PARENTAL PERCEPTIONS OF MEDIA AND PARENTAL MEDIATION OF MEDIA USE a STUDY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIM MOTHERS IN MEDIATING THEIR CHILDRENS TELEVISION AND INTERNET USE

PARENTAL PERCEPTIONS OF MEDIA AND PARENTAL MEDIATION OF MEDIA USE: A STUDY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIM MOTHERS IN MEDIATING THEIR CHILDREN’S TELEVISION AND INTERNET USE RAHAYU NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2012 ii PARENTAL PERCEPTIONS OF MEDIA AND PARENTAL MEDIATION OF MEDIA USE: A STUDY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIM MOTHERS IN MEDIATING THEIR CHILDREN’S TELEVISION AND INTERNET USE RAHAYU B.A. (Hons) and M.Si (Hons), Gadjah Mada University A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATIONS AND NEW MEDIA NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2012 iii Acknowledgments First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor, Associate Professor Sun Sun Lim, for being a wonderful advisor and mentor throughout my thesis writing at National University of Singapore. I admire her as a scholar and appreciate her support, help, and guidance, which enabled me to complete graduate school at the Department of Communication and New Media. She encouraged me to publish my research and to attend my first international conference. She is always there, to provide me with a listening ear, advice, support, and friendship. She goes out of her way to help with her expertise. She has been a wonderful mentor from when we met. She has been most influential in inspiring me in terms of academic writing, publication, and her passion in encouraging and empowering students; these are meaningful to me as an academic. It would not have been possible to make it through graduate school without the support of my colleagues and friends. I would like to express my deepest thank you to my guru, Amir Effendi Siregar, for his support and friendship over the years. I admire his belief, concern, and consistency to realize diversity of media and its ownership in Indonesia, which inspired me to conduct media research that contributes to public lives. I appreciate his support and help in handling difficulties during my studies at NUS. He is a good motivator, and always reminded me to stay strong, patient, and positive, and to pursue my dream to further my studies. I would also like to record my ―thank you‖s to:  Professor Dr. Pratikno, for writing the recommendation for my scholarship application. I appreciate his attention and willingness to iv support me.  Professor Dr Nunung Prajarto, who motivated me not to be satisfied with a Master‘s degree, and to continue with my studies.  Novi Kurnia and Dr. Dodi Ambardi, for their friendship and sharing of their stories, especially in regard to their PhD experiences.  Budhy K, for his unique sense of humor and greeting that always made me smile, even under the most stressful circumstances. He is one of the reasons I miss Yogyakarta, and why I constantly find excuses to return.  Pujirianto, Wisnu Martha Adiputra, Iwan A.Y. and all friends for their constant reminders about PKMBP, where we spent several years promoting media literacy program and media professionalism.  My research assistants, for their insights on the research findings. On a personal note, my deepest thanks, love, and appreciation to:  My parents, for inspiring me not to give up even when the going gets tough, and for supporting me spiritually and financially during my course of study. They exemplify the many ordinary Indonesians who care about their children‘s education and future, and have dedicated their lives to putting their children‘s interest and future ahead of their own. My parents‘ belief in me, and in my education, is the most valuable gift.  My sweet and lovely daughters, Mira and Dhira, for bringing so much joy, laughter and happiness to my life. They are strong, responsible, understanding, and independent, and that has enabled me to focus on my study. With limited supervision, their achievements have motivated me to push ahead in my studies and advance in my career. They are why I had to v complete my Master‘s at NUS. I dedicate this thesis to my daughters.  Mas Aryadi Subagyo, for his support and advice on life, and his constant reminders that challenge is always given (by God) to make us stronger and more resilient.  Budi Irawanto, for his concern and ready advice on how to do better in my studies and gain the confidence to publish my research. His wife, Fifi, for showing me how to allocate my limited budget wisely, and where to shop. Their warmth and kindness to my family, and our time together, has made them a part of our extended family.  My fellow graduate students in Communication and New Media, especially Cheryll, Yuanying, and Chengting, for their friendship, motivation, and constant reminders to take care of myself physically and emotionally; Jhee for sharing literature, Pitra for lending me his thesis for reference, Retna for her patient assistance in helping me handle administrative issues.  All the librarians at the Central Library, for helping me find literature. The findings from this study were presented at The Asian Conference on Media and Mass Communication 2011 (MediAsia 2011) in Osaka Japan, November 4-6, 2011. The support and feedback received has enhanced this thesis. Besides, some parts of the findings will be presented at the Conference on Communication and Community-International Communication Association (ICA) in Phoenix Arizona USA, May 24-28, 2012 and the 21st AMIC Annual Conference in Shah Alam Selangor Malaysia, July 11-14, 2012. vi Summary As the use of media and technology in everyday life continues to intensify, parents are increasingly concerned about negative media effects and seek to impose parental mediation to control their children‘s use of the media. This study attempts to explore parental mediation by Muslim mothers in Indonesia as they seek to supervise their children‘s consumption of television and the Internet. Religious beliefs are a central issue in this study because most previous studies use it narrowly as a simplistic demographic measure. Yet, religious beliefs warrant greater scrutiny, because of its influence in shaping parental attitudes towards child-rearing, media content and supervision of media use. Furthermore, growing trends towards greater religiosity in some parts of the world add further urgency to the study of this issue. Given the salience of Islam in the lives of Muslim mothers in Indonesia, this particular group constitutes an appropriate sample population for understanding the impact of religious beliefs on parental mediation of children‘s media consumption. Data were collected from 70 Muslim mothers in Yogyakarta in Indonesia through ethnographic interviews to investigate the mothers‘ perceptions of media and their mediation practices and to understand how media devices and their use are incorporated into the families‘ everyday lives and, above all, to understand the overall influence of religious beliefs on the aforementioned. Findings revealed that informants perceived television and the Internet both positively and negatively, although negative perception dominated their media criticism, with consequences on parental mediation practices reflecting a dilemma between using the technology to increase the children knowledge, skills and social mobility, and limiting the technological access to protect them from the negative vii influences from the media. This study shows that informants tended to apply a mix of parental mediation styles between restrictive, co-viewing and restrictive mediation. Mothers in this study were more involved in mediating their children‘s television use; meanwhile, fathers were more active in supervising the children‘s Internet access, especially in terms of introducing this new technology, mastering the technology use, and criticizing its content. The mothers‘ familiarity or unfamiliarity with the media, as well as their knowledge and skill in using the media, determined the extent to which the mothers were in charge of supervision. The mothers‘ choice of mediation styles was influenced by parents‘ and children‘s attributes and household conditions. This study suggests that religious beliefs play a key role in parents‘ perception of the media and parental mediation practices. This study shows how religious beliefs influenced the informants in setting time for media access, selecting the content, and constructing their framework for criticizing the media and developing arguments or reasons in their supervision based on religious values. viii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ........................................................................... iii SUMMARY .................................................................................................. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................ viii LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................... ix LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................... x CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................. 1 1.1. Indonesia‘s Evolving Media Landscape .......................................... 1.2. Islamic Perceptions of Television and Internet ................................ 1.3. Muslim Women‘s Position in Indonesian Society and Their Role on Parental Mediation .................................................... 3 5 CHAPTER 2. LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................. 9 7 2.1. Motherhood and Media Use............................................................. 9 2.2. Mothers‘ Perceptions of Media and Its Influence on Parental Mediation Practices ........................................................................................... 11 2.3. Parental Mediation of Their Children‘s Media Use ......................... 15 2.4. Household Factors, Children‘s Attributes and Various Styles of Mediation .......................................................................... 18 2.5. Peer Groups: Factors in Parental Mediation .................................... 21 2.6. The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Parental Mediation .............. 22 2.7. Research Questions 1 to 4 ................................................................ 25 CHAPTER 3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...................................... 27 3.1. Ethnographic Interviews Defined and Reasons for Choosing This Method ..................................................................................... 3.2. Seven Stages in the Ethnographic Interview ................................... 3.3. Criteria for Informants and Recruitment Process ............................ 3.4. Profile of Informants ........................................................................ 3.5. Description of Research Location .................................................... 3.6. Data Collection Procedures.............................................................. 3.7. Data Analysis Procedures ................................................................ 27 28 31 32 34 35 38 ix CHAPTER 4. PARENTAL PERCEPTION OF TELEVISION AND PARENTAL MEDIATION OF CHILDREN’S TELEVISION USE .......................................................................... 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. Television Use Habits and Patterns in Muslim Families ................. Muslim Mothers‘ Perception of Television ..................................... Parental Mediation Strategies of Children‘s Media Use.................. Household Factors ........................................................................... 4.4.1. Family Income ......................................................................... 4.4.2. Mother‘s Occupation Trait ...................................................... 4.4.3. Family Structure and Communication .................................... 4.5. The Influence of Peer Group on Parental Mediation of Children‘s Television Use ................................................................................. 4.6. The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Parental Mediation of Children‘s Television Use................................................................ 4.7. The Summary of Findings ............................................................... CHAPTER 5. PARENTAL PERCEPTION OF TELEVISION AND PARENTAL MEDIATION OF CHILDREN’S INTERNET USE .............................................................................. 5.1. 5.2. 5.3. 5.4. 40 40 43 49 59 59 60 60 62 63 69 70 Internet Use Habits and Patterns in Muslim Families ..................... Muslim Mothers‘ Perception of the Internet.................................... Parental Mediation Strategies of Children‘s Internet Use ............... Household Factors ........................................................................... 5.4.1. Family Income ........................................................................ 5.4.2. Mother‘s Occupation Trait ...................................................... 5.4.3. Family Structure and Communication .................................... 5.4.4. Time of Having Home Internet Access .................................. 5.5. The Influence of Peer Group on Parental Mediation of Children‘s Internet Use ..................................................................................... 5.6. The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Parental Mediation of Children‘s Internet Use .................................................................... 5.7. Balancing the Desire for Media Consumption and Religious Proclivity .......................................................................................... 5.8. The Summary of Findings ............................................................... 70 74 80 84 84 85 86 87 CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION ................................................................... 96 6.1. 6.2. 6.3. 6.4. 6.5. Summary of Research Findings ....................................................... Implications for the Field of Communication and Media Studies ... Practical Implications....................................................................... The Limitations ................................................................................ Directions for Future Research ....................................................... 87 88 91 94 96 101 102 103 104 x REFERENCES ............................................................................................. 105 APPENDIX A. INTERVIEW GUIDE ...................................................... 121 APPENDIX B. DATA RESPONDENTS .................................................. 125 xi List of Tables Table 1: Seven Stages in the Ethnographic Interview .................................. 30 Table 2: Profiles of Informants ..................................................................... 33 xii List of Figures Figure 1: Family of respondent 61: children watching TV for relaxation and entertainment...................................................................................... 46 Figure 2: Family of respondent 52: children and mother watching TV for rest and entertainment ........................................................................ 47 Figure 3: Living room of respondent 19: TV in living room to facilitate parental control .................................................................................. 54 Figure 4: Living room of respondent 44: TV and Internet ........................... 54 Figure 5: Living room of respondent 53: TV and Internet ........................... 55 Figure 6: Study room of respondent 38: Internet cable box ......................... 81 Figure 7: (Parents‘) bedroom of respondent 51: Internet cable box ............. 81 1 CHAPTER 1 Introduction In many countries, there is an observed and established relationship between the governments‘ intensified efforts at economic development, particularly within the media and information technology sectors, and citizens‘ motivation to adopt multimedia. In Indonesia, the media industry has continued to proliferate after the 1998 Reformasi (political transformation), resulting in many Indonesians, including children, consuming various media (Sarwono, Hendriyani & Guntarto, 2011). Many now recognize that media and technology impact their lives, in a positive, as well as negative, way (Sarwono, Hendriyani & Guntarto, 2011; Nur, 2011). Many parents becoming increasingly concerned about the negative effects and seek to impose parental mediation to control their children‘s use of the media (Nur, 2011; Media Indonesia, 2009; Kompas, 2009). In Indonesia, the growing use (and abuse) of media, especially television and the Internet, by Indonesian children has stoked debate within the country about the need for greater parental mediation of children‘s television and the Internet use, especially with regard to adult and violent content, and access to online pornography and other deleterious content (e.g. Mulkan, 2007; Suara Karya, 2010). Not surprisingly, the polemic surrounding these issues has taken on a distinctly moralistic and religious tone, because Indonesia is a predominantly Muslim country. This study attempts to explore parental mediation by Muslim mothers as they seek to supervise their children‘s consumption of television and the Internet. The study targeted mothers as participants because Indonesia‘s cultural and ideological norms dictate that within the household, mothers are to play a key role in supervising 2 their children (Fealy & White, 2008; Ida, 2009). In this study, religious belief becomes a central issue because it influences and shapes parental attitudes towards child-rearing, media content and their supervision of media use. In many previous studies, religious belief was narrowly defined as a simplistic demographic measure, but its impact on parental mediation has been largely overlooked. In various parts of the world, growing trends toward greater religiosity have added further urgency to the study of this issue. Among Muslim mothers in Indonesia, Islam is an important and innate part of their lives, which makes this particular group an appropriate and relevant population sample for understanding the impact of religious beliefs on parental mediation of children‘s media consumption. Specifically, this study seeks to understand the strategies that Indonesian mothers employ to mediate their children‘s use of television and the Internet and how their religious beliefs influence these strategies. Data and analysis were based on ethnographic interviews with 70 Muslim mothers who resided in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, at the time of the study. This study focused on mothers‘ mediation of children‘s television and Internet use and contributes to the body of knowledge in the following ways: firstly, this study looks at religious belief as an influential factor in determining mothers‘ mediation practices within a religious community. This study provides an added perspective to a little-studied area of communication, showing the reality of parental mediation practices in Indonesia, where Muslims form the majority of the population. This study analyzes, for the first time in Indonesia, the influence of Muslim mothers‘ religious beliefs on their mediation of children‘s media use. Secondly, the use of ethnographic interviews in this study further develops the field of parental mediation studies, offering deeper insights into respondents‘ experiences and behavior. This chapter contains four topics: (1) Indonesia‘s evolving media landscape; 3 (2) Islamic perceptions of television and the Internet; and (3) the Muslim woman‘s position within Indonesian society and their parental mediation strategies. By explaining these topics, I attempt to provide a comprehensive background to this study. 1.1. Indonesia’s Evolving Media Landscape The fall of President Suharto in 1998 marked the beginning of a new era in Indonesia. Referred to as Reformasi, this political shift also democratized and liberalized the media industry, ushering in dramatic changes to the media landscape (Hidayat, 2003; Hill & Sen, 2007; Kitley, 2000). This transformation also stimulated the growth of the television and Internet industries. The number of television broadcasting companies grew sharply from 28 in 1998 to 228 in 2008 (Minister of Communications and Informatics of the Republic of Indonesia, 2008). Of the estimated 201.4 million television viewers in 1997, 65 million (about a third of the total number of viewers) are children (Gazali, 2004). The number of Internet hosts increased from 21,052 in 1999, to 46,000 in 2001, while the number of users rose from an estimated 900,000 in 1999, to 4 million in 2001 (Directorate General of Post and Telecommunications, The Republic of Indonesia, 2001), and 25 million in 2007 (APJII, 2007). In addition, the number of Internet cafes (Warnet/Warung Internet) increased from 2,500 in 2001, to 6,000 in 2004 (Siregar, 2008). Moreover, as of 2010, there were 21 million Facebook users, 5.6 million Twitter users, and 2.7 million bloggers (Minister of Communications and Informatics of the Republic of IndonesiaDirjen Aplikasi Telematika, 2010). These trends are likely to rise further in light of the Indonesian government‘s policy to accelerate information and communications 4 technologies (ICTs) utilization in Indonesia. On the domestic front, households with children have been caught up in the television and Internet wave. Recent studies show that the majority of Indonesian children watch television for about two to seven hours a day, and access the Internet from home for about two hours a day, with Internet cafés and schools being alternative sites of access (see Nur, 2011; Sarwono, Hendriyani & Guntarto, 2011). They watch various programs on TV such as cartoons, serial drama, movies, reality shows and other programs containing adult and violent content. They use the Internet mostly for online gaming, researching school projects, chatting, email, and downloading media content. Notably, these studies also suggest that many children access the Internet unsupervised and without any parental rules or supervision. Some of the children admitted to having viewed pornographic content. A number of them have their own Facebook accounts even though they are ‗under-aged‘ (below 13 years old) (Nur, 2011; Sarwono, Hendriyani & Guntarto, 2011). Facebook‘s privacy policy states that individuals aged 13 years and above are eligible to have their own Facebook accounts. Resonating with the experience in other countries, the growing use of the television and the Internet by Indonesian children has raised concerns about their exposure to unsavory or frivolous content that contains too much sex, violence, mysticism and hedonism and about the deleterious effects of such content on them. Various experts have expressed similar views, including the chairman of Aisyiyah (women‘s wing of the second largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah) on July 9, 2011, and other leaders from Islamic organizations (http://www.suarakarya-online.com). Such apprehensions have been reflected in parental pressure on the state to more actively control the Internet and to introduce 5 media literacy education in a more systematic and comprehensive manner. In response to public pressure, on August 11, 2010, just one day before Ramadan, the Indonesian government, through the Ministry of Communication and Informatics, instructed six of the largest Internet Service Providers in the country (Indosat, Indosat Mega Media, XL Axiata, Telkomsel, Bakrie Telecom, and PT Telkom) to block access to online porn content. Other service providers were later asked to do the same. However, the government‘s policy to block access to porn led to public criticism. Not long after, the Ministry introduced an Internet literacy program entitled ―Internet Sehat dan Internet Aman” (Healthy and Safe Internet), to apprise young people on how to use the Internet in a more positive manner, such as advising them to avoid deleterious content and choose a more pro-social orientation. Schools were also provided with Internet filtering software to prevent access to online pornographic content within the school environment. 1.2. Islamic Perceptions of Television and Internet Islam being Indonesia‘s dominant religion, practiced by 88.22% (216 million) of the total population of 245 million (Board of Statistic, 2005), it was not surprising to note that the Islamic community has been the most vocal and fervent in its criticism of media content. As Stout (2001) noted, Islamic criticisms of the media stem from the perceptions that messages contained within popular media conflict with Islam‘s moral beliefs and values. In particular, pornographic content online and in mainstream media is believed to cause a decline in Islamic devotees‘ moral and religious commitment (Fealy & White, 2008). Furthermore, Western media are believed to propagate prejudicial representations of Islam and Muslims that discredit the religion 6 and undermine its global standing (Agung, 2010; Mir-Hosseini, 1988). Despite these reservations about media content and their dissemination platforms, such as print and broadcast media, Indonesian Muslims have been enthusiastic adopters of the Internet and other forms of new media such as the mobile phone (Fealy & White, 2008). Some Indonesian da‟i (preachers) use the Internet and mobile phone text messages to improve the effectiveness of their dakwah (preaching) and to deliver religious services. In addition, some Islamic schools have developed Internet e-learning applications to socialize teachers and students on the central tenets of their faith. Such examples instantiate Stout‘s (2001) claim that Muslims ―create variations in the ways popular culture is defined and used‖ (p. 9). Within the Islamic community, there are differing opinions on how media content should be regulated. With regard to the Internet, in particular, radical and extremist Islamic groups such as Laskar Jihad (Jihad Brigade) and Front Pembela Islam (FPI, Islamic Defense Front) propose that the Indonesian government impose strict censorship on the media, including television programs and other visual images, and banning pornographic websites (Lindsay, 2011). In contrast, other Islamic groups such as Aisyiyah prefer to leave the regulating of the Internet and its users within the private realm of the household and public empowerment. This organization actively campaigns for media literacy education in schools and Islamic study groups (pengajian) that can empower Internet users to be critical of the medium (Nur, 2011). This organization uses the Qur‟an and Hadith (a report of the words and deeds of the Prophet Muhammad transmitted through a chain of narrators) as the basis for such educational initiatives. Meanwhile, the Indonesian society holds normative expectations that Indonesian women serve as the key managers of the household and the primary nurturers of children, making the women the logical targets of media 7 literacy campaigns in Indonesia (e.g., Fadhal, Zarkasi & Agustin, 2011; Guntarto, 2011; Nur, 2011). 1.3. Muslim Women’s Position in Indonesian Society and Their Role on Parental Mediation To better comprehend the burdens placed on Indonesian Muslim mothers visà-vis parental mediation of their children‘s media use, we must first consider their position in Indonesian society and, more specifically, within Muslim households. Although the last few decades have seen a dramatic increase in the number of Indonesian women participating in the labor force (Statistic-Indonesia, 2010), along with changes in the perceptions of women, nevertheless, expectations remain that women serve mainly in the domestic realm (Ida, 2009). Two dominant yet opposing views of women‘s position in Indonesian society prevail. On the one hand, women are perceived as being of inferior status to men, thereby relegating them to playing purely domestic roles. Conversely, women are viewed as being equal to men, deemed capable of performing professional and public duties. Before Reformasi, especially under Suharto‘s New Order regime, the role of women in Indonesian society was determined within the context of national development goals (Gardiner, 2002; Ida, 2009). ―Women were assigned the role of their kodrat (inherent nature) and were responsible for household matters, reproduction, and family nurturing‖ (Ida, 2009, p. 15). Even though women were identified in development programs as equal partners of men and worked outside the home, their position in society continued to be constrained by male-imposed ideas about women‘s nature, dignity and status (Ida, 2009). After Reformasi, the position of women in Indonesian society began to 8 challenge the traditional model of patriarchal domination. In this new era, sociopolitical and economic changes have encouraged Indonesian women to gain access to education and to enter the work force and political arena (Ida, 2009). However, many women still face a dilemma between their ―domestic‖ and ―public‖ roles, and their efforts to balance the two sometimes result in domestic disputes and even violence (Subiantoro, 2008; Sudarto, 2008). Beyond broader societal conceptions, Islamic values also prescribe and proscribe the status and role of Indonesian Muslim women. Competing interpretations of the Qur‟an, Hadith, and Figh (Islamic jurisprudence on the interpretation of the holy Qur‟an and Hadith) have ignited debates (see Bano, 2003; Doorn-Harder, 2002), with some believing that women should be confined to domestic tasks, while others believe that women can play constructive roles in the public realm. Nevertheless, new trends in the interpretations of the Qur‟an on gender issues have brought about an advancement of women‘s positions in Islamic society (see Kazmi, 1994; Stowasser, 1998). In Islam, the family is considered a pillar in developing Islamic society, with women playing a crucial ―guide keeper‖ role in the family in socializing children on Islamic beliefs and values. In the midst of a media-saturated world in which the media appear to wield a strong influence on children‘s development, in some ways perceived as displacing the parent in a child‘s life, Muslim women‘s task to supervise their children‘s media use remains even more challenging. 9 CHAPTER 2 Literature Review This chapter reviews relevant literature focusing on motherhood and media use, mothers‘ perceptions of media, parental mediation of children‘s media use, and the influence of household factors, children‘s attributes, peer groups and religious beliefs on parental mediation practices. This section ends with a discussion on the gap in the literature, followed by a list of research questions. 2.1. Motherhood and Media Use Studies of mothers and their adoption of information and communications technologies (ICTs) for household use in various contexts have shown that mothers utilize media to support their parental obligations. For example, mothers in the United States have used Sesame Street and popular situation comedies to introduce concepts such as numbers and colors and to explain how a good character performs (Stoneman & Brody, 1982). Dutch mothers have improved on their Internet skills to help their children excel in school (Hynes & Rommes, 2006). Similarly, mothers in Australia have recognized the usefulness of the Internet when they assisted their children in their schoolwork (Singh, 2001). Even though mothers recognize the value in adopting ICTs for their families, they may not have the authority to decide on the household‘s ICT purchases. In some contexts, these decisions are made based on the traditional family role structures. For example, in Korea, the decision-making on products for family use, such as 10 computers, is primarily dominated by men (Na, 2001; Na, Son & Marshall, 1998). Indonesian Muslim women‘s (i.e., mothers‘) lack of authority in making decisions with regard to their family‘s ICT access is set within the social and cultural constraints in which women are traditionally positioned in domestic-oriented roles. Some scholars (e.g., Frissen, 2000; Kulik, 2004; Miyoko & Yutaka, 2008; Rakow & Navarro, 1993) pointed out that social expectations and cultural conventions still have an impact on women‘s status and position in society. Although job opportunities for women have increased, along with the number of women in the workforce, this group still bears the brunt of domestic responsibilities such as managing domestic chores and childcare. This prevailing trend determines the role women play in adopting household ICTs and in supervising their children‘s use. Mothers tend to be more involved than fathers in supervising their children‘s ICTs use (see Anderson & Sharum, 2007; Dholakia, 2006; Na, 2001; Pasquier, 2001; Rakow & Navarro, 1993; Ribak, 2001; Singh, 2001). Other studies have found that mothers have more control than fathers over where media are placed in the house so as to maximize their utility (e.g., Flynn, 2003; Lemor, 2006). In Indonesia, where patriarchy remains strong in all aspects of social life, the role of women as primary caregivers to children causes them to be more concerned about media education as well as supervision. They recommend informational and educational programs to their children (Hendriyani, Hollander, d‘Haenens & Beentjes, 2011; Wattimena, 2010). They also become involved in media literacy programs to better understand the media and develop their skills in supervising their children‘s media consumption (Nur, 2011; Guntarto, 2011). With the implied understanding that media practices within the family unit cannot be understood in the context of a gender vacuum (Morley, 1986), this present 11 study will pave the way to consider gender issue, especially focusing on the contemporary social condition of women in Indonesia who continually face a conflict situation between ―traditional‖ social status, exigencies of financial support, and gender equality in their family lives (Quah, 2005). This present study attempts to explore how these mothers, who tend not to be involved in ICT adoption within the family context are positioned by social and cultural circumstances to be responsible for supervising their children, play their roles in mediating their children‘s media use. 2.2. Mothers’ Perceptions of Media and Its Influence on Parental Mediation Practices Scholars have shown that mothers‘ (parents‘) perceptions of the media tend to influence their style of mediation (Abanto, 2004; Alters & Clarks, 2004; Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1982; Dens, Pelsmacker, & Eagle, 2007; Nathanson, 2001; Nathanson, Eveland, Park & Paul, 2002). For example, it was found that mothers who perceived media negatively and held negative attitudes about the media tended to prefer active and restrictive mediation, whereas mothers who perceived media positively and held positive attitudes towards the media tended to choose co-viewing (Alters & Clarks, 2004; Dens, Pelsmacker & Eagle, 2007; Nathanson, 2001). Although scholars showed that demographic characteristics and household factors also determine parental styles of mediation, they defined these as ―intervening variables‖ and mothers‘ perceptions of the media as ―an independent variable‖ (e.g., Abanto, 2004). Scholars perceived that mothers‘ perceptions toward the media were the most important predictor of parental mediation style (e.g., Abanto, 2004; Dens, Pelsmacker & Eagle, 2007). 12 Mothers‘ perceptions are also strongly linked to media effect (Seiter, 1999). Despite positive perceptions, mothers worried that their children would be affected by television content which present too much sex and violence (Alters & Clark, 2004; Seiter, 1999). Mothers were also concerned about the effects of advertisements (e.g., Bijizen, 2009; Chakroff, 2007; Chan & McNeal, 2002; Dens, Pelsmacker & Eagle, 2007). With specific regard to the Internet as an interactive medium, parents tended to worry about: (1) ―content risk,‖ that their children may access and receive sexually explicit and violent images and may obtain information about self-harm; (2) ―contact risk,‖ such that they become victims of cyber-bullying or online sexual grooming; (3) ―conduct risk,‖ being exposed to private information and becoming isolated from other people as a consequence of too much Internet access (Ponte & Simões, 2009). Mothers generally perceived that the Internet was potentially more harmful than television in terms of the likelihood of exposure to pornography (Carlsson, 2006). Parents in the United States were more concerned about Satanism, religious proselytizing, drugs, alcohol and tobacco advertisements, gambling, and terrorism, all of which have become issues in recent years (Strasburger, Wilson & Jordan, 2009). Parents in Asia, such as in China and South Korea, were concerned about the impact of ICTs on their children‘s intellectual abilities and their skills in reading and writing (Lim, 2008). Recognizing that the Internet has both negative and positive effects, mothers found themselves faced with a moral dilemma, between their earnest desire to push ICTs at home in hopes that it could help their children‘s upward social mobility, and their worries about the negative effects of media consumption (Lim, 2008; Linebarger & Chernin, 2003; Livingstone & Bober, 2004; O‘Hara, 2011). Believing that it was their prime responsibility to protect their children from the bad influences of media, 13 many mothers have naturally become critical of media, such as criticizing TV personalities, proffering comments or evaluations in attempts to encourage or discourage specific media content, and drawing comparisons between social realities and depictions of realities appearing on television (Messaris & Kerr, 1983). However, to be critical, it is a necessary condition that mothers must first be literate about the media (Potter, 2005). In Indonesia, parents generally have negative perceptions of the effect of television on their children. Data from the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPI) showed that public complaints about television programming from 2007 to 2010 continued to rise. In 2007, the commission received 1,300 complaints; in 2008, the number increased to 3,500; in 2009, it was 7,500; and in 2010, it had dramatically escalated to 20,000 (KPI Report, 2010). Local Indonesian Broadcasting Commission (KPID) in the Yogyakarta province received 264 complaints in 2009 and 478 complaints in 2010 (Arifin, 2010). Most of the complaints were on ―Infotainment‖ (celebrity gossip), ―Sinetron‖ (drama series program), ―Reality Show,‖ and some cartoons that were too simplistic. Scholarly studies showed that Indonesian parents mostly worried about pornographic content (Barendregt, 2006). Previous studies about parents‘ perceptions toward media did not seek to investigate the influence of mothers‘ perceptions of media on parental mediation styles. A study conducted by Abanto (2004) investigated children‘s and parents‘ perceptions of television programs and the practices of parental mediation. Study by Nathanson (2001) explored parents‘ reasons in mediating violent television programs and the children‘s interpretation of their parents‘ mediated message. Dens, Pelsmacker and Eagle (2007) investigated parents‘ attitudes about advertising targeted at children and how a particular attitude influenced parents‘ monitoring of television 14 content. Furthermore, Bybee, Robinson and Turow‘s (1982) survey examined the nature of parental mediation by connecting it to parents‘ perceptions of TV, but the sample used in this study were mass media scholars from the media education field. Few studies have attempted to explore mothers‘ perceptions of television and the Internet. Thus far, none has attempted to relate mothers‘ perceptions to their style of parental mediation. Within the Indonesia context, Sarwono, Hendriyani and Guntarto‘s study (2011) discussed the connection between parents‘ perceptions and their supervision of children‘s television use, suggesting that parents who were concerned about the negative effects of television tended to prefer restrictive mediation. However, their study does not fully reflect parents‘ views, as it was based on secondary data presenting children‘s opinions about their parents‘ perceptions toward media and their mediation style. The secondary data were produced from a previous experimental study by UNDIP and YPMA in 2008-2009, exploring the effectiveness of media education; 4,800 school students from 12 primary schools in four cities—Solo, Klaten, Bondowoso and Malang—were recruited as participants using proportionate stratified random sampling method. However, there has been no systematic study investigating mothers‘ perception of the media and its impact on parental mediation of media use. Cognizant of the gap in the literature, this study endeavors to provide an explanation of how mothers perceived both television and the Internet, and how their perceptions influence their parental mediation practices and their choice of mediation styles. 15 2.3. Parental Mediation of Their Children’s Media Use Studies on parental mediation of their children‘s media use have been driven by the impetus to increase public attention on the need to regulate and protect children from the harmful effects of the media (see Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1982). Some studies looked at whether the focus should be on public policy and regulation in the public domain or on some form of parent-mediated control in the private domain (e.g., Anderson & Gentile, 2008; Buckingham & Willet, 2006). Other scholars focused on the dynamic process of parental mediation in the home domain and the factors influencing that process (e.g., Fujioka & Austin, 2002; Nathanson, 2001). This study focused more on parental mediation (private domain) than on public policy on media control (public domain). It is hoped that this will fill the literature gap on parental mediation practices which, thus far, has tended to focus on the Western and developed countries context rather than Eastern and developing countries such as the Indonesian context. The following paragraphs present the findings from previous studies and the debate on parental mediation; however, the definition of parental mediation needs to be clarified to prevent misunderstanding. The term ―parental mediation‖ has been defined in various ways. Some scholars defined parental mediation as a process, translating the media‘s message and representation so that their children can better understand its intentions and meaning (e.g., Desmond, Singer, Singer, Calam & Calimore, 1985; Rothschild & Morgan, 1987). Others explained that parental mediation refers to multiple forms of behavior related to media, such as discussion, rulemaking, and interactions between parents and their children (e.g., Lin & Atkin, 1989; Nathanson, 1998). This study adopts the view that parental mediation is a complex activity involving the parent-child interaction 16 that includes discussing and sharing of ideas, establishing rules with regard to specific viewing times and duration, content selection, and any restrictions on media access. Parental mediation of children‘s media use is far from homogeneous, and several studies have attempted to identify various mediation styles. Extant research seems to centre around the identification of three styles: (1) restrictive mediation: rule -making on specifics, such as setting the duration of media access, prohibiting access to particular content genres, and restricting the location of media use (Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1982; Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999; Weaver & Barbour, 1992); (2) active mediation: parents discussing media content with their children (Austin, 1993; Austin, Robert & Nass, 1990), also referred to as instructive mediation and evaluative mediation, because it includes parental rationalizations and critiques of media content (Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1982; Messaris, 1982; Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999); and (3) social co-viewing or coviewing: situations in which parents and children access media together and share the viewing experience but do not intentionally focus on discussing a particular program or content type (Dorr, Kovaric & Doubleday, 1989; Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999). In addition, scholars also have introduced a fourth parental strategy: unfocused media (Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1982), but there has been scant support because it seemed ambiguous and similar to social co-viewing (see Lawrence & Wozniak, 1989; Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999). Furthermore, parental mediation strategies are covered into direct-indirect and positive-negative styles. Direct strategy was associated with the three styles mentioned previously, which cover the setting of rules, discussing, and commenting while accessing media together. While indirect strategy refers to the search for a role model (see Abelman & Pettey, 1989; Atkin, Greenberg & Baldwin, 1991). Positive 17 mediation style refers to parents‘ endorsement of media messages, while negative style relates to parents‘ efforts to counter media messages (see Fujioka & Austin, 2002; Nathanson, 1998). Within the Indonesian context, scholars such as Sarwono, Hendriyani, and Guntarto (2011) have observed that parents mediate in various ways: Many parents tend to apply a restrictive style of mediation, such as limiting the duration of exposure, and also selecting age-appropriate programs and websites for children. Some parents apply a co-viewing style such as accessing media together, especially if there is common interest in the content. Others use an active mediation approach, such as discussing the programs during, or after, viewing them. In addition, some parents ask their children to play with friends, to enroll in tuition or remedial classes, or to attend Qur‟an education school/TPQ—in the case of Muslim children—with the intention of diverting their children‘s attention from media (Muttaqin, 2010). Even though many Indonesian Muslim parents actively seek to insulate their children from the negative effects of the media, some parents do not seem to care about media effects or parental mediation. For some parents, the media are used as an instrument to keep their children placid and safe at home, away from the risks of kidnapping and child trafficking (Muttaqin, 2010). However, these previous studies lacked information on the social and cultural setting that would determine the mothers‘ parental mediation practices. Moreover, systematic studies focusing on parental mediation of children‘s media use in the Indonesian context have been limited. For example, Nur (2011) showed 2007-2008 research data on parental mediation of children media consumption from Aisyiyah Institute for Development Studies. The data were not based on a structured study but were derived from comments by mothers and teachers 18 who had participated in a training on media literacy conducted by the Institute in three provinces in Indonesia (D.I. Yogyakarta, Central Java and East Java) (personal communication in interview with Nur, September 30, 2011). Furthermore, Mutaqqin (2010) used multi-study data from Indonesia‘s Central Planning Agency (1996). The agency had explored secondary data, such as a datum survey from Indonesian Central Bureau of Statistics; held focus group discussions to identify issues in early childhood development involving an educational expert, social scientist, and public policy expert as participants; conducted participant observation and workshops with local government, experts and institutes in related fields to discuss issues and strategies in early childhood development in seven provinces (West Java, West Nusa Tenggara, East Nusa Tenggara, D.I. Yogyakarta, Bali, South Sulawesi, and West Sumatera). With regard to these previous studies, the factors that influence Indonesian mothers in their choice of parental mediation styles have not been studied. This present study attempts to be a more systematic exploration in presenting explanations about possible social and cultural factors that influence the mothers in their mediation practices. 2.4. Household Factors, Children’s Attributes and Various Styles of Mediation Scholars have found that the socio-economic status of parents also influenced their mediation styles. Previous studies have shown that many middle-class families from media-rich homes tend to apply more extensive forms of mediation and to combine multiple styles of supervision compared with those that were less educated or less well-off (e.g., Livingstone & Helsper, 2008; Notten & Kraaykamp, 2009). Parents that have were better educated parents were more likely to apply restrictive 19 and instructive mediation (e.g., Valkenburg, Krcmar, Peeters & Marseille, 1999). Low-income parents tend to apply co-viewing and instructive mediation, but not viewing restriction (e.g., Warren, 2005). Besides, parents in full-time employment are less likely to set media-viewing rules, while single parents are more likely to employ co-viewing (e.g., Lin & Atkin, 1989). Families in urban areas are more likely to engage in instructive, as well as restrictive, mediation than families in rural areas, who tend to apply more co-viewing (e.g., Sun, 2009). Parents‘ media experiences also influence their style(s) of mediation. For example, parents who prefer highbrow television programs tended to guide their children‘s television consumption more intensively than parents who consume less informational and cultural media content (e.g., Notten & Kraaykamp, 2009). Moreover, parents born during the television age (i.e., 1960-1979) worry more than their parents did about the negative effects of television programs, and were therefore more proactive in parental mediation than their parents (Bull, 2005). Parenting styles and family communication climates also influence parental mediation style (Austin, Robert & Nass, 1990; Baumrind, 1966, 1991; Fujioka & Austin, 2002; Krcmar, 1996). Parenting styles tend to fall into three categories: authoritative-style parents are warm, strict, but encourage autonomy; authoritarianstyle parents are less warm, are strict, and do not encourage autonomy; and permissive parents are very warm and lenient (Baumrind, 1991). Previous studies defined family communication climates variously as: supportive and unsupportive (Baumrind, 1966, 1991); conversation-, directive- and conformity-oriented (Koerner & Fitzpatrick, 2004); concept and socio-orientated (Fujioka & Austin, 2002); autocratic and democratic or egalitarian communication (Uddin, 2008). Scholars showed that families that adopted authoritative parenting and supportive 20 communication styles were more likely to apply co-viewing and active mediation. By contrast, families with authoritarian style and unsupportive communication tend to engage in restrictive mediation (Baumrind, 1966, 1991). Families that were more conversation-orientated also more often applied co-viewing and active mediation than families that were more directive- and conformity-oriented (Koerner & Fitzpatrick, 2004). Families concerned about social orientation or harmony relationships tended to engage in co-viewing, whereas families with concept orientation tended to apply active mediation (Fujioka & Austin, 2002). Muslim families that were more focused on autocratic communication rather than democratic and egalitarian communication tend to apply restrictive mediation styles (Uddin, 2008). Children‘s attributes also influence parental mediation styles (Abelman & Pettey, 1989; Barkin, Ip, Richardson, Klinepeter, Finch & Krcmar, 2006; Buckingham, 1996). Scholars showed that a child‘s gender played an important role in predicting mediation (Abanto, 2004; Lin & Atkin, 1989). Abanto (2004) stated that parents tended to worry more about how boys consume media. A child‘s age also influenced the style of mediation. Scholars found that parents were more likely to exert guidance on young children (i.e., below 12 years old) than adolescents (Bybee, Robins & Turow, 1982; Lin & Atkin, 1989; Abanto, 2004). The child‘s school level also influenced parents‘ decisions in determining guidance (Abanto, 2004; Lin & Atkin, 1989); however, the child‘s intellectual ability was not necessarily a factor impacting supervision. The child‘s media habits also influence parents in rule setting (Gentile, Saleem & Anderson, 2005). 21 2.5. Peer Groups: Factors in Parental Mediation Despite household factors and children‘s attributes, the role and impact of peer groups cannot be denied.. Scholars (e.g., Suess, Suoninen, Garitaonandia, Juaristi, Koikkalainen & Oleaga, 1998) showed that the influence of peer groups was especially strong among children in the 6- to 10-year-old age group, as this was the period in which they learn to make friends and establish relationships with their peers and to more strongly position themselves within their peer group. However, so far, only a few scholars have established that peer groups influence children‘s media consumption (e.g., Buckingham, 1993; Suess, Suoninen, Garitaonandia, Juaristi, Koikkalainen & Oleaga, 1998, Lull, 1980). There are at least three different ways in which children use media within their social groups, as stated by Suess, Suoninen, Garitaonandia, Juaristi, Koikkalainen & Oleaga, 1998: Firstly, children access media together with their peers in various places such as their home, peers‘ home, and in public places. Secondly, children discuss topics/issues presented on television programs or on the Internet in conversations and activities with their peers. Thirdly, children consume media so as to strengthen their group relationships and to construct a group identity. These arguments are similar to Lull‘s opinion (1980) that television has a social function in facilitating communication within a group and may be used to demonstrate one‘s competency or dominance. In Indonesia, children see social benefits in media consumption, as it gives them a strong connection with their peers (Istanto, 1999; Sunarto, 2009; Triwardani & Wicandra, 2007). For the children, knowledge of and skill in media use is important in terms of peer group orientation, as it provides them with a common ground: Being 22 able to discuss popular TV programs, occasionally accessing media together, developing media-related role plays, and also demonstrating to their peer group members actions they had seen on TV. Some scholars (e.g., Istanto, 1999; Sunarto, 2009; Triwardani & Wicandra, 2007) reported experiencing feelings of isolation and rejection from group members if they did not keep up with their peers‘ media use. While the connection between peer groups and children‘s media habits is well established, little is known about how this impacts parents‘ decisions as they develop their mediation strategies. 2.6. The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Parental Mediation As mentioned above, even though parental mediation has become a prime topic attracting a number of scholars from various disciplines, the exploration of this issue has not yet been linked to the influence of religious beliefs on parental mediation practices. Scholars have explored various issues of parental mediation and have applied various perspectives and methods in their studies, such as parental mediation styles (Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1992; Nathanson, 1998); children‘s attributes as determination factors (Abelman & Pettey, 1989; Barkin, Ip, Richardson, Klinepeter, Finch & Krcmar, 2006; Buckingham, 1996); the influence of family communication and status on the mediation practices (Austin, Robert & Nass, 1990; Fujioka & Austin, 2002; Krcmar, 1996); media literacy and media education (Abelman & Courtright, 1983); and parental mediation related to a media-rich homes and children‘s multi-platform consumption (Livingstone, 2007; Nikken, Jansz & Schouwstra, 2007). However, in all of these, there has been little attempt to study the influence of religious beliefs on parental mediation of children‘s media use. 23 Stout and Buddenbaum (1996) found that for many people, religious beliefs were the reference point in their perceptions of the media. Scholars showed that Muslims and Christians tended to resist content containing sex and violence because they considered that this particular content eroded morality and threatened their faiths (Buddenbaum, 2001; Palmer & Gallap, 2001). Moreover, scholars have argued that religious beliefs affect individual and family attitudes and behaviors, including their motivation to media access and interpretation (e.g., Croucher, Oommen, Borton, Anarbaeva & Turner, 2010; Golan & Day, 2010; Hamilton & Rubin, 1992). Religious beliefs also become the primary moral basis for how they manage their lives (Stout, 2002). Al-Oofy and McDaniel (1992) found that Muslims resisted Western media and preferred to use a medium which presented a culture that was congruent with theirs. Clark‘s study (2004) also showed how a Muslim family in the United States applied very restrictive rules about media use on their children, seeking to instill a perceptible distance between their religious and cultural backgrounds and U.S culture. Prior studies on religion and the media also examined the influence of religion or religious belief on media usage (e.g., Alters, 2004; Armfield & Holbert, 2003; Croucher, Oommen, Borton, Anarbaeva & Turner, 2010; Golan and Day, 2010; Hamilton & Rubin, 1992). However, Buddenbaum and Stout (1996) found that few researchers were really concern about examining this relationship and they stated that the relationship between religion and media usage tended to examine religion as a demographic variable and religiosity in terms of institutional expectations, such as frequency to go to Church and involve in religious activities. As a consequence, the studies failed to inquire about religious beliefs, behaviors, and feelings and did not offer a sufficient explanation about the connection and intensity between religiosity 24 and media use (see Buddenbaum & Stout, 1996). Layton and Hansen‘s study (2004) showed that people with religious affiliations tended to employ different styles of parental mediation, but the scholars did not explore precisely how religious beliefs influenced parental mediation practices. Furthermore, studies on religion and media mainly investigated various Christian denominations and other religions, but there has been no study specifically on Islam (see Stout & Buddenbaum, 1996). The few studies that researched Muslims‘ media use were conducted mostly in developed Western countries such as United States (e.g., Clark, 2004), United Kingdom (e.g., Croucher, Oommen, Borton, Anarbaeva & Turner, 2010), and France (e.g., Croucher, Oommen & Steele, 2009) rather than in developing Asian countries such as Indonesia. Within the world of Islam itself, there are differences in practices. Muslims worldwide strive to live their lives according to the Qur‟an and Hadith, but the social structures and evolution of Islamic practice differ from country to country. In Indonesia, even though Muslims are in the majority, religious practices are far from homogeneous. Moreover, Islam‘s development in Indonesia cannot be separated from global trends or from Islam‘s ongoing acculturation process over the country‘s local cultures. Indonesia‘s brand of Islam is therefore distinct from what is practiced in others countries, such as those in the Arab world (Wanandi, 2002). Therefore, scholars should keep in mind the unique traits of Indonesia‘s Islamic practice when exploring the religion‘s influence on Indonesian parents‘ mediation of children‘s media use. Such studies are important and significant within the context of technology and the information age because of the continued fervor of radical and sectarian tendencies. In the last decade, Muslim leaders and groups have tended to revitalize 25 Islam in terms of strengthening the people‘s beliefs and identity by intensifying Islamic group gathering, propaganda, and social activities (Fealy & White, 2008; Hefner, 2000). Muslim leaders and groups have also been aggressively developing and promoting Islamic media mainly to counter the Western media‘s domination and bias toward Islam and to maintain their beliefs (Beaudoin, 1998; Stout, 2001). However, the influence of these movements on Muslim families in Indonesia has not been systematically explored. This present study is an attempt to understand the influence of religious beliefs on parental mediation in Indonesian Muslims families in the context of radical movements. 2.7. Research Questions The literature review mentioned above shows that there is a gap in the studies on parental mediation, especially in studying mothers who, because of social and cultural circumstances, tended to be left out of the family‘s ICT decision-making process; their roles being limited instead to supervising their children and mediating their children‘s media usage. The limited systematic studies, especially in the Indonesian context, in exploring household factors, children‘s attributes, peer groups and religious beliefs as influential factors in determining the mothers‘ mediation styles and practices, drive this present study to attempt to answer these following research questions: RQ1: How do Muslim mothers in Indonesia perceive television and the Internet? 26 RQ2: What style do they employ to mediate the uses and effects of television and the Internet for their children, and do these styles of mediation differ for television and the Internet, and if so, how? RQ3: How, and to what extent, is their parental mediation style influenced by demographic characteristics, household factors, and their children‘s peer group intervention? RQ4: How do their religious beliefs influence these mediation strategies? 27 CHAPTER 3 Research Methodology This chapter sets out the methodology used in this thesis. The first section discusses ethnographic interviews and why this method was chosen for this study. The second section prescribes the seven stages of an ethnographic interview and the procedure used in this study. The third section explains the criteria used to select respondents and the recruitment process. The fourth section looks at the profiles of the respondents. The fifth section describes the interview venue. The sixth section explains how data were collected. The final section explains the process used to analyze the ethnographic data. 3.1. Ethnographic Interviews Defined and Reasons for Choosing This Method ―Ethnographic interview is one strategy for getting people to talk about what they know‖ (Spradley, 1979, p. 9). Unlike other methods, the ethnographic interview starts off with a friendly conversation, and ethnographic questions are slowly introduced to help interviewees recall and offer a response. This enables the researcher to use respondents‘ words as the basis for making cultural references. In ethnographic interviews, language becomes the primary medium by which to obtain individuals‘ descriptions and perspectives on their way of life. However, language is not merely a medium to communicate an individual‘s reality of life experience, but also becomes an instrument by which people construct their reality, based on their life experience (Spradley, 1979). 28 This study used ethnographic interviews for several reasons: Firstly, I wanted to seek respondents‘ individual perspectives and experiences so as to explore and understand parental mediation practices among Muslim mothers. Using ethnographic interviews allowed me to focus on respondents‘ statements reflecting their ―native‖ point of view as to their practices. Secondly, I needed deep and comprehensive data with clear explanations and examples, instead of short and simple data, to better explore and understand the factors influencing parental mediation practices. This method enabled me to do in-depth interviews and observe at the same time. Thus, I could observe, verify, and learn more about the social and cultural background of the respondents and their family, their media habits, their parental mediation practices, and their religious beliefs and the implications of their beliefs on their perception of media and strategy of mediation. The friendly conversations also enabled me to interact with respondents more than once through informal means, such as by telephone, which made it easier to clarify and reconfirm data. Moreover, I was invited into their homes where I could observe where the media was positioned and could identify and draw conclusions about the relevance and importance of a particular media to the family. The data gleaned from this interview-and-observation method deeply enriched research findings. Thirdly, ethnographic interviews require that the interview be held in as natural a setting as possible, such as in the home, to reduce situational factors that could distract the interviewer or interviewee and affect the quality of interviewee responses to questions (Chin, 1994). 29 3.2. Seven Stages in the Ethnographic Interview This study covers the seven stages set out by Kvale and Brinkmann (2009): (1) thematizing; (2) designing; (3) conducting the interview; (4) transcribing interviews; (5) analyzing; (6) constructing validity and reliability; and (7) reporting. These stages are similar to procedures used in other research methods, with the primary difference being the interview process and how data were analyzed. Ethnographic interviews require the researcher to establish trust and good relationships with the respondents so that friendly conversations can be maintained. The interview should flow naturally, with research questions inconspicuously inserted into the conversation, without disturbing the flow of the conversation. Often, the interviews or conversations with individual participants have to be conducted several times so that a relationship can be formed with them so that they can be more comfortable in proffering information and insights. During data analysis, the respondents‘ statements then become the primary data. The researcher also has to identify the statements, structure the meaning and connect the meaning to cultural contexts. Table 1 (below) sets out each of the seven stages and explains the process in this study. 30 Table 1 Seven Stages in the Ethnographic Interview Stage Definition 1. Thematizing Construct a theme of investigation encompassing the proposed research and subject matter. Plan the procedure and technique to be used in the study. 2. Designing the interview 3. Conducting the interview Process to (re)produce the knowledge which the interviewer has learned from interviewees and to understand the world from their point of view. This includes documentation, such as audio recording, note taking, and recall. 4. Transcribing Process to transform oral communication to written text. Process to code, categorize, condense, and interpret data (Spradley, 1979). It is also a process to understand data and obtain meaning from stated explanations as well as hidden meanings in the transcripts (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2009). Evaluate the truth, correctness, and strength of statements; reliability refers to the consistency and truth worthiness of research findings. Write a report which includes introduction, method, result (analysis and verification), and discussion (implication and relevance of findings). 5. Analyzing the interview 6. Constructing validity and reliability 7. Reporting Activities (1) State the research problems and purposes. (2) Formulate research questions. (3) Construct an interview guide (―a script‖). (4) Plan interviews: determine criteria for selection and number of respondents ; formulate recruitment process; select interview location(s); establish interview time and documentation. (5) Interview stages: (a) brief respondents , explain the study and its purpose; (b) debrief respondents and obtain additional information about the theme and process of investigation. (6) Use a script with detailed topics as a guide to interview. (7) Audio record, or take verbatim notes (if respondents object to audio recording); photograph, or sketch (if respondents object to photograph). (8) Transcribe audio recording to verbatim transcript (―literary style of transformation conversation‖) as soon as interview completed. (9) Code and categorize data (identifying statement) by attaching one or more keywords. (10) Condense data by compressing long statements into a few words which covers the main sense of interviewees‘ statement). (11) Interpret the data including ―a critical thinking‖ beyond a structuring of the manifest meanings; and connecting the meaning to the cultural context and theoretical framework. (12) Check the data and control undistorted data based on audio recording and notes. (13) Represent the process of study, findings, and conclusion. 31 3.3. Criteria for Respondents and the Recruitment Process This study involved 70 respondents over three months (April to June, 2011). The short timeframe was a concern, as this study involved a fairly large number of respondents. Ideally, an ethnographic study should involve many observations in many different situations over a long period of time to find a consistency of meaning (Spradely, 1979). However, the ideal situation was not possible in this study. I was keen to obtain information from as many respondents as possible to show that this was a consistent issue and to find a pattern of meaning that truly represented respondents‘ real world experiences. In this study, the primary criteria for respondent selection included: firstly, Muslim mothers with Yogyakarta residents‘ identity card. This identity card was important to separate their status from migrants. Secondly, these mothers had to have at least one child between the ages of eight and ten. This age category was an important development stage for children, as they set out to develop peer relationships and establish themselves in the best position within their peer group (Suess et al., 1998). Moreover, this was the age at which Indonesian children start to use the Internet, first introduced to them in school as part of their education. Thirdly, the mothers must have television and Internet access at home. In Indonesia, access to television is by subscription or non-subscription, but Internet access at home can be by dial-up, broadband, Wi-Fi, satellite, or mobile phones. Fourthly, the mothers must allow their children to watch television and use the Internet. Respondents were recruited through personal contact and by snowball technique. My status as a Yogyakarta resident made it relatively easy to recruit respondents. I also approached Aisyiyah members, school principals and school 32 committees for assistance in recruiting participants, and was able to recruit several in this manner. I hired 10 second- and third-year undergraduate students from Gadjah Mada University and trained them intensively as research assistants to help with the recruitment and interview process. Within a month, 70 respondents were recruited. As part of the recruitment process, the research assistants and I emailed or telephoned selected individuals to let them know about the research and objectives of study. We then mailed a package comprising a letter of invitation and a consent letter stating their agreement or non-agreement to participate in the research. During this time, several chose to withdraw for personal reasons, and other individuals were found to replace those who withdrew. 3.4. Profiles of Respondents In this study, 66 of our respondents stated that they are followers of Muhammadiyah; 20 are active at the executive level of this organization, especially Aisyiyah; 44 regularly attend Qur‟an study groups and Islamic group gatherings such as preaching sessions at least once a month; only five respondents said that they were not involved in any religious activities because they were too busy with their daily activities, and one respondent expressed a complete lack of interest in religious organization activity. Most of the respondents said they were involved in social organizations such as family welfare education (PKK), board of citizens association (RW), neighborhood association (RT), parents school committee, and other village (kampung) organizations and activities. Nineteen respondents said they were not members of any social organizations. The table below presents the broad profile of the respondents. 33 Table 2 Profiles of Respondents No. Attributes of Respondents 1. Education: a. Graduated from university (Diploma/ Non-degree) b. Graduated from university (BA) c. Graduates from university (MA) d. Finished high school e. Finished primary and secondary school f. Others (no information) Occupation: a. Full-time employment b. Self-employed (home based-businesses) c. Homemaker d. Others (no information) Number of children: a. One children b. Two children c. Three children d. More than three (4 and 5 children) Age: a. 25-30 years old b. 31-36 years old c. 37-42 years old d. 43-48 years old e. above 48 years old (50 years old) f. Others (no information) Internet access at home: a. ≤ 1 year b. 1-[...]... mediation of media use Cognizant of the gap in the literature, this study endeavors to provide an explanation of how mothers perceived both television and the Internet, and how their perceptions influence their parental mediation practices and their choice of mediation styles 15 2.3 Parental Mediation of Their Children’s Media Use Studies on parental mediation of their children‘s media use have been driven... Indonesia‘s evolving media landscape; 3 (2) Islamic perceptions of television and the Internet; and (3) the Muslim woman‘s position within Indonesian society and their parental mediation strategies By explaining these topics, I attempt to provide a comprehensive background to this study 1.1 Indonesia’s Evolving Media Landscape The fall of President Suharto in 1998 marked the beginning of a new era in Indonesia... context rather than Eastern and developing countries such as the Indonesian context The following paragraphs present the findings from previous studies and the debate on parental mediation; however, the definition of parental mediation needs to be clarified to prevent misunderstanding The term parental mediation has been defined in various ways Some scholars defined parental mediation as a process, translating... studies about parents‘ perceptions toward media did not seek to investigate the influence of mothers perceptions of media on parental mediation styles A study conducted by Abanto (2004) investigated children‘s and parents‘ perceptions of television programs and the practices of parental mediation Study by Nathanson (2001) explored parents‘ reasons in mediating violent television programs and the children‘s... play their roles in mediating their children‘s media use 2.2 Mothers Perceptions of Media and Its Influence on Parental Mediation Practices Scholars have shown that mothers (parents‘) perceptions of the media tend to influence their style of mediation (Abanto, 2004; Alters & Clarks, 2004; Bybee, Robinson & Turow, 1982; Dens, Pelsmacker, & Eagle, 2007; Nathanson, 2001; Nathanson, Eveland, Park & Paul,... Nathanson, 1998) This study adopts the view that parental mediation is a complex activity involving the parent-child interaction 16 that includes discussing and sharing of ideas, establishing rules with regard to specific viewing times and duration, content selection, and any restrictions on media access Parental mediation of children‘s media use is far from homogeneous, and several studies have attempted... that media and technology impact their lives, in a positive, as well as negative, way (Sarwono, Hendriyani & Guntarto, 2011; Nur, 2011) Many parents becoming increasingly concerned about the negative effects and seek to impose parental mediation to control their children‘s use of the media (Nur, 2011; Media Indonesia, 2009; Kompas, 2009) In Indonesia, the growing use (and abuse) of media, especially... who had participated in a training on media literacy conducted by the Institute in three provinces in Indonesia (D.I Yogyakarta, Central Java and East Java) (personal communication in interview with Nur, September 30, 2011) Furthermore, Mutaqqin (2010) used multi -study data from Indonesia‘s Central Planning Agency (1996) The agency had explored secondary data, such as a datum survey from Indonesian Central... characteristics and household factors also determine parental styles of mediation, they defined these as ―intervening variables‖ and mothers perceptions of the media as ―an independent variable‖ (e.g., Abanto, 2004) Scholars perceived that mothers perceptions toward the media were the most important predictor of parental mediation style (e.g., Abanto, 2004; Dens, Pelsmacker & Eagle, 2007) 12 Mothers perceptions. .. expectations that Indonesian women serve as the key managers of the household and the primary nurturers of children, making the women the logical targets of media 7 literacy campaigns in Indonesia (e.g., Fadhal, Zarkasi & Agustin, 2011; Guntarto, 2011; Nur, 2011) 1.3 Muslim Women’s Position in Indonesian Society and Their Role on Parental Mediation To better comprehend the burdens placed on Indonesian Muslim ...ii PARENTAL PERCEPTIONS OF MEDIA AND PARENTAL MEDIATION OF MEDIA USE: A STUDY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIM MOTHERS IN MEDIATING THEIR CHILDREN’S TELEVISION AND INTERNET USE RAHAYU B .A (Hons) and M.Si... perceptions influence their parental mediation practices and their choice of mediation styles 15 2.3 Parental Mediation of Their Children’s Media Use Studies on parental mediation of their children‘s media. .. evolving media landscape; (2) Islamic perceptions of television and the Internet; and (3) the Muslim woman‘s position within Indonesian society and their parental mediation strategies By explaining