Lived experience in a neighbourhood wet market culture and social memories of a disappearing space 3

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He became Ping‟s assistant or apprentice then, and is currently the co-owner of the stall that he and Ping share in Bedok Market. Lim credits Ping for teaching him „how to see and sell fish‟, and „how to talk‟; he calls Ping his teacher. Today, Lim is one of the most cheerful, skilful, and persuasive fishmongers in Bedok Market, and is excellent when it comes to running his business. Lim is truly blessed with the gift of the gab or „the ability to talk‟. Lim and Ping sell a range of saltwater fish, and occasionally, a few freshwater fish. Lim lives in Joo Chiat, and has a 23 year old daughter who majored in Psychology at the National University of Singapore. She is intending to quit her job and pursue a Masters degree in Psychology in the United Kingdom. She has no intention of taking over Lim‟s stall. Neither does Lim want to hand his stall to her. My foray into Bedok Market began with Lim – see Chapter 2 – and till today, Lim remains on good terms with my mother and I. Hui and Tan (Key informants) Hui used to live in Pasir Ris. Back then, she helped her boss sell fish in Tampines Market during the weekend. After she moved to Bedok, she started shopping in Bedok Market – that was when she befriended Lim and Ping, Liao, Lee, and a friend of her ex-boss. This friend asked her to help him sell fish during the weekend. She agreed. Within a short span of time, Hui realized that his business was extremely poor. The friend of her ex-boss was selling only one fish a day. (Hui says that you earn over S$10 for one fish, but your expenses are over S$30 for an entire day.) He only sold one kind of fish – snakehead. He did not „know how to talk‟, did not establish good relationships with fellow hawkers, and did not keep close watch of his stall; he was always absent when his customers were looking for him. Within a few months, he asked Hui to take over his business. Hui did, and she hired her newly divorced friend as her assistant (see Chapter 3). Her friend eventually quit, and Hui hired Tan, who remains her assistant until today. 155 Hui sells a range of imported fish – Atlantic, Norwegian salmon, snakehead, silverfish, and codfish. She has the skills to keep her business going – „the ability to talk‟ and the ability to network. Presently, her business is thriving. Hui has three adult children who are aged between 24 and 29. All work in the private sector, and do not intend to take over her business. Tan has a 30 year old daughter who is pursuing a degree in a private university. She has no wish to take over the business either. Hui and Tan take special care of me in Bedok Market, and I assisted them at their stall in February 2013. Lee (Key informant) Lee started selling fish with his parents when he was nine years old, and continued to do until he was about 13 or 14. Back then, the family sold in the old Joo Chiat Market. Lee entered secondary school and finished it. He served as a cook while doing National Service. After serving National Service, Lee was offered a cook position in the airport, but he did not take it up. Instead, he returned to Joo Chiat Market to help his parents with their business. Lee says that fishmongering is a family business that began with his grandfather in China. Having sold (mostly seawater and some freshwater) fish all his life and in a 1960s marketplace, Lee is rich in his hawking experiences. He talks to me endlessly about the 1960s and contemporary marketplaces, and tells me bits and pieces of his life story. Lee is an excellent storyteller. He is also extremely caring, and is a fatherly figure to me; he looks out for me in Bedok Market. As of 2012, Lee is 68, and has four adult children who are now working. None intend to take over his business. Liao (Key informant) Liao comes across as a somewhat grumpy man who does not talk much. What I know of him is gathered from my observations at his stall, and the conversations about him that I have with Hui and Lee. Liao has been selling fish all his life. He has been hawking in Bedok Market for over 10 years, and his friendship with Hui and Lim extends that far back too. Liao does not drive, so his stock is delivered to it. Such stock tends to be assorted and of low quality. That is why he also gets stock from Lim; Lim and Liao are long-term business partners. Lim drives to Jurong Port Fishery everyday, and personally selects fish for the two of them. Unlike his fellow fishmongers, shopping at Liao‟s is akin to a bargain hunt – refer to Chapter 4 for my argument. Liang Liang sells the same fish as Hui – snakehead and silverfish – and is Hui‟s competitor. Liang and Hui are not friends, and hardly come into direct contact with each other. Liang‟s stall is next to Poon‟s, and Poon is Hui‟s close friend. Poon is able to see what is happening at Liang‟s stall, and often reports these occurrences to Hui. This is how Hui gets information about Liang, a competitor and someone who is she alienated from, and also how Hui forms her opinions of Liang. See Chapter 3. A.2. The vegetable sellers Hakim and Nina (Key informants) Hakim‟s business started with his grandfather in 1940, in Malacca. It was a mixed business that was housed in a provision shop, and the family sold sweets, rice, sugar, 156 and vegetables. In 1959, when Hakim‟s father was about 30, he moved to Singapore and opened a provision ship in Kallang Bahru. Hakim‟s father passed away in 1974, and the family maintained this business. In 1977, Hakim‟s brother took over the shop, and Hakim moved to Geylang Serai Market in 1980. In 1984, Hakim moved to Bedok Market and has been selling vegetables here ever since. Hakim sells mostly vegetables that are suitable for Malay dishes, and he has many Malay customers. He has some relatives who live and farm in Malaysia. He gets some stock from them, on top of what he gets at Ubi wholesale market. His wife, Nina, and he have four adult children and three grandchildren. None of them intend to take over their parents‟ business. Ting Ting‟s stall is located next to Hakim‟s and Nina‟s stall. I did not observe at Ting‟s stall often; he is not one of my key informants. What I know about Ting is gathered from two customer-interviewees, and passing observations of his stall. These customer-interviewees complain that Ting and his assistant are rather aggressive when they sell vegetables; they are pushy and tend to force their customers to buy certain foods against their will. I have also witnessed an incident in which Ting quarreled with a lady and her maid, because Ting sold the maid some vegetables against her will. See Chapter 4. As of 2012, Ting is in his late 60s. He has been selling vegetables since he was 12, and specializes in vegetables that are suitable for Chinese dishes. He hopes to retire soon and travel the world with his two adult children, neither of whom wishes to take over Ting‟s business. A.3. The chicken sellers Mei, Wei, Lian, Deng, and Betty Mei started selling chicken with her in-laws, when the family was living in a kampong. She met her husband, Huang, in that kampong. Before her marriage, Huang was selling chicken with his father. After Mei‟s marriage and her father-in-law‟s death, she sold chicken with Huang in the old Tai Seng Market. Tai Seng Market was eventually demolished, and they moved to Bedok Market. Mei‟s sister-in-law, Lian, helped out too. Ever since Huang died of a sudden heart attack, Lian and Betty – Mei‟s daughter – have been taking turns to help Mei at the stall every weekend. Mei used to have an assistant, Wei, who sold with her for two years during the weekdays. Wei quit in November 2012, and Deng – Mei‟s sister – helps Mei occasionally during the weekdays. As of 2012, Mei is 54. Her daughter, Betty, is 30, and is a childcare teacher. Mei‟s son is 27, and he has a diploma in computer engineering. Both children do not wish to take over Mei‟s stall. Aziz In the 1960s, Aziz‟s father was a hawker who sold beef in Marine Parade Market. When Aziz was in primary school, he helped out at his father‟s stall during the weekend. When his father was old, he expected one of his 10 children to take over the business. Aziz did, in 1984 or 1985. After a few years, he stopped hawking and took 157 on an administrative job. His brother took over this business. Aziz did administrative work for 12 years before hawking again. He helped out at a friend‟s chicken stall in Geylang Serai Market for two years. Then, he wanted to sell chicken on his own, and rented a stall in Bedok Market. As of 2012, Aziz is 54 years old. He has three adult sons, and all of them have university degrees. He does not wish to hand his stall to any of them; he wants them to continue with their careers in the civil service. Aziz does not wish to continue selling chicken in the long run either; he is tired of hawking and hopes to retire soon. If he retires from hawking, Aziz says that he will still have to find another job in order to pay his housing mortgage and bills. See Chapter 3. Poon I did not observe at Poon‟s stall at all; she is not one of my key informants. What I know about Poon is gathered from the conversations that I have with Hui about her. Hui and Poon are close friends. Poon‟s stall is situated next Liang‟s stall. Liang is Hui‟s competitor. Poon observes what happens at Liang‟s, and fills Hui in on these happenings; Poon transmits information about her neighbour to Hui. See Chapter 3. A.4. The pork seller Chew I did not observe at Chew‟s stall frequently; he is not one of my key informants. He is good friends with Lim and Ting. Lim, Chew, and Ting call themselves „The three brothers‟, and they often joke or fool around with one another – see Chapter 4. A.5. A hawker in the adjacent hawker centre Goh Goh used to sell claypot rice in the hawker centre next to Bedok Market. Goh used to be friends with Hui, and Hui used to supply him with snakehead. They eventually fell out, and called off their business partnership – see Chapter 3. Goh shut down his business in December 2012. B. About the customers Charlotte As of 2012, Charlotte is 59 years old. She is a Chinese lady who has been shopping in the wet market since adolescence. She is a chemist. Charlotte is Malaysian, and used to shop in marketplaces in Malaysia with her mother and elder sister. She moved to Singapore in her early 20s, and has resided in Bedok since then. Charlotte has been going to Bedok Market for two years. She has also been visiting the other three marketplaces in Bedok. She patronizes Bedok South Market, has been going to Bedok North Market for over 10 years, and Chai Chee Market for over 25 years. Charlotte seldom goes to the supermarket to buy fresh foods. She only buys dried foods from FairPrice and Sheng Siong. 158 Sally Sally is a 58 year old Indian lady who has many years of shopping experience in the wet and supermarket. She is a housewife, and an extremely busy grandmother. Sally has been going to Bedok Market for five years, and also frequents Chai Chee Market. Because her daughter lives in Pasir Ris, Sally also visits Elias 1 Station Market, the only air-conditioned wet market in Singapore – see Chapter 5. She buys fresh foods for her daughter there. Sally buys prawns at Sheng Siong, and goes to FairPrice for dried foods. Jessica Jessica is a 63 year old Chinese lady. She is a retired clerk who busies herself with housework and her grandchildren. She has been visiting Bedok Market for at least 30 years. She hops to Bedok South Market and Chai Chee Market too, and patronizes Chinatown Market occasionally. Jessica does not really go to the supermarket; she gets most of her foods from the wet market. Madeline Madeline is a 65 year old Chinese lady. Having retired from an administrative job, she is now a housewife and caregiver to her husband. She has been going to the wet market since adolescence. She has been visiting Bedok Market for at least 10 years, and Bedok North Market for at least 30 years. She also patronizes Chai Chee Market. Madeline does not go to the supermarket often; she prefers to get her foods from the wet market. Samantha Samantha is a 37 year old Chinese lady. She is a housewife and mother of two primary school children. After two bad experiences with two fishmongers in Bedok North Market, and chidings from her mother and mother-in-law, Samantha did not return to the wet market. Up to today, Samantha‟s mother-in-law buys meat from Chinatown Market, Red Hill Market, and Middle Road Market for her. Samantha goes to FairPrice and Shop N Save (now known as Giant supermarket) in Bedok to buy fruits and vegetables. She used to follow her mother to the wet market when she was a child, but never liked the experience. See Chapter 4. C. About the heritage bloggers Peter As of 2012, Peter is a 48 year old Chinese man. He is an engineer. In his blog, Peter says that he wandered around Penang for a few months in 2008, and this caused him to notice how wonderful the Singapore of his childhood was, and how much of Singapore‟s heritage has disappeared today. This encouraged him to start blogging. He uses photography and his blog as a means to capture the ever changing landscape of Singapore. In his blog, Peter reveals that he also strives to document history and heritage as someone who has lived through events, and interacted with peoples and places. He seeks to write a history that transcends history books. Peter believes that Singaporeans lack a consciousness of our identity and origins, a consequence of the post-independence period in which the country had abandoned her identity while she was modernizing. Peter would like to see conserved buildings and 159 monuments put to use or converted in a manner such that the essence and functions of the buildings are not lost – this is one of the ways he defines (the preservation of) „heritage‟. Daniel Daniel started blogging in 2010, after being moved by Royston Tan‟s (2010) film, Old places. In his blog, he says that he seeks to relive memories of Singapore, and raise awareness about our disappearing heritage and landmarks, as Singapore continues to develop quickly. Daniel photographs memorable places in Singapore, and blogs about the histories of these spaces. He thinks that it is paramount to preserve Singapore‟s heritage, culture, and identity because these give Singapore her soul. This need is especially pressing today, a time in which much of Singapore‟s heritage is disappearing. Kenneth Kenneth is a 64 year old Chinese man. He is a contract staff at the Housing Development Board. Kenneth has been blogging since 2005. He calls his blog and other heritage bloggers‟ blogs „nostalgia blogs‟, where he reckons that „nostalgia‟ refers to things and memories of the past. Kenneth says that he blogs because he is nostalgic, and wants to remember the past. He thinks that he may not be able to remember many things as he ages. His children say that they do not know much of his past, so Kenneth blogs so that they can read about his memories. Kenneth also blogs so that his contemporaries can share their memories with him, and him with them. Many heritage bloggers have web links to one another‟s blogs, and some meet up regularly face-to-face. Hence, heritage bloggers form a virtual community, and share their memories among themselves and their readers. Brandon Brandon is a 60 year old Chinese man, who is in the computer software industry. Brandon was born in Chinatown. He also grew up and got married there. He has a passion for heritage, events, and happenings in Chinatown, having grown up there and seen the space change over the decades. He blogs about different aspects of Chinatown – including Chinatown wet market – to reach out to different peoples. He has two Facebook pages that document the different fruits and vegetables in local and overseas wet markets. Brandon is also immensely interested in Chinese heritage – Chinese temples, mediums, rituals, traditions, cemeteries, and graves. He has conducted tours for anthropologists from the United States and United Kingdom, who are interested in Chinese culture and heritage in Singapore. Stephanie Stephanie blogs to order to unearth stories and memories of old Singapore, as a way of travelling back in time. Blogging is a kind of reflection and rediscovery. It is also means through which Stephanie can collect the memories of ordinary people – like herself – who have lived through history, and who desire to keep these memories alive. 160 D. About the teacher Jacqueline Jacqueline is an experienced primary school teacher, having taught in a primary school for the past five years. She is in charge of the photography club in her school. She led a group of eight Primary Six students from her photography club on a Learning Journey to a neighbourhood wet market. 161 Appendix 2. Map of Bedok Market 162 Appendix 3. Interview schedule for the hawkers Part One: Introduction and demographic information Introduction 1. Personal information and research topic: Study the strategies that the hawkers use in „doing business‟ (how hawkers „do business‟), and their memories of the wet market as a disappearing space. 2. Cover ethical issues of privacy, confidentiality and anonymity: All information that you share with me will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You are not required to answer any question that you are uncomfortable with answering. 3. Request that an audio recording of the interview be made. Informant‟s demographic information 1. Age 2. Gender 3. Ethnicity 4. Occupation, in terms of the type of food he/she sells (i.e. fish, vegetables, chicken or pork) Previous occupation(s) 5. Number of years that informant has been hawking in this market Number of years that informant has been hawking in other markets (if applicable) Part Two: Building a hawking biography; the Warm up or „Grand Tour‟ 1. Tell me how you became a hawker (who sells fish, vegetables, chicken or pork). Note: Story of how the informant entered his/her trade: age that he/she started hawking; place or market he/she hawked at previously (if applicable); why he/she started hawking; his/her previous occupation before becoming a hawker etc. 2. Why are you still selling in the wet market today? Note: Reasons why the informant is still in his/her trade today. 3. Why did you decide to sell fish/vegetables/chicken/pork? Note: Reasons why the informant chose to sell the type of food that he/she is selling. Part Three: Ways of „doing business‟ 1. What are the most important principles/matters/things to take note of when „doing business‟? Why are these principles/matters/things important? Can you give me examples of how they play out/happen in the market? Note: General question about what philosophies/principles and matters/things are important to the informant when he/she is „doing business‟. May move into Part Four: Tricks of the trade, but just follow the flow of the interview. 163 2. I notice that hawkers who sell the same foods buy and sell stock to one another. Why is this so? I also notice that buying and selling stock occurs more frequently with certain hawkers (i.e. more permanent alliances) and less frequently with others (i.e. less permanent alliances). Can you give me examples of who you buy and sell more frequently with, and less frequently with? Note: Pattern of more and less permanent alliances in the market, and why alliances are formed. 3. How do you choose who to buy and sell to (especially on a more frequent basis)? Note: Ways that hawkers form their (more permanent) alliances. 4. I notice that prices are important to both hawkers and customers in the wet market. Why is that so? 5. How are prices decided? (Can you give me examples of how prices are decided at your stall, using specific foods?) Why are prices decided in these ways? Note: Ask why prices are given according to round units of measurement (e.g. 500g, 1kg, 1.5kg etc). Also, reasons why prices are important, how they are decided and why. 6. Is there competition between hawkers who sell the same food? Why/why not? How do you deal with the competition; examples of how you deal with it? Why do you deal the competition in these ways? Note: See if there is competition between hawkers who sell the same food, how hawkers deal with it and the reasons behind these strategies. 7. Is there competition between hawkers who sell different foods (e.g. pork VS chicken)? Why/why not? How do you deal with the competition; examples of how you deal with it? Why do you deal the competition in these ways? Note: See if there is competition between hawkers who sell different foods, how hawkers deal with it and the reasons behind these strategies. Part Four: Tricks of the trade a) Embodied food knowledge 1. I notice that you examine your stock (e.g. cut, clean, throw away etc) when you set up your stall. Why? Do you select your stock at a wholesale market or have it delivered to you? Why? Note: Knowledge of the food that pertains to setting up the backstage of selling food (e.g. setting up the stall, getting the food from the supplier etc) 164 2. I notice that you have a vast knowledge of your food (i.e. fish, vegetables, chicken or pork)? What does this knowledge include/consist of (e.g. recipes, how different ethnicities like to cook their food etc)? Why is this knowledge important? 3. I notice that you have a vast knowledge of how your food is sold in the supermarket and other markets. Can you give me examples of this knowledge? Why is it important to have this knowledge? 4. How did you learn/gain the knowledge of your food and how it is sold in other places? Note: What does it mean to have knowledge of the food that the informant sells? Why is this knowledge important? 5. Do you have some knowledge on foods other than what you sell? Can you give me examples of this knowledge? How did you learn/gain the knowledge of other foods, and why may this knowledge be important? Note: What does it mean to have knowledge of other foods? Why is this knowledge important? b) Selling strategies 1. Tell me what is important when selling to customers; what are the important matters/things to take note of when selling to customers? Can you give me examples of how these matters/things play out/happen in an interaction with a customer? Why are these matters/things important? Note: General question on what is important to the informant when selling to customers, examples and reasons. 2. Some hawkers tell me that the „ability to talk‟ is important in selling to customers. What does this mean? Can you give me examples of being „able to talk‟? Why is the „ability to talk‟ important? 3. Some hawkers tell me that they can tell what kinds of people their customers are; they can read their customers well. Can you? How would you group/differentiate the kinds of customers you have; can you give me examples of how you group/differentiate your customers? 4. Why is it important to know how to group/differentiate your customers? Note: Informant‟s typology of customers, and the important of the typology. Can ask if he/she knows how to tell the class (how rich or poor the customer is), ethnicity, nationality, occupation (housewife, maid, Madam, stallholder etc) of a customer. 5. How do you deal with customers who bargain with you? Give me examples of how you deal with them? Why do you deal with them in these ways? 165 Note: Ask about both price and quantity bargaining (e.g. adding more food and not charging the customer for it). When does the informant engage in each, and why? 6. How did you learn/acquire the above forms of knowledge (e.g. ability to talk, group/differentiate customers, deal with bargaining customers etc)? Part Five: Friendships in the wet market 1. I notice that some of your customers are also your friends; you have made friends with some of your customers. Tell me about some of these customers: who are they, and what are they like? How did you come to know them? 2. What do you talk about with these friends/customers; give me examples of your conversations? Why do you talk about these things? 3. Do you think that your friendships with the customers are important? Why/why not? Part Six: Social memories of the wet market as a disappearing space 1. Some hawkers and people think that the wet market is slowly disappearing/dying out. What do you think of this claim (agree, disagree etc)? 2. Why do you think that the wet market is (not) disappearing? How do you feel about its disappearance/continuity? Note: Possible reasons that the wet market is disappearing: hawkers are tired of the physical labour involved in hawking; declining businesses because fewer people (especially the young) come to the market, lack of successors, competition from supermarkets, loss of food knowledge among the young, the renovation/upgrading etc of the wet market etc. Or if the informant says that the wet market is not disappearing, take note of his/her thoughts. 3. What was Bedok wet market like in the past (e.g. the layout of the market, how businesses were conducted, how food was sold: live chickens that customers could pick and get hawkers to slaughter etc)? 4. I was told that Bedok wet market was renovated some years back. What was it like doing business during this renovation period (e.g. having to move the stalls to the car park behind the present market, having to look for other jobs etc)? Do you prefer the Bedok wet market of the past or present? Why? Note: Short history of Bedok wet market, and what the informant thinks of it. Part Seven: Closing 1. Are there any last comments that you would like to add (e.g. on the content and the process of the interview, the interviewer etc)? End of interview schedule for the hawkers 166 Appendix 4.1. Interview schedule for the customers (except Samantha) Part One: Introduction and demographic information Introduction 1. Personal information and research topic: Study the experiences of customers who go to Bedok Market, and their memories of the wet market as a disappearing space. 2. Cover ethical issues of privacy, confidentiality and anonymity: All information that you share with me will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You are not required to answer any question that you are uncomfortable with answering. 3. Request that an audio recording of the interview be made. Informant‟s demographic information 1. Age 2. Gender 3. Ethnicity 4. Occupation 5. Number of years that informant has been going to Bedok wet market Part Two: Reasons for going to Bedok wet market, and hawker-customer relationship 1. How often do you go to Bedok wet market? What do you buy there, and which hawker(s) do you patronize? 2. Why do you go to Bedok wet market? Also, why this number of times a week/month etc? 3. Why do you buy vegetables/fish/chicken/pork etc from Bedok wet market, and why from the hawkers you have mentioned? How did you get to know these hawkers? 4. What is your relationship with these hawkers like? How do you interact with them? (E.g do you place your order or tell them what you want, ask them if they have what you want, come with a shopping list, converse with them etc?) If you talk to the hawkers, what do you talk about? Any examples of conversational topics? 5. Describe the hawkers you patronize: their personality, foods they sell, their family etc. What are your impressions of these hawkers? (Examples of these impressions?) Why do you have such impressions of them? 6. Do you return to these hawkers to buy food? Why/why not? Do you switch hawkers? Why/why not? 7. Are encounters with these hawkers pleasant/unpleasant? Describe a pleasant/unpleasant interaction. Have you witnessed any unpleasant interactions or been in one yourself? 8. Do you bargain with the hawkers? Why/why not? If you bargain with them, how do you go about doing that? 167 9. Do you shop at other places besides Bedok wet market? (E.g. supermarkets and other wet markets.) How often do you shop there? Also, which supermarket(s) do you usually go to (e.g. NTUC, Sheng Siong etc) and why? Part Three: Interactions among customers 1. Do you shop alone at Bedok wet market or with someone else? Why? If you shop with someone else, what do you all do at the wet market? 2. Do you run into friends at Bedok wet market? How do you react to such meetings? (E.g. chat for some time, say hello and rush off etc.) Why do you react in these ways? 3. Do you talk to customers who you do not (really) know in Bedok wet market? (E.g. talk about whether the food is fresh, exchange recipes etc.) What do such conversations revolve around? Why do you all converse about these topics? Part Four: Ideas of knowledge in the wet market 1. Do you know how to „see vegetables/fish/chicken/pork‟ etc? Any examples of how to „see‟ such things? How did you learn to „see vegetables/fish/chicken/pork‟ etc? 2. Do you exchange recipes, learn about vegetables/fish/chicken/pork etc in the wet market, through interactions with the hawkers and customers? Why/why not? Is their knowledge credible or sound? Why/why not? Part Five: The wet market as a disappearing space 1. Some hawkers and people think that the wet market is slowly disappearing/dying out. What do you think? How do you feel about it? 2. Why do you think the wet market is (not) disappearing? 3. What was Bedok wet market like in the past? (E.g. layout, hawkers, how food was sold etc.) Do you prefer the Bedok wet market of the past or present? Why? 4. Have you heard about the Sheng Siong-HDB saga that occurred in 2009? (Sheng Siong took over six wet markets and wanted to convert them into supermarkets. Many Singaporeans were unhappy about this, and a debate arose, over whether these markets should be converted into supermarkets. Ultimately, HDB said that these markets should not be converted into supermarkets.) Also, have you heard of the new air-conditioned wet market in Elias Mall, Pasir Ris? What do you think about the saga and the new air-conditioned wet market? Part Six: Closing 1. Are there any last comments that you would like to add? (E.g. on the content and the process of the interview, the interviewer etc.) End of interview schedule for customers 168 Appendix 4.2. Interview schedule for Samantha, who does not shop in the wet market Part One: Introduction and demographic information Introduction 1. Personal information and research topic: Study the experiences of individuals who choose not to shop at the wet market. 2. Cover ethical issues of privacy, confidentiality and anonymity: All information that you share with me will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You are not required to answer any question that you are uncomfortable with answering. 3. Request that an audio recording of the interview be made. Informant‟s demographic information 1. Age 2. Gender 3. Ethnicity 4. Occupation 5. Number of years that informant has been going to the supermarket: Part Two: Experiences in the supermarket 1. Where do you get your foods, daily necessities or groceries from? Why do you go to these places, and what do you buy there? 2. Tell me about a typical grocery shopping trip to the supermarket. What happens then? 3. Why does your trip take the abovementioned form? 4. Do you interact with the employees or fellow customers when you shop at the supermarket? 5. What are some of the important things to take note of when shopping at the supermarket? For example, the price, freshness etc of the foods? Part Three: Interactions in the supermarket 1. Do you shop alone or with someone? Why? If you shop with someone, what do you all do at the supermarket? 2. Do you run into friends at the supermarket? How do you react to such meetings? (E.g. chat for some time, say hello and rush off etc.) Why do you react in these ways? 3. Do you talk to customers you do not (really) know in the supermarket? (E.g. ask whether foods are fresh, exchange recipes etc.) What do such conversations revolve around, and why? 169 Part Four: Ideas of knowledge in the supermarket 1. Do you know how to „see fish/vegetables/chicken/pork‟ in the supermarket? How did you learn to „see fish/vegetables/chicken/pork‟? Part Five: Comparing experiences in the wet and supermarket 1. What is your impression of the wet market in terms of the environment, hawkers, fellow customers, foods etc? Why do you have these impressions? 2. Do you shop at the wet market? Why (not)? 3. Comparing the wet and supermarket, which do you prefer in terms of the environment, interactions, foods etc? 4. Some people think that the wet market is slowly dying out. Do you have any thoughts about this? 5. Have you heard about the Sheng Siong-HDB saga that happened in 2009? What do you think of this saga? Part Six: Closing 1. Are there any last comments that you would like to add? (E.g. on the content and the process of the interview, the interviewer etc.) End of interview schedule for Samantha 170 Appendix 5.1. Interview schedule for Peter (heritage blogger) Dear Peter, I am Victoria Galvez, a second year Masters student in the National University of Singapore. In my Masters thesis, I am studying the memories of the wet market as a disappearing space and „heritage space‟ from the perspective of history and heritage bloggers. Thank you for consenting to this interview. Your responses to the questions below will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You do not have to address any question that you are uncomfortable with. Questions on the wet market as a disappearing and heritage space 1. In your blog entry, you write about the times, as a four year old boy, that you accompanied your mother to Toa Payoh Lorong 4 wet market. Such experiences include the sight, smell and sound of the activities the hawkers engaged in (how the fishmongers were chopping fish, how chickens were being slaughtered, how fishballs and rempah were being made), the times you had breakfast with your mother, and the activities of the elderly men and Nepali vendors who gathered there. Why have you chosen to remember the wet market in the above ways? 2. What kind of emotions and reflections do your memories of the wet market space, evoke in you? Why do your memories evoke these emotions and reflections? 3. Some people see the wet market as part of Singapore‟s „heartland heritage‟ and as a social space for the community. As a blogger who is deeply interested in history and heritage, what do you think of this stance? 4. Some hawkers, customers and members of the general public think that the wet market is slowly disappearing from the Singapore landscape. As someone who is concerned about places that have disappeared or been reconstructed over time, what do you think about the idea that the wet market may be disappearing? How do you feel about this disappearance (or the lack of it)? 5. Why do you feel the abovementioned ways about the disappearance (or lack of it) of the wet market? 6. Do you know what wet markets in Singapore were like in the past? Please describe them. 7. In 2009, Sheng Siong bought over six wet markets and attempted to convert them into supermarkets. There was a huge public outcry, and Singaporeans were divided on this issue (some did not want the wet markets to be converted into supermarkets, some did, and others were neutral). Ultimately, the Housing Development Board stopped Sheng Siong from converting these wet markets into supermarkets. Have you heard about the abovementioned incident? What are your thoughts about it? 171 8. How does the wet market compare with other disappearing spaces that you have been blogging about: certain segments of Marina Bay and Orchard Road, and Neil Road? 9. Why are interested in blogging about history, heritage and disappearing spaces in Singapore? 10. If there are any last comments or questions you wish to add, please do so here. Thank you for helping me with the above questions and my research. I deeply appreciate it. End of interview schedule for Peter (heritage blogger) 172 Appendix 5.2. Interview schedule for Brandon (heritage blogger) Dear Brandon, I am Victoria Galvez, a second year Masters student in the National University of Singapore. In my Masters thesis, I am studying the memories of the wet market as a disappearing space and „heritage space‟ from the perspective of history and heritage bloggers. Thank you for consenting to this interview. Your responses to the questions below will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You do not have to address any question that you are uncomfortable with. Please try to address the questions in as much detail as possible, because I would like to obtain a deep and full understanding of your experiences of the wet market. If I have some follow up questions after this e-mail interview, I would appreciate it if we could converse face-to-face, at a time and venue that is convenient for you. Otherwise, we can correspond through e-mail. Thank you for your kind help. Questions on the wet market as a disappearing and heritage space 1. I notice that you have a Facebook page titled „Wet markets in Singapore‟. In this page, you post about the types of fresh and dried foods you can find in Chinatown and other wet markets (their names in various languages, photographs, costs, and recipes), and have links to other blogs that have blogged about the wet market. Why have you set up such a page? Also, why have you chosen to remember the wet market in terms of the types of foods you can find in different markets, and blog posts that others have put up? 2. I also notice that you have a Facebook page titled „Fruits and vegetables of the world‟. In this page, you post about the different kinds of fruits and vegetables you can find in various parts of the world (e.g. Mandarin oranges in Taiwan, and pumpkins in China) and in local wet markets. Why have you set up such a page? Also, why have you chosen to remember the wet market in terms of the kinds of fruits and vegetables you can find in other parts of the world and in other wet markets? 3. Some people see the wet market as part of Singapore‟s „heartland heritage‟ and as a social space for the community. As a blogger who is deeply interested in the history and heritage (of Chinatown), what do you think of this stance? 4. Some hawkers, customers and members of the general public think that the wet market is slowly disappearing from the Singapore landscape. As someone who is concerned about places and ways of life (in Chinatown) that have disappeared or been reconstructed over time, what do you think about the idea that the wet market may be disappearing? How do you feel about this disappearance (or the lack of it)? 173 5. Why do you feel the abovementioned ways about the disappearance (or lack of it) of the wet market? 6. Do you know what wet markets in Singapore were like in the past? Please describe them. 7. In 2009, Sheng Siong bought over six wet markets and attempted to convert them into supermarkets. There was a huge public outcry, and Singaporeans were divided on this issue (some did not want the wet markets to be converted into supermarkets, some did, and others were neutral). Ultimately, the Housing Development Board stopped Sheng Siong from converting these wet markets into supermarkets. Have you heard about the abovementioned incident? What are your thoughts about it? 8. How does the wet market compare with other disappearing ways of life in Chinatown, that you have been blogging about: buskers, rickshaw noodles and storytelling sessions that occurred in the market? 9. Why are interested in blogging about history, heritage and disappearing ways of life (in Chinatown)? How do the photographs in your blog capture the matters of history, heritage and disappearance? 10. If there are any last comments or questions you wish to add, please do so here. Thank you for helping me with the above questions and my research. I deeply appreciate it. End of interview schedule for Brandon (heritage blogger) 174 Appendix 5.3. Interview schedule for Kenneth (heritage blogger) Dear Kenneth, I am Victoria Galvez, a second year Masters student in the National University of Singapore. In my Masters thesis, I am studying the memories of the wet market as a disappearing space and „heritage space‟ from the perspective of history and heritage bloggers. Thank you for consenting to this interview. Your responses to the questions below will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You do not have to address any question that you are uncomfortable with. Questions on the wet market as a disappearing and heritage space 1. In your blog entry, you post 1) photographs of the old markets (e.g. Tekka Market, Upper Serangoon Market, Jalan Eunos Market, Boon Lay Market etc); 2) photographs of old roadside or street markets; 3) the licensing process that the hawkers were subject to; and 4) and photographs that contrast the old and new fish/seafood, vegetables and meat stalls. Why have you chosen to remember the wet market in the above ways? Also, what is the role that photography plays in helping you remember the wet market? 2. What kind of emotions and reflections do your memories of the wet market space, evoke in you? Why do your memories evoke these emotions and reflections? 3. Tell me about your experiences in the wet market, like the times you accompanied your mother to the Havelock Road Market or Chinatown roadside markets during Chinese New Year. Did you go to Bukit Ho Swee Market when you were young (since you grew up in Bukit Ho Swee)? Also, did you go to the wet market when you got older? 4. Some people see the wet market as part of Singapore‟s „heartland heritage‟ and as a social space for the community. As a blogger who is deeply interested in history and memories of the things past, what do you think of this stance? 5. Some hawkers, customers and members of the general public think that the wet market is slowly disappearing from the Singapore landscape. As someone who is concerned about places that have disappeared or been reconstructed over time, what do you think about the idea that the wet market may be disappearing? How do you feel about this disappearance (or the lack of it)? 6. Why do you feel the abovementioned ways about the disappearance (or lack of it) of the wet market? 7. In 2009, Sheng Siong bought over six wet markets and attempted to convert them into supermarkets. There was a huge public outcry, and Singaporeans were divided on this issue (some did not want the wet markets to be converted into supermarkets, some 175 did, and others were neutral). Ultimately, the Housing Development Board stopped Sheng Siong from converting these wet markets into supermarkets. Have you heard about the abovementioned incident? What are your thoughts about it? 8. How does the wet market compare with other disappearing spaces that you have been blogging about: void decks? Also, why does your entry about the wet market fall into the category „Ways things were done in the past‟; what goes into this category? 9. Why are interested in blogging about history, and memories of the things past, in Singapore? 10. If there are any last comments or questions you wish to add, please do so here. Thank you for helping me with the above questions and my research. I deeply appreciate it. End of interview schedule for Kenneth (heritage blogger) 176 Appendix 5.4. Interview schedule for Daniel (heritage blogger) Dear Daniel, I am Victoria Galvez, a second year Masters student in the National University of Singapore. In my Masters thesis, I am studying the memories of the wet market as a disappearing space and „heritage space‟ from the perspective of history and heritage bloggers. Thank you for consenting to this interview. Your responses to the questions below will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You do not have to address any question that you are uncomfortable with. Questions on the wet market as a disappearing and heritage space 1. In your blog entry, you write about the history of hawker centres and wet markets: how street hawkers were relocated into hawker centres and the government‟s efforts in accomplishing this; the origins, development and disappearance of both major wet markets (e.g. Tekka Market, Geylang Serai Market) and neighbourhood wet markets (e.g. Siglap Market); and the kinds of foods sold at these hawker centres and wet markets. Why have you chosen to remember, in particular, the wet market in the above ways? 2. What kind of emotions and reflections does this blog entry on the wet market evoke in you? Why does this entry evoke these emotions and reflections? 3. Some people see the wet market as part of Singapore‟s „heartland heritage‟ and as a social space for the community. I understand that you are a blogger who is deeply interested in capturing memorable places and landmarks in Singapore that deserve a second look, and who believes that it is important to preserve our heritage, culture and identity. Thus, what is your take on the idea that wet markets may be part of Singapore‟s heritage, culture and identity? 4. Some hawkers, customers and members of the general public think that the wet market is slowly disappearing from the Singapore landscape. As someone who is concerned about increasing our awareness of our fading heritage and vanishing landmarks in the face of rapid economic development, what do you think about the idea that the wet market may be disappearing? How do you feel about this disappearance (or the lack of it)? 5. Why do you feel the abovementioned ways about the disappearance (or lack of it) of the wet market? 6. In 2009, Sheng Siong bought over six wet markets and attempted to convert them into supermarkets. There was a huge public outcry, and Singaporeans were divided on this issue (some did not want the wet markets to be converted into supermarkets, some 177 did, and others were neutral). Ultimately, the Housing Development Board stopped Sheng Siong from converting these wet markets into supermarkets. Have you heard about the abovementioned incident? What are your thoughts about it? 7. How does the wet market compare with other disappearing spaces that you have been blogging about, under the section of „Yesterday No More‟: Marine Cove McDonalds and Golden Bridge? Also, I am curious as to how you categorize spaces in Singapore: Abandoned, Conserved, Demolished, Forgotten, Natural, and Unique. Why does your entry on the hawker centre and wet market fall into the category „Nostalgia‟? 8. Why are interested in blogging about history, heritage and disappearing spaces in Singapore? 9. If there are any last comments or questions you wish to add, please do so here. Thank you for helping me with the above questions and my research. I deeply appreciate it. End of interview schedule for Daniel (heritage blogger) 178 Appendix 5.5. Interview schedule for Stephanie (heritage blogger) Dear Stephanie, I am Victoria Galvez, a second year Masters student in the National University of Singapore. In my Masters thesis, I am studying the memories of the wet market as a disappearing space and „heritage space‟ from the perspective of history and heritage bloggers. Thank you for consenting to this interview. Your responses to the questions below will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You do not have to address any question that you are uncomfortable with. Questions on the wet market as a disappearing and heritage space 1. In your blog entry, you write about how many Singaporeans, especially the young, shop at the supermarket instead of the wet market, and ponder over the ways that the subsequent generations will do their grocery shopping. Why have you chosen to remember the wet market in the above ways? 2. What kind of emotions and reflections does this blog entry on the wet market evoke in you? Why does this entry evoke these emotions and reflections? 3. Some people see the wet market as part of Singapore‟s „heartland heritage‟ and as a social space for the community. As a website that is deeply interested in history and heritage, what do you think of this stance? 4. Some hawkers, customers and members of the general public think that the wet market is slowly disappearing from the Singapore landscape. As a website that is concerned about amassing memories of the common folk who have lived through certain segments of history, what do you think about the idea that the wet market may be disappearing? How do you feel about this disappearance (or the lack of it)? 5. Why do you feel the abovementioned ways about the disappearance (or lack of it) of the wet market? 6. Do you know what wet markets in Singapore were like in the past? Please describe them. 7. In 2009, Sheng Siong bought over six wet markets and attempted to convert them into supermarkets. There was a huge public outcry, and Singaporeans were divided on this issue (some did not want the wet markets to be converted into supermarkets, some did, and others were neutral). Ultimately, the Housing Development Board stopped Sheng Siong from converting these wet markets into supermarkets. Have you heard about the abovementioned incident? What are your thoughts about it? 8. How does the wet market compare with other disappearing spaces that you have been blogging about: provision shops and void decks? 179 9. Why are interested in blogging about memories, history and heritage, especially when it concerns how the younger generation may wish to discover their unique past? 10. If there are any last comments or questions you wish to add, please do so here. Thank you for helping me with the above questions and my research. I deeply appreciate it. End of interview schedule for Stephanie (heritage blogger) 180 Appendix 6.1. Interview schedule for Evan (NHB staff) Dear Evan, I am Victoria Galvez, a second year Masters student in the National University of Singapore. In my Masters thesis, I am studying the memories of the wet market as a disappearing space and as a „heritage space‟ through the National Heritage Board‟s (NHB) Community Heritage Project on the wet market. Thank you for consenting to this interview. Your responses to the questions below will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You do not have to address any question that you are uncomfortable with. Questions on the NHB’s Wet Market Community Heritage Project 1. I understand that the Project documents a) the history and development of seven wet markets during the pre-colonial and post-war periods; b) the unique characteristics of the wet market; and c) the challenges facing wet markets today. Why has the NHB taken such a focus in this Project? 2. In the Project, primary school students in the neighbourhoods have been involved in conducting interviews with the wet market venders, and in taking photographs of the wet market. Why has the NHB partnered schools to conduct such learning journeys for the primary school students? 3. I understand that the matter of „heritage‟ is important in the Project: the Project seeks to connect past, present and future generations through „communal‟ or „shared heritage‟ and preserve Singapore‟s „heartland heritage‟ for future generations. What does „heritage‟ mean in this context? How does the wet market make up a part of „heartland heritage‟? 4. The Project has been portrayed as one way of telling the „Singapore Story‟. What is this „Singapore Story‟ about? What is the place of the wet market in this Story? 5. In the recent years, it is widely believed that the wet market may be a space that is slowly disappearing from the Singapore landscape. What may be contributing to such a disappearance? Also, how does the NHB respond to the possibility that the wet market may be slowly disappearing? 6. How does the wet market compare with other disappearing spaces that the overall Community Heritage Project has been documenting, such as void decks and provision shops? 7. How have the general public and schools received the Project? How effective has the Project been in achieving its aims? 8. Why has the abovementioned level of effectiveness been achieved? 9. If there are any last comments or questions you wish to add, please do so here. 181 Thank you for helping me with the above questions and my research. I deeply appreciate it. End of interview schedule for Evan (NHB staff) 182 Appendix 6.2. Interview schedule for Jacqueline (teacher who led Learning Journey) Dear Jacqueline, I am Victoria Galvez, a second year Masters student in the National University of Singapore. In my Masters thesis, I am studying the memories of the wet market as a disappearing space and as a „heritage space‟ through the National Heritage Board‟s (NHB) Community Heritage Project on the wet market. I understand that NHB staff partnered your school to facilitate a Learning Journey to a market. I am interested in your thoughts and reflections on this Learning Journey. Thank you for consenting to this interview. Your responses to the questions below will be kept private, confidential and anonymous. You do not have to address any question that you are uncomfortable with. Questions about the Learning Journey 1. Tell me about your school‟s Learning Journey of bringing a group of students to a wet market. What is the background of this Learning Journey? What are its aims and objectives? 2. Why did your school decide to work with NHB staff, and bring students to the wet market as an extension of their Community Heritage Project on wet markets? 3. What did your school‟s Learning Journey involve? (E.g. getting students to conduct interviews with the hawkers, take photographs of the wet market, write reflection pieces after the Learning Journey etc.) 4. Why did your school‟s Learning Journey involve the abovementioned tasks? 5. How did your students find the Learning Journey? Why did they respond in these ways? Did your school achieve the objectives that it set? 6. How did you find the Learning Journey? Any personal thoughts or reflections on it? (E.g. whether the Learning Journey was effective etc.) Why do you hold such responses? 7. Is this Learning Journey part of a wider school curriculum? (E.g. Social Studies, National Education etc.) How does this Learning Journey to the wet market compare with Learning Journeys to other places? 8. If there are any last comments or questions you wish to add, please do so here. Thank you for helping me with the above questions and my research. I deeply appreciate it. End of interview schedule for Jacqueline (teacher who led Journey Learning) 183 Appendix 7. Food glossary A. Pictures of chicken Figure A.1.: Fresh white chicken Chicken sellers in Bedok, such as Mei and Aziz, sell fresh chickens such as the one above. Fresh chicken has a shade of pink. Its skin should not be transparent-looking or grey. Fresh chicken does not have red bruises or blood stains on it. When one presses against the skin of the chicken, the skin should „spring back‟ and not sink. Fresh chicken has no smell. See Chapter 4. Figure A.2.: Fresh kampong chicken Fresh kampong chicken is leaner than white chicken. They also have longer and stronger legs. When kampong chickens are bred, they are not caged but are free to roam around the compounds in which they are placed. They are not injected with substances to fatten them. In this sense, they have less fat and chemicals, and are thought to be a healthier choice than white chicken. Mei sells kampong chicken. 184 Figure A.3.: Fresh black or herbal chicken Black chicken is used to make tonics. Mei sells black chicken, and says that it is good for „nourishing the blood‟. Eating herbal chicken helps women, who have just given birth and are in confinement, to regain their energy and vitality quickly. B. Pictures of fish Fishmongers in Bedok Market sell a range of saltwater fish. They sell freshwater fish, prawns and squids too, but the range of these is smaller. I have compiled the photographs of some of the fish and seafood that are sold in Bedok Market. The gills of fresh fish are bright red. The eyes should be clear and protruding, not cloudy, bloody or sunken. The scales should be silvery, bright, and slightly slippery. The meat of fresh fish is not soft or sunken. If one presses on the area just beneath the gills, and bright red blood oozes out, the fish is fresh. If a watery fluid escapes, the fish is not fresh. Fresh fish should not have a foul smell. Figure B.1.: Five finger threadfin (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping sell) Figure B.2.: Parang, wolf herring or dorab (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, Lee, and Liao sell) 185 Figure B.3.: Red sea bream (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Lee sell) Figure B.4.: Red snapper (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, Lee, and Liao sell) Figure B.5.: Sea bass (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Lee sell) Figure B.6.: Greasy grouper (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Lee sell) Figure B.7.: Golden pomfret (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Lee sell) 186 Figure B.8.: Silver pomfret (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Lee sell) Figure B.9.: White pomfret (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Lee sell) Figure B.10.: Chinese silver pomfret (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Lee sell) Figure B.11.: Black pomfret (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Lee sell) Figure B.12.: Kee fish (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, Lee, and Liao sell) 187 Figure B.13.: Golden trevally (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, Lee, and Liao sell) Figure B.14.: Grey mullet (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping sell) Figure B.15.: Silver belly (saltwater fish that Liao sells) Figure B.16.: Ikan selar (saltwater fish that Liao sells) Figure B.17.: Selar kuning (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Liao sell) 188 Figure B.18.: Ikan kembong (saltwater fish that Liao sells) Figure B.19.: Batang (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, and Lee sell) Figure B.20.: Atlantic, Norwegian salmon (saltwater fish that Hui and Tan sell) Figure B.21.: Codfish (saltwater fish that Hui and Tan, and Liang sell) 189 Figure B.22.: Silverfish (saltwater fish that Lim and Ping, Hui and Tan, and Liang sell) Figure B.23.: Snakehead (saltwater fish that Hui and Tan, and Liang sell) Figure B.24.: Red tilapia (freshwater fish that Liao sells) Figure B.25.: Black tilapia (freshwater fish that Liao sells) 190 Figure B.26.: Squids (sold by Lim and Ping, Lee, and Liao) Figure B.27.: Grey, freshwater prawns (sold by Lim and Ping, Lee, and Liao) Figure B.28.: Seawater prawns (sold by Lim and Ping, Lee, and Liao) Figure B.29.: Stingray (sold by Liao) 191 Figure B.30.: Flower crab (sold by Lim and Ping, and Liao) Figure B.31.: Slipper lobster (sold by Lim and Ping, Lee, and Liao) C. Pictures of vegetables Vegetable sellers in Bedok Market sell a wide range of vegetables. Below are the pictures of some vegetables that Hakim and Nina sell. Figure C.1.: Tapioca roots Figure C.2.: Red onions 192 Figure C.3.: Green papaya Figure C.4.: Chye sim Figure C.5.: Sharp spinach Figure C.6.: Gingerflower Figure C.7.: Turmeric leaves 193 Figure C.8.: Basil leaves Figure C.9.: Bay leaves Figure C.10.: Curry leaves Figure C.11.: Mint leaves Figure C.12.: Arrow root 194 Figure C.13: Yam Figure C.14.: Chive leaves 195 Appendix 8. Scenes in Bedok Market Figure 8.1.: Lim and Ping‟s stall, before the fishmongers start to set it up for the day Figure 8.2.: The display and arrangement of fish at Lee‟s stall, at about 7am Figure 8.3.: The display and arrangement of fish at Lim and Ping‟s stall, and the flow of customers in the background, at about 8am 196 Figure 8.4.: A Malay lady picks fish, and Ping attends to her Figure 8.5.: A Malay couple picks squids at Lee‟s stall Figure 8.6.: Lee descales a fish 197 Figure 8.7.: Lim descales a fish Figure 8.8.: The display and arrangement of fresh and frozen chicken at Aziz‟s stall Figure 8.9.: Mei chops a chicken 198 Figure 8.10.: The display and arrangement of vegetables at Hakim and Nina‟s stall. Hakim asks Nina, who is inside the stall, for some vegetables that a customer wants Figure 8.11.: Hakim picks a vegetable for a customer. The customer digs into her purse to pay Hakim Figure 8.12.: Hakim counts the prices of the vegetables individually, then totals the prices up for the customer. He packs the vegetables. The customer pays him 199 [...]... various parts of the world (e.g Mandarin oranges in Taiwan, and pumpkins in China) and in local wet markets Why have you set up such a page? Also, why have you chosen to remember the wet market in terms of the kinds of fruits and vegetables you can find in other parts of the world and in other wet markets? 3 Some people see the wet market as part of Singapore‟s „heartland heritage‟ and as a social space. .. wet market as a disappearing and heritage space 1 In your blog entry, you write about the history of hawker centres and wet markets: how street hawkers were relocated into hawker centres and the government‟s efforts in accomplishing this; the origins, development and disappearance of both major wet markets (e.g Tekka Market, Geylang Serai Market) and neighbourhood wet markets (e.g Siglap Market) ; and. .. through e-mail Thank you for your kind help Questions on the wet market as a disappearing and heritage space 1 I notice that you have a Facebook page titled Wet markets in Singapore‟ In this page, you post about the types of fresh and dried foods you can find in Chinatown and other wet markets (their names in various languages, photographs, costs, and recipes), and have links to other blogs that have blogged... memories among themselves and their readers Brandon Brandon is a 60 year old Chinese man, who is in the computer software industry Brandon was born in Chinatown He also grew up and got married there He has a passion for heritage, events, and happenings in Chinatown, having grown up there and seen the space change over the decades He blogs about different aspects of Chinatown – including Chinatown wet market. .. that the wet market is slowly disappearing from the Singapore landscape As someone who is concerned about increasing our awareness of our fading heritage and vanishing landmarks in the face of rapid economic development, what do you think about the idea that the wet market may be disappearing? How do you feel about this disappearance (or the lack of it)? 5 Why do you feel the abovementioned ways about... in Kallang Bahru Hakim‟s father passed away in 1974, and the family maintained this business In 1977, Hakim‟s brother took over the shop, and Hakim moved to Geylang Serai Market in 1980 In 1984, Hakim moved to Bedok Market and has been selling vegetables here ever since Hakim sells mostly vegetables that are suitable for Malay dishes, and he has many Malay customers He has some relatives who live and. .. she alienated from, and also how Hui forms her opinions of Liang See Chapter 3 A. 2 The vegetable sellers Hakim and Nina (Key informants) Hakim‟s business started with his grandfather in 1940, in Malacca It was a mixed business that was housed in a provision shop, and the family sold sweets, rice, sugar, 156 and vegetables In 1959, when Hakim‟s father was about 30 , he moved to Singapore and opened a provision... from FairPrice and Sheng Siong 158 Sally Sally is a 58 year old Indian lady who has many years of shopping experience in the wet and supermarket She is a housewife, and an extremely busy grandmother Sally has been going to Bedok Market for five years, and also frequents Chai Chee Market Because her daughter lives in Pasir Ris, Sally also visits Elias 1 Station Market, the only air-conditioned wet market. .. interested in history and heritage, what do you think of this stance? 4 Some hawkers, customers and members of the general public think that the wet market is slowly disappearing from the Singapore landscape As a website that is concerned about amassing memories of the common folk who have lived through certain segments of history, what do you think about the idea that the wet market may be disappearing? ... not? Part Five: The wet market as a disappearing space 1 Some hawkers and people think that the wet market is slowly disappearing/ dying out What do you think? How do you feel about it? 2 Why do you think the wet market is (not) disappearing? 3 What was Bedok wet market like in the past? (E.g layout, hawkers, how food was sold etc.) Do you prefer the Bedok wet market of the past or present? Why? 4 Have ... Part Six: Social memories of the wet market as a disappearing space Some hawkers and people think that the wet market is slowly disappearing/ dying out What you think of this claim (agree, disagree... In this page, you post about the different kinds of fruits and vegetables you can find in various parts of the world (e.g Mandarin oranges in Taiwan, and pumpkins in China) and in local wet markets... „heartland heritage‟ and as a social space for the community I understand that you are a blogger who is deeply interested in capturing memorable places and landmarks in Singapore that deserve a