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248 Conclusion Heritage is our legacy from the past, what we live with today, and what we pass on to future generations.1 There is a constant negotiation, however, for what aspects of culture should be considered as heritage. In Chapter 1, we saw how the moro-moro was seen as baggage by a segment of the Filipino population, and this led to the death of the moro-moro in some parts of the country. It continues to be a living tradition today, however, because some communities deemed the moro-moro as heritage and saw in it a legacy worth passing on from generation to generation. As the church and the elite abandoned the moro-moro, it was appropriated by peasants, and had become folklorized. Today, there are moves among some scholars in the academe to use the moro-moro as a basis for the creation of a national theater because of its long history, wide geographic reach, and its being a theater of the people. The debate on whether the moro-moro is baggage or heritage is on-going and remains unresolved. There are anxieties over the appropriateness of cultivating a theater premised on war between Christians and Muslims as the basis for the formation of a national theater in a country where the Christian majority is engaged in a protracted conflict with the Muslim minority. Another source of discomfort is the perceived complicity of the moro-moro in the Spanish colonial project. This theater is conventionally seen as a tool used by the Spanish establishment to promote the superiority of their race and religion. In Chapter 2, this study addressed these anxieties by shifting the angle of vision from the ship to the shore, by embracing the term moro-moro instead of UNESCO. 2009."World Heritage. Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage." 1972. Online: . 249 komedya. Tracing the roots of the Filipinized komedya to the Spanish comedia may suggest a derivative theater that is a variant, or from the perspective of Spanish observers a poor copy, if not bastardization, of the Spanish original. By recovering the earlier meaning of the word moro-moro, that of a war dance, which in reality was a blanket term that covered a variety of native war dances, we have emphasized the genre's rootedness in native traditions. The centrality of the war dance in the moromoro is what gives this form of theater a distinctiveness in orchestration, making it unmistakably indigenous in the way it merges poetry with music and dance. In the next three chapters we examined the Filipino-ness of the moro-moro by showing how the modes of composition, delivery, and consumption of the plays betray native sensibilities. We see, for instance, in the penchant for repetition and monotonous delivery of verses the persistence of habits of oral composition, and residues of an epic chanting tradition. In the art of dictation, we see the intricate interaction among actors and musicians, and between dance and dialogue, all held together by the expert reading of verses by the diktador. We see affinities between the moro-moro and other theater traditions in the diktador-prompter-playwright's mode of composition, for like his counterparts elsewhere in the region, his script-building is an act of bricolage, that is, he makes use of available stock imagery and scenarios and combines them differently for each performance. In creating a play, he follows a choreographic logic, and his choices of characters and scenes are guided by a desire to best showcase movement even at the expense of the development of the plot. An understanding of choreographic logic allows us to appreciate the "playwright as choreographer" and to be able to put his writing, and the idiosyncracies of moro-moro scripts, in perspective. 250 The emphasis on dance in moro-moro performances is founded on native notions of power and the belief in the efficaciousness and suitability of dance as offering. The moro-moro performed in villages is in the context of a panata, and dancing is performed in fulfillment of a sacred vow. In this sense we can see patterns of continuity between pre-Hispanic religious ritual where dancing was also central.2 We can therefore appreciate the moro-moro as a site of convergence between Spanish Catholic and indio conceptions of dance as devotion, and this created the opportunity for dances, as well as martial arts (as arnis fighters remind us), to be sustained for centuries. In Chapters and 7, we saw changes in the form and content of the moromoro as it made its way from village stage to theater house and from the past to the post 9-11 age. We see the moro-moro as part of a conscious culture-building project to assert Filipino identity within the theatrical context. The move to make the moromoro a basis for national theater, however, raises important issues and concerns. In chapter we saw the emergence of issues of authenticity. As the moro-moro is reformed, updated, and modernized, the challenge is to so in a way that allows it to still be a moro-moro and not become "just a play, like any other play"—to use the phrase thrown around by old-timers in San Dionisio. In Chapter 7, we tackled the issue of the moro-moro being associated with the Catholic majority and how turning it into national theater may marginalize the nonCatholics. We drew attention to some encouraging trends in the portrayal of the Moro, showing how through strategies of deletion, inversion, substitution, and appropriation, the Moro has acquired new meanings and is no longer confined to the role of villain See Ma. Teresa Muñoz. "Notes on Theater: Pre-Hispanic Philippines (Religion, Myth, religious Ritual) in Antonio Manuud ed. 1967. Brown Heritage: Essays on Philippine Cultural Tradition and Literature. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. pp. 648-667. 251 and vanquished. We drew attention to the Moro's "aesthetic victory" which made Moro roles more coveted and prestigious. We also put into question the basic assumption that in this genre the Christians are always heroes/victors and the Muslims are always the villain/vanquished, by arguing how the moro-moro's symmetrical design created equivalences in Christian and Moro kingdoms, allowing for both factions to have their equitable share of virtuous and vicious characters. 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Seco Matachines Dance" , The Journal of American Folkolore, Vol 107, No 424 (Spring, 1994), pp 2 48- 267 _ "The Taos Pueblo Matachines: Ritual Symbolism and Interethnic Relations", American Ethnologist, Vol 18, No 2 (May, 1991), pp 234-256 Said, Edward W Orientalism New York: Random House Inc Vintage Books Edition, 1979 Saldana, Nancy H "La Malinche: Her Representation in Dances of Mexico and the United . The emphasis on dance in moro- moro performances is founded on native notions of power and the belief in the efficaciousness and suitability of dance as offering. The moro- moro performed in. war dance in the moro- moro is what gives this form of theater a distinctiveness in orchestration, making it unmistakably indigenous in the way it merges poetry with music and dance. In the. the past to the post 9-11 age. We see the moro- moro as part of a conscious culture-building project to assert Filipino identity within the theatrical context. The move to make the moro- moro a