responses towards their conceptions of the values and norms maintained by individuals in their host society and the different levels in which they are able to adapt to living in Singapore Concomitantly, this research has illuminated the essential linkages between the different sub-types of Malaysian Chinese presented in the first half of the research and their respective selection and maintenance of specific diasporic spaces in Singapore It must be stressed that although it has been presented that each category of Malaysian Chinese in Singapore has a relatively distinct attitude towards diasporic spaces linked to their 115 community in Singapore; it does not mean that the participants in each space must exclusively belong to a particular subtype of Malaysian Chinese in Singapore These diasporic spaces are crucial arenas for different segments of Malaysian Chinese in Singapore as they allowed them to fulfill their respective goals as migrants in Singapore These spaces provide a platform for Malaysian Chinese to solicit help and advice from each other in their quests to uphold their Malaysian Chinese identity or to adopt a demeanour which resembles that of a Singaporean which would ensure speedier assimilation into Singapore’s society The spaces are usually maintained by regular participants who have emphasized on selectively recruiting members which would feed the general profile of each diasporic space and are also relatively “bounded” in that there are attempts at ensuring that these spaces remained the domain of Malaysian Chinese or Malaysian Chinese of a certain characteristic While the “Malaysian-Singaporeans” have revealed that they are aware of these diasporic spaces in Singapore, they are disinclined to get involved in the activities in these spaces primarily because they felt that they have adjusted readily to living in Singapore and are also keen to avoid what they perceived as “particularly traditional and Malaysian-centric” lifestyles and norms espoused by those in these spaces For the “remedial dreamers”, they have actively engaged in “virtual spaces” which offer forums and self-help websites run by their fellow Malaysian counterparts These “virtual spaces” have enabled them to secure numerous advice and tips on how to “emulate” a Singaporean These include deliberately presenting themselves as 116 Singaporeans and getting rid of any behaviours which have resulted in them feeling the impact of being stigmatized by Singaporeans For the “detached migrants”, a “ritualistic diasporic space” became functional for them as while possessing little need for a regular diasporic space, they have foreseen the importance of having a semi-regular space for them to actualize their identities as Malaysian Chinese and also detach themselves from their conception of “Singaporean’s values” A case study on the premises around the “Kwan Im Hood Cho” temple in Singapore was brought up as an example of a diasporic space for this group of migrants This space was initially set up by Malaysian Chinese who met up periodically during the Chinese religious festivals celebrated by the temple and have expanded recently to spaces outside the direct premises of the temple to the surrounding regions of Bugis for the purpose of de-linking it from its religious-linked past and for the diasporic space to be more appealing to younger participants For the “segregated outsiders”, the importance of the diasporic spaces is particularly pertinent due to their characteristics as migrants who are relunctant to embrace their notion of Singapore’s values and lifestyle and have also experienced difficulties in coping with residing in Singapore Their diasporic spaces are thus mostly permanent and are made functional on a regular basis with each designated space being managed and maintained by a select group of migrants This piece of research has unveiled several of these spaces including youth cybercafes, specialized pubs in suburban Singapore which catered to older Malaysian men and also community clubs in the west for older Malaysian women These spaces help the migrants achieve the essentially dual tasks of sharing and revealing their problems of 117 coping with residing in Singapore and to also accentuate their unique distinctiveness as Malaysian-Chinese They achieve these by partaking in activities which brought them both memories of home and which also allow them to engage in the traditions of their birth nation Instead of being involved in associating or disassociating with diasporic spaces based on their nationality, the “neutral go-getters” are inclined to engage in “spaces” of “professional benefits” or areas in their work-places which are deemed to be the favoured realms for the higher-ranked executives in non-work or non-official hours Many have revealed that they are inclined to dramatize or shield their national and ethnic identity in order to adapt to the preferred procedural norms in these “favoured spaces” It must be emphasized upon the completion of the course of this research that the Malaysian Chinese in Singapore must be illuminated and have their lived experiences problematized as migrants Thus, they should not be conveniently assumed to be well-adjusted migrants and have their identities submerged as part of the majority Chinese ethnic group in Singapore The diasporic spaces for the Malaysian Chinese in Singapore have been revealed to be particularly salient and variegated in their functions, regularity of usage and in the manner in which they aimed to alter the characteristics of the demographics of members who engaged in these sites This research also hopes to encourage future research which would continue to examine different cohort of Malaysian Chinese in Singapore, their evolving sense of belonging and ability to adapt to the island-state and also the potential changes in the functions and locations of their diasporic spaces 118 4.2 Appendix Appendix Profile of Informants Table Name James/Weijian Dave/Weihan Peter Chua Joo Lee James Tony Gender Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Age 15 17 22 28 34 54 56 Marital status Single Single Single Married Divorced Married Married Jim Lim Chia Chen Tian David Wei Lun Jiawei Benson Tong David Amos Jason Shan Zhen JiaPo Andy Joe Lim Julian Nathan Wong Rachel Jiahui Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Female 35 50 60 17 18 29 31 33 37 18 33 62 60 61 28 24 33 55 17 19 Single Married Married Single Single Single Married Single Married Single Single Married Single Single Single Single Single Married Single Single Wei-Ming Adrianna Jiawei Female 30 Female 32 Female 45 Married Married Divorced Occupation Student Student Production Operator Finance Executiive Businessman Retiree Retiree Technician/Warehouse helper Businessman Retiree Student Student Student Supervisor Sales Assistant Shop Assistant Student Post-graduate student Retiree Factory Worker Factory Worker Planner Manager Marketing Officer Businessman Student Student Housewife/Part-time sales assistant Sales agent Waitress/Production Category Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Detached Migrants Detached Migrants Detached Migrants Remedial Dreamers Remedial Dreamers Remedial Dreamers Remedial Dreamers Remedial Dreamers Remedial Dreamers Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Neutral Goal-getters Neutral Goal-getters Neutral Goal-getters Neutral Goal-getters Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans 119 Tammy Mary Celest Female 58 Female 60 Female 22 Name Married Married Single Marital Gender Age status Jian Wei Jamie Lisa Tiffany Shen Ting Female Female Female Female Female 36 54 62 18 24 Married Married Married Single Married Jenny Amy Leanne Junie June Amy Mui Mui Susie Li-Hua Min-See Queenie Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female Female 33 35 18 20 37 40 55 58 63 28 30 Jolene Female 40 officer Self-Employed Accountant Student Malaysian-Singaporeans Malaysian-Singaporeans Detached-Migrants Married Married Single Single Single Married Single Married Married Single Single Occupation Administrative Worker/Officer Housewife Housewife Student Student Housewife/Part-time sales assistant Management Officer Student Computer Specialist Part-time student Factory Worker Shop Assistant Housewife Housewife Sales Supervisor/Artiste Marketing Executive Category Remedial Dreamers Remedial Dreamers Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Segregated Outsiders Neutral Goal-getters Neutral Goal-getters Married Communications Manager Neutral Goal-getters Detached-Migrants Detached-Migrants Detached-Migrants Remedial Dreamers Remedial Dreamers Note: It must be noted that the above informants listed are those who have been invited for the initial interviews conducted in the first half of the research process In the subsequent field-work conducted in certain research sites introduced by this initial group of informants, more interviews were conducted with new respondents who were present in these sites It is often not possible to request the full particulars of these new informants as conversations were made on an impromptu basis and often there is little time to enquire about the in-depth particulars of these informants 120 4.3 End Notes i Both Malaysia and Singapore have been under the jurisdiction of the British Empire for a sustained period in their political history, have experienced the Japanese occupation during World War two and have even been part of a same nation under the moniker of Malaya for a brief period in the early 1960’s (Winstedt, 1982; Carlier, 2003; Hasting et al, 1999) ii In Malaysia, the Malaysian Chinese would have to come to terms with their identity as a minority racial entity under the command of a dominantly Malay government historically tasked to preserve the nation as a Malay and Islamic state iii Most Malaysian Chinese are able to speak in Malay to Singaporean Malays and Indians as well as communicate with the local Chinese in Mandarin iv I have termed my informants Malaysian-Chinese rather than Chinese-Malaysian mainly because many of them have addressed or identify themselves as such in the course of research v I have chosen this argument because I would demonstrate later on in my thesis that the conditions of their migration from Malaysia to Singapore corresponds to the classic sense of “diaspora” Second, and more importantly, by attending to the diasporic distjunctures of their migration and incorporation into Singapore, I demonstrate the inadequacy of assuming that theirs is an experience of seemless assimilation vi This may be because many of these migrants wish to avoid splitting their loyalties between the nation in which they are citizen of and a nation in which they may only be momentarily residing in vii I would like to interview informants who have been in Singapore for at least a year so that I may receive opinions from individuals who are largely “accustomed” to living in Singapore and as compared to newly arrived migrants, are generally aware and cognizant of the full range of “reality” of living in the island-state viii This may include the perception that individuals from China are economically backward, overly traditional and generally “uncouth” The informants seemed to be unaware of recent positive reports on China, including its rise as a major economic power and also China’s regaining international respect and recognition by being awarded the host of the 2008 Olympic Games ix This study is essentially able to compare between different ages of Malaysian Chinese in contemporary Singapore now and is not a holistic comparison of Malaysian Chinese of all age groups now as compared to Malaysian Chinese of all age groups in the past x The Chinese in Malaysia have also perennially expressed their grievances and dissatisfaction with the Bumiputra’s policy advocated by the government which the Chinese deemed as favouring Malays and awarding other races lesser opportunities in education, in the civil service and in garnering more say in the political sphere xi Ling succinctly phrased this form of Chinese unity by claiming that “Chinese around the world, including Malaysian Chinese, are united by common traits in that our hearts leaped in response to the drum roll of a lion dance, fingers that automatically grasp the chopsticks and the ears that immediately recognize the clack of Mahjong tiles” (Ling, 1988:90) xii This is witnessed through the top-ranked Chinese studies department in the University of Malaya for instance Members of the MCA have also often dramatized and exemplified the state’s recognition of Chinese culture and contrast this seemingly ‘generosity’ in recognizing the ‘fundamental interests’ of Chinese in Malaysia with the “discrimination” and “neglect” of Chinese-speaking members in the Singapore’s community due to the island-state’s elimination of Chinese schools to develop an education system solely based on using English as the official medium of instruction xiii These Malaysians have revealed that they are able to identify with Singapore fundamentally because they felt a sense of attachment to the nation and are able to conceive themselves as “inherently citizens” of Singapore because they are currently staying in the island-state and are dedicated to doing well for Singapore because of their fond-ness for the nation xiv The “social worlds” may include the cultural facets of both nations and the stipulated rules and norms adhered to by both nations xv It must be acknowledged here that the informant’s notion that the majority of Singaporeans Chinese are exceedingly weak in their mother-tongue is probably only a stereo-typical pronouncement as there 121 have been accounts of Singaporean-Chinese being increasingly bi-cultural and being well-versed in both English and Chinese language xvi The indication that the majority of Singaporeans are only interested in material pursuits is a grossly unfounded and unsubstantiated statement as many of these informants has not based their statements with any concrete data and statistics to back up their claims xvii Again, this is an overly general statement and it is pretty clear the informant is articulating a personal comment and has not referred to any comparative studies on the differences in personal/career opportunities experienced by Malaysian and Singaporean women xviii This is almost certainly a stereo-typical and narrowly focused reflection on what constitute “Singaporean values and lifestyle” Most of the informants have based their knowledge on this by referring to what they have heard from contacts and what they have personally observed which may not be a true indication and reflection of the values most embraced by the majority of Singaporeans xix For this group of Malaysian migrants, the “outer environment” represents an arena outside the home, family and neighbourhood It is generally used to describe arenas which are outside the estate which one’s lives xx It is important to take into account that the portrayal of Singaporeans by Malaysian media may be influenced by the ambivalent relationship between Singapore and Malaysia historically, especially with regards to the 1963 merger between the two nations and subsequently, the bitter separation of Singapore from Malaysia in 1965 xxi This is subjected to them being ‘tested’ by the ‘gurus’ through a chat-room quiz where the ‘applicant’ would be ascertained if he or she is aware of some of the basic fundamentals of communicating in Singlish or the awareness of the norms in certain ‘dual-national’ ‘spaces’ for instance xxii There may be an unstated possibility that most participants would prefer to be acknowledged only in cyber-space as this would guarantee their real identity and ensure that their views remain confidential xxiii An occasion where members from the varied sub-groups gather together to discuss a major issue was observed during two weekends in September 2007 where discussions centered on speculations about the timing of the next Malaysian general elections and the prospects of the ruling coalition securing the Chinese votes xxiv These ‘work hours’ may be the time the informants are in school or at work xxv The central idea in recruiting younger Malaysian Chinese in partaking in the activities in these diasporic sites is generally mooted by older Malaysian Chinese who have espoused that younger Malaysian Chinese are more ‘susceptible’ to being influenced by ‘Singaporeans’ values and lifestyle habits’ due to their love of popular culture which may function as an essential factor in the latter’s exposure to Singapore’s culture and also their ‘less fervent’ sense of ‘Malaysian-Chinese’ identity as compared to older Malaysians xxvi Most claiming that they signed up for these courses due to their interests as well as because knowledge of a new language could potentially allow them to gain a leverage on their Singaporean coworkers xxvii The investors in Joo Chiat have selected a stretch of pubs at the intersection of Koon Seng Road while the owners of the Geylang lounges have selected Lorong 22 at Geylang to construct their ‘Malaysian-themed’ centers 122 4.4 References Alattas, Syed (1998) Mahathir, Anwar : konspirasi, reformasi, Kuala Lumpur : Jaharah Enterprise Basch, Linda (1994) Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments, and Deterritorized Nation-states Basel: Gordon and Breach Bhabha, H (1990) Nation and Narration; London: Routledge Brah, Avtar (1996) Cartographies of Diaspora: Contesting Identities London: Routledge Breakwell, Glynis and Lyons, Evanthia, (1996) Changing European identities : social psychological analyses of social change, Oxford ; Boston : Butterworth-Heinemann Brinker-Gabler, Gisela and Smith, Sidonie (1997) Writing new identities : gender, nation, and immigration in contemporary Europe, Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press Brown, Alan A and Neuberger, Egon (1977) Internal migration: a comparative perspective New York: Academic Press Brown, Andy (1999) Political languages of race and the politics of exclusion, Aldershot, Hants, England ; Brookfield, Vt., USA : Ashgate Carlier, Carolyn (2003) ‘Diaspora and Social Restructuring in Postcolonial Malaysia’ pp.69-96 in Laurencre J.C Ma and Carolyn Cartier (eds) The Chinese Diaspora: Space, Place, Mobility, and Identity New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers Chambers, Iain (1994) Migrancy, Culture, Identity London: Routledge Chong, T.L (1993) The Chinese in the Asia Pacific New Times Publishing Clammer, john (1985) Singapore, Ideology, Society and Culture; Singapore: Chopmen Clifford, James (1999) Diasporas in Robin Cohen and Steven Vertovec, Migration, diasporas, and transnationalism Northampton, Mass: Edward Elgar Cohen, Robin (1997) Global Diasporas: An Introduction London: UCL Press Cohen, Robin and Vertovec, Steven (1999) Migration, transnationalism Northampton, Mass: Edward Elgar diasporas, and 123 Cushman, J and Wang, G., (1988) Changing Identities of the Southeast Asian Chinese since World War Two, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press De Certeau, Michel (2002) The everyday life reader; London ; New York : Routledge Dijker, Maria (2007) Stigmatization, tolerance and repair: an integrative psychological analysis of responses to deviance; Cambridge; New York : Cambridge University Press Erdentug, Aygen and Colombijn, Freek (2002) Urban ethnic encounters: the spatial consequences London, Routledge Fortier, Anne-Marie (1999) “Re-membering Places and the Performance of Belonging(s)” in Vikki Bell (ed.) Performativity and Belonging; London: Sage: 41-64 Giraud, Michel (2000) “Cultural Identity and Migrations” in Robert Hudson and Fred Rno (eds) Politics of identity : migrants and minorities in multicultural states; New York : St Martin's Press Glick, C.E., (1980) Sojourners and Settlers, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press Han, Sung-Joo (1999) Changing values in Asia : their impact on governance and development, Singapore : Institute of Southeast Asian Studies ; Tokyo : Japan Center for International Exchange Hannertz, Ulf (1992) Cultural complexity: studies in the social organization of meaning New York: Columbia University Press Hasting, Donnan and Wilson, Thomas (1999) Borders, Frontiers of Identity, Nation and State Oxford and New York: Berg Heidt, Erhaud (1987) Mass media, cultural tradition, and national identity : the case of Singapore and its television programmes; Saarbrucken, Germany ; Fort Lauderdale [Fla.] : Breitenbach Heller, Monica and Martin-Jones, Marilyn (2001) Voices of authority : education and linguistic difference, Stamford, Conn : Ablex Herzog, Thomas (1996) Research methods and data analysis in the social sciences; New York : HarperCollins Colege Publishers Hessebiber, Sharlene and Leavy, Patricia (2006) The practice of qualitative research; Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications 124 Heyzer, Noeleen (1980) The peripheral workforce: young women and migrant workers in Singapore Townsville, Qld.: South East Asian Studies Committee, James Cook University Hg, C.K and Wee, Lee G (1994) Settling in Singapore; Singapore: Social Integration Management Service Hitchcock, Neil.E (1992) Migration to Australia : an authoritative guide for intending migrants and their sponsors, including families, executives, companies visitors and students; Turramurra, NSW : Neil E Hitchcock & Associates Hurh, W.M (1980) “Toward a Korean-American Ethnicity: Some Theoretical Models” in Ethnic and Racial Studies, 3:444-463 Iredale, Robyn (2003) ‘The growth of skilled migration in the Asia Pacific region’ pp.121-140 in Robyn Iredale et.al (eds) Migration in the Asia Pacific: population, settlement and citizenship issues Northhamption, M.A.: Edward Elgar Pub Jackson, Peter; Crang Philip and Dwyer, Claire (eds) (2004) Transnational Spaces, London ; New York : Routledge Johnson, James H and Salt, John (1990) Labour migration: the internal geographical mobility of labour in the developed world London: Fulton Kee, Geok Hwa (2005) Being non-bumiputera : ethnic Chinese youths' modes of resistance and identity formation : an ethnographic study of the impacts of the national language act and quota system policy at a Malaysian national secondary school PhD thesis Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms International Kritz, Mary, Lin Lean Lim and Zlotnik, Hania (1992) International Migration Systems: A global Approach Oxford: Clarendon Press Lam, Theodora C.F (2000) Across borders: social ties and national identity of Chinese-Malaysians in Singapore; Academic exercise Dept of Geography, Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences, National University of Singapore Leach, Edmund (2005) Kinship and Family: An anthropological reader Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub Lee, Su Kim; Tham, Siew Ming and Lee, King Siong (2007) Border crossings : moving between languages & cultural frameworks; Subang Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia : Pelanduk Publications Leung, Maggi Wai-Han (2004) Chinese migration in Germany: making home in transnational space Frankfurt am Main: Iko 125 Leventman, Seymour (1982) Counterculture and social transformation: essays on negativistic themes in sociological theory Springfield, Ill.: Thomas Levy, G.R (1996) Consumer Marketing in China: Chasing Billions, Catching Millions Hong Kong: Economist Intelligence Unit Liang, XiuJing (2004) Intermarriage and the construction of ethnic identity : European overseas Chinese community leaders' marriage ideals, Aldershot, Hants, England ; Burlington, VT : Ashgate Ling, Liong Sik (1988) The Future of Malaysian Chinese, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia : Malaysian Chinese Association Loh, Kok Wah (1981) “Ethnicity and Loyalty: Chinese Education and other Issues” in Loh Kok Wah, Phang Chung Nyap and J Sravanmuttu (eds) The Chinese Community and Malaysia-China Ties: Elite Perspectives Tokyo: Institute of Developing Economies Loh, Kok Wah (1982) The Politics of Chinese Unity in Malaysia: Reform and Conflict in the Malaysian Chinese Association 1971-73 Singapore: Maruzen Asia Lowe, Lisa (1996) Immigrant acts: On Asian American Cultural politics, Durham: Duke University Press Nonini, Donald M (1997) ‘Shifting Identities, Positioned Imaginaries: Transnational Traversals and Reversals by Malaysian Chinese’ pp.203-227 in Aihwa Ong and Donald M Nonini (eds) Ungrounded empires: the cultural politics of modern Chinese transnationalism New York: Routledge Okposin, S and Cheng, M (2000) Economic Crises in Malaysia: Causes, Implications and Policy Prescriptions; Selangor: Pelanduk Olwig, Karen Fog (1998) ‘Epilogue: Contested Homes: Home-Making and the Making of Anthropology’ in Nigel Rapport and Andrew Dawson (eds) Migrants of Identity, Perceptions of Home in a World of Movement Oxford and New York: Berg Pan, Lynn (1994) Sons of the Yellow Emperor: A History of the Chinese Diaspora New York: Kodansha International Pang, Ching Lin (2000) Negotiating identity in contemporary Japan: the case of Kikokushijo; London: Kegan Paul International Parker, David (1995), Through different eyes : the cultural identity of young Chinese people in Britain, Aldershot, England ; Brookfield, Vt., USA : Avebury 126 Radhakrishnan, R (1996) Diasporic mediations: between home and location; Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press Rapport, Nigel and Dawson, Andrew (1998) ‘Home and Movement: A Polemic’ in Nigel Rapport and Andrew Dawson (eds) Migrants of Identity, Perceptions of Home in a World of Movement Oxford and New York: Berg Reimers, David (1992) Still the golden door: The Third World Comes to America, New York: Columbia University Press Rouse, Roger (1991) “Mexican migration and the social space of post-modernism” in Diaspora 1(1): 8-23 Schiller, Glick (1997) “The situation of trans-national studies” in Identities (4): 15566 Scott, William and Scott, Ruth (1989) Adaptation of immigrants: individual differences and determinants; Oxford; New York: Pergamon Press Suryadinata, Leo (1997) Ethnic Chinese as Southeast Asians; Singapore : Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Suryadinato, Leo (2007) Understanding the Ethnic Chinese in South-East Asia, Singapore: ISEAS Taft, Ronald (1966) From stranger to citizen: a survey of studies of immigration assimilation in Western Australia London: Tavistock Tan, Sor-Hoon (2005) Challenging Citizenship: group membership and cultural identity in a global age, Aldershot, Hants, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate Teh, Lydia (2007) Honk! If You’re Malaysian; Petaling Jaya, Selangor : MPH Pub Van der veer, Peter (1995) Nation and migration : the politics of space in the South Asian diaspora; Philadelphia : University of Philadelphia Press Velayutham, Selvaraj (2007) Responding to globalization : nation, culture and identity in Singapore; Singapore: ISEAS Vertovec, Steven (1999) Migration and Social Cohesion, Cheltenham, UK: Elgar, Edward Vischer, R (1994) Empathy, Form and Space, New York: Routledge 127 Wang, Gung Wu, (1991) China and the Chinese Overseas, Singapore: Times Academic Press Wang, Gungwu (2004) Nation-building: five Southeast Asian histories; Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Westwood, Sallie and Williams, John (1996) Imagining cities: scripts, signs, memory; London; New York : Routledge Wickberg, Edgar (1994) The Chinese as Overseas Migrants, New York: St Martin’s Press Winstedt, Richard Olof (1982) A History of Malaya Kuala Lumpur: Marican and Sons Won, M.H and Kwang, C.K, (1999) Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants in the U.S.: An Alternative Strategy of Minority Adaptation, Cheltenham, UK: Elgar, Edward Wong, Carolin Yoke-Lin (1984) The Thai cultural identity in a plural society – Singapore; Academic exercise Dept of Sociology, Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences, National University of Singapore Wong, Kevin Scott and Chan, Sucheng (1998) Claiming America: Constructing Chinese American identities during the exclusion era, Philadelphia: Temple University Press Xu, Feng (2000) Women’s migrant workers in China’s economic reforms, New York: St Martin’s Press Zhang, Yumei (2004) Pacific Asia: The Politics of Development New York: Routledge [...]... Chinese in Singapore: Identity, adaptation and perceptions of Singaporeans 28 2.1 Representative model of the Malaysian Chinese migrants in Singapore The conscious experiences of Malaysian Chinese in Singapore and their concept of identity could be solicited from their attitude and reaction towards their perceived concept of “Singaporean values and lifestyle” and their level of adaptation and adjustment... regards to their opinions of their respective notions of Singaporeans and values and fundamentals attributed to Singaporeans From the matrix presented below, the analysis of the survey results has illuminated various sub-groups of Malaysian Chinese in Singapore, according to their respective opinions on their ability to adjust to living in Singapore and their conception of Singaporeans’ values and characteristics... potentially led these younger Malaysians to identify with the “uniqueness of Chinese in Singapore , that is an identification with an embedding of Chineseness with their national belonging (sense of Malaysian Chinese or Singaporean Chinese) as opposed to being “China Chinese Regretfully, the dearth of literature on the lived experiences of Malaysian Chinese in past and contemporary times in Singapore has... observing respects to their ancestors who hailed from mainland 18 China are fundamental in their enactment of their “sense of Chinese- ness” (Nonini, 1997) Younger Malaysian Chinese, however, may be inclined to observe a “disembedding of place” (Nonini, 1997) in that China and their homeland have become unimportant in their sense of Chinese- ness” The negativity associated with China viii (Nonini, 1997) may... described their roles as “neutral citizens” who are not beholden to their notions of Singaporean and Malaysian s values and characteristics 29 The respective sub-groups of Malaysian Chinese in Singapore illuminated from the surveys will be further deliberated in the analysis below 2.2 The Malaysian- Singaporeans” While most research on migrants and trans-nationals have often centered on the migrants’ inability... living in their host society and have drawn on the need for the migrants to preserve their intricate identities, few literature has dealt on migrants adopting a seemingly harmonious “dual-identity” which downplays the legacy of citizenship and blurred the clear demarcation of “homeland” and “migrant land” The group of Malaysian Chinese in Singapore who have largely termed themselves as Malaysian- Singaporeans”... fundamental in them “differentiating” from Singaporean Chinese (Kee, 2005:126) However, there has been a general dearth in literature exploring the usage of language and collective accent as an important source of identity-marker for Malaysian Chinese in Singapore A major difference between the Chinese in Malaysia and Singapore is the potentiality for Malaysians to be more “community-centered” than Singaporeans... The central structure of the Chinese diasporic space in a migrant land has often been associated and linked to the “Chinatown business system” (Levy, 1996) in that this arena is often the “go-to” place for new Chinese migrants and most have stayed within this “central base” to conduct their business activities and to build up their community networks (Levy, 1996) The Malaysian Chinese migrants to Singapore. .. to the commands of the senior members of each institutions in society” (Hurh, 1980:458) As the Malaysian Chinese are often perceived as being “largely similar” to most Singaporeans, it will be interesting to investigate if they would introduce similar measures to dramatize their national identity while in Singapore 1.5 (iii) Literature on Chinese identity and the Chinese community The idea of the “Singaporean... in the process, gradually increasing their social relations with non -Chinese (Iredale, 2003:148) While the Malaysian Chinese migrants to Singapore will predominantly interact with the dominant Chinese in Singapore, it is important to uncover their response towards the “Western-centric and the perceived cultural adoption of Western values” by Singaporeans as a whole (Lee et al, 2007: 18) Most Chinese ... migrants in Singapore, their capacity to adapt and adjust to living in Singapore and their opinion of Singaporeans and Singapore The interviews were conducted in English, Mandarin and Hokkien,... identity and perceive of the values and ways of life of Singaporeans This illumination of the manners in which Malaysian Chinese conduct their lives in Singapore may also facilitate the uncovering of. .. of Chinese in Singapore , that is an identification with an embedding of Chineseness with their national belonging (sense of Malaysian Chinese or Singaporean Chinese) as opposed to being “China