Irish English Part 9 ppsx

6.3 The United States 403 Table 6.3. Irish-born in the United States after the mid nineteenth century Year Number Year Number 1851 962,000 1871 1,856,000 1891 1,615,000 1911 1,352,000 The deportation of Irish convicts to Australia began in 1791 (Dudley Edwards with Hourican 2005: 134–6) and within a decade there were over 2,000 of them in the young colony. By 1836 there were over 21,000 Catholics and only half of them were convicts by this stage. In 1835 a Catholic bishop was appointed. During the rest of the nineteenth century the orientation of the Catholic Church in Australia towards a homeland, of which the descendants of immigrants had no direct experience, diminished. Catholic emigration to North America began in earnest after the Napoleonic wars, i.e. after 1815. During this period Ireland had benefited from heightened economic activity (Dudley Edwards with Hourican 2005: 131f.) but the agri- cultural depression which followed struck the country severely. An estimated 20,000 left the country in 1818 alone. Economic factors were significant here. The North Atlantic timber trade meant that ships plying across the ocean could take immigrants on the six- to eight-week outward journey at a reasonable price (with wood as cargo on the return trip). Again an estimate gives an approximate picture: between 1831 and 1841 some 200,000 Irish left for America (via Britain), as is known from the figures kept at British ports. By this time – the early nineteenth century– immigration was also taking place to destinations in the southern hemisphere as well, i.e. to Australia. Figures from the colonial administration for 1861 show that in Australia just under 20 per cent of the population was Irish. Emigration to the United States.Ofall countries which absorbed Irish immigrants it was the United States which bore the lion’s share. The figure for the entire period of emigration to America is likely to be in the region of 6–7 million (Montgomery 2001: 90) with two peaks, one in the eighteenth century with Ulster Scots settlers (see above) and the second in the mid nineteenth century, the latter continuing at least until to the end of that century. The greatest numbers of Irish emigrants went in the years of the Great Famine (Kinealy 1994; ´ O Gr ´ ada 1989) during the peak of 1848–9 and immediately afterwards, with more than 100,000 per year leaving between 1847 and 1854. The increase in the Irish- derived sector of the population can be recognised by viewing the figures for the numbers of Irish-born living in the United States after the mid nineteenth century (from Dudley Edwards with Hourican 2005: 144), the greatest increase being in the two decades from 1851 to 1871 (an increase ofalmost one million); see table 6.3. 404 Transportation overseas The nineteenth-century Irish emigrants show a markedly different settlement pattern compared to their northern compatriots who left in the previous century. Whereas the Ulster Scots settled in Pennsylvania and South Carolina, the Catholic Irish, from the mid nineteenth century onwards, stayed in the urban centres of the eastern United Status accounting for the sizeable Irish popula- tions in cities like New York and Boston (Algeo 2001a: 27; Montgomery 2000: 245). The reason for this switch from a rural way of life in the homeland to an urban one abroad is obvious: the memories of rural poverty and deprivation, the fear of a repetition of famine, were so strong as to deter the Irish from push- ing further into the rural mid west, unlike, say, the Scandinavian or Ukrainian immigrants. The desire to break with a background of poverty explains why the Irish aban- doned theirnative language (Corrigan 1996).It wasassociated withbackwardness and distress; even in Ireland, leaders of the Catholics, such as Daniel O’Connell, were advocating by the beginning of the nineteenth century that the Irish switch to English as only with this language was there any hope of social betterment (Corrigan 2003b). It should be emphasised that there was a major difference between the medium numbers of able-bodied Ulster Protestants in the eighteenth century on the one hand andthe enormous numbers ofweak, poverty-stricken Catholics fleeing from famine-ridden Ireland in the mid nineteenth century on the other. The Ulster Scots were welcome on the then frontier in order to keep the native Americans in check (it is estimated that by the close of the eighteenth century over half the settlers on the trans-Appalachian frontier were of Ulster lineage, K. Miller 1985: 161). In southern states like South Carolina they additionally served to dilute the high proportion of African Americans with whom they initially competed forlower-paid jobs (Dudley Edwards with Hourican 2005: 144). Their relative numbers were also significant: by the eve of the War of Independence (1775–83), the Scots-Irish represented about a quarter of the population of the Thirteen Colonies. In addition to this relatively large proportion of the entire population, the fact that they were early immigrants meant that they had an influence on American English during its formative years. Neither of these factors applied to the nineteenth-century immigrants. Fur- thermore, diminished tolerance and their own desire to assimilate rapidly meant that virtually no trace of nineteenth-century Irish English was left in the English spoken in the eastern United States where the later Irish immigrants settled. According to Nilsen (2002 [1997]: 63), Irish was used in New York up to c. 1880 and the notion that all the emigrants were monoglot English speakers would seem to be false. There was a Gaelic movement in the United States (N ´ ı Bhroim ´ eil 2003: 32–57) with missions of the Gaelic League continuing up until the beginning of the twentieth century (N ´ ı Bhroim ´ eil 2003: 105–21). But despite the efforts of small groups and individuals (see the contributions in Ihde 1994), there was no significant continuation of the language in any part of the United States. Reasons for this can be recognised by considering the 6.3 The United States 405 position in New York which, of all American cities, had a considerable Irish population. Attempts to establish Irish in education in New York were not successful and the language was never able to gain a foothold with the Irish population of the city. Nilsen (2002 [1997]: 67) notes that the majority of Irish-speakers in New York did not in fact engage with any organisations which were devoted to the language. Given this attitude to language maintenance it is not surprising that it was not transmitted to subsequent generations. There is perhaps one feature in the English of Boston which could be traced to Irish English. Laferriere (1986) maintains that the latter could be the source of the / ɒ/-pronunciation in words like short, forty. See section 5.6 for possible lexical borrowings from Irish in American English. ..    There is no doubt that there was contact between Irish people and Africans in both the Caribbean and the later United States in the early part of the colonial period, i.e. from the beginning of the seventeenth century onwards. For instance, by the middle of this century the white population of Barbados, England’s first colony in the Caribbean, was about one-fifth Irish (K. Miller 1985: 139) and this increased in the second half of the seventeenth century with the Irish settling on other Leeward Islands, notably Montserrat (see discussion of Caribbean English below). Somewhat earlier than this, during the 1620s, ships from southern Irish ports like Cork and Kinsale carried on a brisk trade in sugar and tobacco with the colonies on the east coast of America (K. Miller 1985). The connections established then were maintained and during the eighteenth century many Catholic immigrants from the south of Ireland settled in Virginia, Maryland and the Carolinas. 8 For reasons of space, the treatment of possible parallels between Irish English and African American English in this section will be restricted to a consideration of the habitual.However, one otherfeature of AfricanAmerican English shouldbe mentioned. This is copula deletion as in How long Ø your paper (Green 2002: 184) and auxiliary deletion They Ø walking too fast (Green 2002: 40f.). Such deletion is often regarded as a sole feature of pidgins and creoles and their derivatives, butitdoes occur in Ireland, in south-eastern Irish English (see section 4.4.1). For discussions of further parallels, see the chapters of Hickey (2004j) and the ‘Checklist of features’ (Hickey 2004e: 586–621). Although most forms of mesolectal creole English in the Caribbean (except Jamaican English) have does /d  z/ as the expression of habitual aspect, a notable 8 S. Davis (2003: 286), in his discussion of the German-American writer Francis Lieber (1798– 1872), ‘the originator and first editor of the Encyclopedia Americana (1829–32)’, notes that the latter discusses biant (= [biyant]) and assumes an Irish origin for this (S. Davis 2003: 291), a view which Davis supports. The use of a final /-t/ for /-d/ would agree with the practice of devoicing alveolar stops after nasals in Irish English, something which is still found to this day. 406 Transportation overseas feature of African American English is that it does not, although it is found in Gullah as duh (Rickford 1986: 260). This fact is a major difference between the latter variety and the speech of other African Americans and may offer support for the view that Gullah is an imported creole from the Caribbean which developed independently of African American English in the southern United States. Pargman (2004: 17–19), in her consideration of the possible origin of Gullah duh,issceptical of an Irish influence on its development. The concern in thissection is withthe use ofuninflected be inAfricanAmerican English (Myhill 1988) and its possible historical source. Sentences illustrating its current use would be: I think those buses be blue, The children be at school when I get home, They be done left when I get there (Green 1998: 39; 2002: 47–54; Feagin 1991). There are essentially three views on the rise of uninflected be to express habituality in African American English. Viewsonthe origin of the habitual in African American English 1. It arose in Caribbean English and was carried to the south of the later United States. Unstressed do (Rickford 1986: 265) was deleted, which left the bare be to express habituality (Rickford 1980). In Bahamian English this inter- mediary stage is attested (Holm 1994: 375). An essential difficulty with this interpretation is that it requires that uninflected do was dropped and inflection introduced for those varieties which use bees, i.e. an inflected form of be. 2. It is an inherited habitual marker from Ulster Scots which was passed on to African American English in its early stages due to the large number of northern Irish immigrants in the eighteenth century, especially with those in South Carolina. There may be evidence for a continuation of beon ‘to be’ with habitual meaningfrom the Northumbrian variety of Old English.In Scotland this was the predecessor of Scots which was transported to the United States via Ulster (Traugott 1972: 177ff., 190f.). Rickford (1986) further maintains that the use of be in African American English and does be in Caribbean creoles may well reflect a differential influence of northern Irish English on the former and southern Irish English on the latter. However, the question of contact between Irish and African Americans in the later United States is unresolved, particularly as the former settled further inland whereas the African Americans were to be found on the Atlantic seaboard. 3. The use of uninflected be is an innovation in nineteenth-century African American English as it is not attested in the documents for Ulster English which are extant before this date (Montgomery and Kirk 1996: 318f.). This view assumes that if habitual be did in fact already exist in early Ulster English then it would be attested somewhere. This leaves one with a shared nineteenth-century innovation – habitual be (uninflected in America, inflected in Ulster) – between two varieties which showed some contact his- torically, but little if any settlement overlap. This innovation is incidentally not found anywhere else between two varieties of English. The argument 6.4 Canada 407 of Montgomery and Kirk is reinforced by the fact that habitual be does not occur in present-day or historical forms of Appalachian English where influence from Ulster was considerable (Montgomery 2001: 136). A minor but not irrelevant point is that the investigation by Montgomery and Kirk (1996) is of emigrant letters in Ulster English and of present-day material outside the core areas of Ulster Scots settlement in northern Ireland. Montgomery (personal communication) is of the opinion that habitual be was borrowed from Ulster English into Ulster Scots. The last view is the most recent and it throws doubt on many of the postulations concerning the historical continuity of habitual forms in New World English. 9 If Montgomery and Kirk (1996: 331) are right in their rejection of a link between African American English be and regional British/Irish English, then a similar question must be asked about the link between the do/does + be habitual, derivatives of which are found in the Caribbean, and southern Irish English (see section 6.5). 6.4 Canada Irish emigration to Canada can be divided into two sections. The first involves those Irish who settled in Newfoundland and the second those who moved to mainland Canada, chiefly to the province of Ontario, the southern part of which is contained in what was previously called Upper Canada. The oldest emigration is that to Newfoundland which goes back to seasonal migration for fishing,with latersettlement in theeighteenth and earlynineteenth- centuries (Clarke 2004). The second group is that of nineteenth-century immigrants who travelled up the St Lawrence river to reach inland Canada. There was further diffusion from there into the northern United States. Far fewer Irish emigrants settled in Canada, only somewhat more than 300,000 for the entire nineteenth century. But relative to the population of Canada throughout this century, this is still significant and some scholars maintain that elements of Irish speech are still discernible in the English of the Ottawa Valley (Pringle and Padolsky 1981, 1983; Carroll 1983). ..  Newfoundland is unique in the history of overseas English colonies. The initial impetus for involvement with the island in eastern Canada was the discovery of abundant fishing grounds off its shores on the continental shelf known as the Grand Banks. Irish and West Country English fisherman began plying across 9 Dillard (1976: 95f.) makes the valid point, when dealing with the possible source of features of Black English in Irish English, that none of the putatively Irish features are present in the English of the community of white speakers of Irish descent in the United States. He is also sceptical about the possible Irish provenance of invariant be in Black English (1976: 116). 408 Transportation overseas the Atlantic in the seventeenth century in a pattern of seasonal migration which took them to Newfoundland to fish in the summer months, just like French and Basque fisherman, returning home for the winter months. This meant that there was continual contact with the varieties of English in the British and Irish regions from which the seasonal migrants came. Added to this is the fact that, well into the twentieth century, Newfoundland was isolated from the rest of Canada, so that no influence of central Canadian English was felt then, a situation which has of course changed since (D’Arcy 2005). The English ships traditionally put in at southern Irish ports such as Water- ford, Dungarvan, Youghal and Cork to collect supplies for the transatlantic journey. Knowledge of this movement by the Irish led to their participation in seasonal migration (consider the Irish name for Newfoundland: Talamh an ´ Eisc, lit. ‘ground of fish’). Later in the eighteenth century, and up to the third decade of the nineteenth century, several thousand Irish, chiefly from the city and county of Waterford (Mannion 1977), settled permanently in Newfoundland and thus founded the Irish community there (Clarke 1997b) which together with the West Country community forms the two main anglophone sections of Newfoundland to this day (there was also a small Scottish input to the extreme south-west of the island). These two groups are still distinguishable linguistically; see Clarke (2004)for a detailed discussion. Newfoundland became a largely self-governing colony in 1855 and only as late as 1949 did it join Canada as its tenth province. Vernacular Newfoundland Irish English. Among the features found in the English of this area, which can probably be traced to Ireland, is the use of ye (which could be a case of convergence with dialectal English) and/or youse for ‘you’-PL, the perfective construction with after and present participle, as in He’s after spilling the beer, and the use of a habitual with an uninflected form of do plus be. Although Clarke (1997a: 287) notes that the use of this is unusual in general Newfoundland English today – her example is That place do be really busy – it is found in areas settled by south-eastern Irish. This observation correlates with usage in conservative vernacular forms of south-eastern Irish English today (Hickey 2001b: 13) and is clearly suggestive of an historical link. Furthermore, Newfoundland English can have zero inflection on auxiliary forms of verbs. A distinction is found here between an auxiliary do with no inflection and a lexical verb do with inflection. This feature is typical of both historical inputs to Newfoundland, i.e. of both south-west England (Ihalainen 1991) and south-east Ireland (Hickey 2001b). There are also phonological items from Irish-based Newfoundland English which parallel features in south-eastern Irish English. Examples are the use of stops for dental fricatives, syllable-final /r/, the lenition of word-final, post- vocalic t, the low degree of distinctiveness with /ai/ and / ɒi/ (cf. bile vs boil), if present at all, and the use of an epenthetic vowel to break a cluster of liquid and nasal as in film [f ləm]. There are also lexical items of Irish origin such as sleeveen ‘rascal’ (Irish sl´ıbh´ın), pishogue ‘superstition’ (Irish piseog), crubeen ‘cooked pig’s foot’ (Irish crúib´ın) (Kirwin 1993: 76f.; 2001). An interesting case of 6.4 Canada 409 folk etymology can be seen in hangashore from Irish ainniseoir ‘good-for-nothing’ with a hypercorrect initial /h-/. For a detailed discussion of these and similar features of Newfoundland English, see Clarke (2004) and Hickey (2002c). ..   The Irish in mainland Canada were among the earliest immigrants and enjoyed a relatively privileged status in early Canadian society. By the 1860s they formed a large section of the English-speaking population in Canada and constituted some 40 per cent of the British Isles immigrants in the newly founded Canadian Confederation. These Irish came both from the north and south of the country, but there was a preponderance of Protestants (some two-thirds in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries) as opposed to the situation in Newfoundland where the Irish community was almost entirely Catholic. The Protestants in Canada had a considerable impact on public life. They bolstered the loyalist tradition which formed the basis for anglophone Canada. In the Canadian context, the term ‘loyalist’ refers to that section of the American population which left the Thirteen Colonies after the American Revolution of 1776, moving northwards to Canadian territory where they were free to demon- strate their loyalty to the English crown. As these Irish Protestants were of Ulster origin, they later maintained their tradition of the Orange Order which was an important voluntary organisation in Canada. In Ontario there were sizeable numbers of Catholics and they in turn mounted pressure on the government to grant them separate Catholic schools and funding to support these, much as the Catholics in New Zealand had campaigned for the same goal in that country. In mainland Canada the Irish dispersed fairly evenly throughout the country, even if there is a preponderance in Ontario and in the Ottawa Valley. But there is nothing like the heavy concentration of Scots-Irish in Appalachia (Montgomery 1989)orthat of later, post-Famine Irish in the urban centres of the north-eastern United States such as New York and Boston. The drive west through Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta across to British Columbia followed a pattern of internal migration westwards in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In this newer period of population growth, Canada, like the United States, was fed by a continuous stream of English- speaking immigrants via Grosse ˆ Ile at the entrance to the St Lawrence river estuary, the Ellis Island of Canada so to speak. The influence of this later wave of immigration onCanadian English is notasevidentas in Newfoundland.Nonethe- less, one should mention one feature which Canadian English has in common with the English in the north of Ireland (Gregg 1973; Scargill 1977: 12), what is known in linguistic literature as ‘Canadian Raising’ (Chambers 1973). The essence of this phenomenon is a more central starting point for the diphthongs /ai/ and /au/ before a voiceless consonant than before the corresponding voiced one: house, lout [h əυs, ləυt] but houses, loud [haυzz, laυd]. 410 Transportation overseas 6.5 The Caribbean Although the Caribbean is an area which is not immediately associated with Irish influence, the initial anglophone settlement of the area, during the so- called ‘homestead phase’, i.e. before the importation of African slaves, did involve considerable Irish input. The island of Barbados was the earliest to be settled by the British (Holm 1994), as of 1627. Cromwell in the early 1650s had a sizeable number of Irish deported as indentured labourers in order to rid Ireland of those he considered politically undesirable. This input to Barbados is important to Caribbean English for two reasons. The first is that it was very early and so there was Irish input during the formative years of English there (before slaves from West Africa arrived in large numbers in the latter half of theseventeenth century). The second reason is that the island of Barbados quickly became overpopulated and speakers of Barbadian English moved from there to other locations in the Caribbean and indeed to coastal South Carolina and Georgia, i.e. to the region where Gullah was later spoken (Hancock 1980; Littlefield 1981). The views of linguists concerning possible Irish influence on the genesis of English varieties in the Caribbean vary considerably (Bailey 1982). Wells (1980) is doubtful about Irish influence on the pronunciation of English on Montserrat. Rickford (1986)isawell-known article in which he postulates that southern Irish input to the Caribbean had an influence on the expression of the habitual aspect in varieties of English there, especially because do(es) + be is the preferred form of the habitual in the south of Ireland. This matter is actually quite complex and Rickford’s view has been challenged recently by Montgomery and Kirk (1996); see discussion of the habitual in African American English in section 6.3.3. It should also be stressed that for many phenomena in varieties of Caribbean English, a convergence scenario may be closest to historical reality, difficult as it is to determine just what this was probably like. For instance, the presence of aspectual categories in regional forms of British and Irish English is paralleled by similar categories, albeit with very different exponence, in the West African languages which represented the substrate for slaves in the early anglophone Caribbean and on the mainland of the later United States. Convergence may also have been operative on the phonological level. The occurrence of stops in Caribbean English as equivalents to ambidental fricatives in standard English (in such words as thin and this)isparalleled both by stops in Irish English and by the non-existence of ambidental fricatives in West African languages. Recent reorientation has apportioned a much greater role to superstrate mod- els in the early stages of English in the Caribbean and also in the American south (Schneider 1993, 2004), an area it is closely associated with. The view of scholars such as Winford (1997–8: 123) is that creolisation is a development which occurred somewhat afterthe initialsettlement of the Caribbean and the American south and which was triggered by the establishment of a widespread plantation rural economy, something which was not present at the outset in either region. Supportive evidence for this stance is to be found in areas of the Caribbean where 6.5 The Caribbean 411 plantationswere not established, e.g. on the Cayman Islands, which retaindistinc- tive traces of English regional input (Holm 1994: 332). Among the many views in this field are those which claim that the African slaves taken to the Caribbean had already learned a pidgin (Cassidy 1980)orpossibly a creole (Hancock 1980) before their transportation. However, if this was true, then it was not so for the period in which the earliest slaves were taken to the Caribbean, i.e. not for the seventeenth century. The scenario in which approximation to English regional input precedes possible creolisation has wide-ranging implications for the interpretation of key structures in both present-day Caribbean creoles and African American English. It suggests that the first few generations – the founder generations during the formativeyears – were exposed sufficiently to regional British and Irish English input for structural features of the latter to be transferred to incipient varieties of Caribbean English due to an unguided second-language acquisition process among adults. In this respect the earliest years of English in the Caribbean for African slaves show distinct parallels with English in Ireland (Hickey 1997a)in the early modern period (from the early seventeenth century onwards). In both cases, speakers shifted to English as adults, learning the language in an unguided fashion with obvious imperfect results. Such a scenario is one where both syntac- tic transfer from the substrate languages and the adoption of salient grammatical features of the superstrate language are at a premium. In the present context, the concern is with discerning the latter features and considering whether these were adopted into early forms of non-native English in the Caribbean. ..     In the history of anglophone settlement in the Caribbean the island of Barbados in the south-east (along with St Kitts somewhat to the north) plays a central role. There were various reasons for the exploitation of Barbados by the English. Initially, the island functioned as a bridgehead for the English in the Caribbean which, by the beginning of the seventeenth century, was dominated by the Span- ish. It was later to become important with the development of the cane sugar trade (B. Taylor 2001: 205–17; Dunn 1972), something which also came to be true of Jamaica after it was wrenched from Spanish control in the mid seventeenth century (B. Taylor 2001: 217–21; Le Page 1960). Before the large-scale importation of African slaves got under way in the later seventeenth century, the English had a system of indenture whereby settlers from the British Isles went to the Caribbean to work for a period, typically five to eight years, after which they were free to move at will, their circumstances permitting. The settlement of Barbados is also linked to the deportation of Irish dissidents by Oliver Cromwell, as mentioned above, this element forming a significant proportion of early white settlers from the late 1640s onwards (O’Callaghan 2000: 65–76; Aubrey 1930–1). These would have been in contact with African slaves ina work context (Rickford 1986:251). There was also a later deportation to 412 Transportation overseas Table 6.4. Development of English on Barbados 1627–50 Pre-plantation period with predominance of white settler speech 1650–80 Early plantation period with a great increase in African population 1680–1800 Core plantation period 1800–1900 Late and post-plantation period Jamaica (O’Callaghan 2000: 77–88). The vicissitudes of the Civil War in England (1642–51) were responsible for the emigration of English as well. Given the size of Barbados and the relatively low social position of the Irish in the white community on the island, there would have been fairly intensive contact between Africans and the Irish. P. Campbell (1993: 148) mentions the late 1640s as thebeginning of the sugar revolution withthe switch from tobacco. Thisperiod also saw the switch from white indentured servants to black slaves (Harlowe 1969 [1926]: 292–330) and the exodus of the former from Barbados. From 1650–80 upwards of 10,000 people left Barbados (a conservative estimate). Settlers from other parts of the Caribbean left for the south-east of the North American mainland, chiefly to South Carolina, a movement which began in 1670 and which was largely completed by 1700 (Holm 1994: 342). It should also be mentioned that, with the later concentration of African slaves on Barbados, settlement patterns arose which were conducive to creolisation: Rickford and Handler (1994: 230) point out that ‘these slaves lived in compact village settlements located next to the plantation yard’ and that ‘these are just the kinds of demographic and settlement patterns which would have produced and/or maintained creole-speaking communities’. Tense and aspect systems. The area of syntax in Caribbean English which has received most attention from scholars working in variety studies is the tense and aspect system. Creoles tend to show formal marking of certain aspectual distinctions, notably the perfective and the habitual. What is remarkable here is that in general creoles are sparing in the explicit expression of grammatical categories, so it is all the more remarkable that they should do so in the area of aspect. Furthermore, the meansformarking aspect stemasa rulefrom superstrate sources, usually with semantic motivation for the choice of markers (Schneider 1990). An example of this is completive don in Caribbean English. It is consistent with the meaning of do to use it to express a completed action. Many dialects of English, e.g. virtually all vernacular forms of Irish English, have only one form do in the past, namely done,e.g.He done all the work for her. The verb do was also co- opted to serve as amarker of thehabitual, at leastin most forms ofcreole English in the Caribbean, e.g.the pre-verbal does ofBarbadianspeech (Burrowes and Allsopp 1983: 42). The tense distinctions of creole verbal systems are based on a binary or tertiary system: (i) time in focus, (ii) time anterior to this and (iii) time beyond that in [...]... This is more comprehensive than that of Vallancey 1845 John Donovan, Grammar of Irish, the first modern description of the language, appears This contains some references to the Irish use of English 423 424 1860 1867 191 0 192 7 193 2 193 4 195 8 195 8 196 4 197 7 197 9 198 0 198 1 198 1 198 5 198 5 198 6 199 0 199 6 199 6 199 7 199 7 199 7 199 8 199 9 Appendix 2 David Patterson, The Provincialisms of Belfast and the Surrounding... (1845 9) Queen’s University of Belfast founded Catholic University of Ireland founded with John H Newman first rector Fenian rising takes place in five counties including Dublin Home Rule movement launched by Isaac Butt Gladstone’s first Land Act recognises the rights of tenants An outline of Irish history 1875 18 79 82 1881 1 893 1 899 – 190 4 190 8 191 6 191 8 191 9–21 192 0 192 2 192 3 193 7 194 9 195 5 196 4 196 6 196 8... Hillsborough Anglo -Irish Agreement is rejected by Protestants Ireland electorate vote for Mary Robinson as seventh president of Ireland, the first woman to hold this office Both the IRA and the loyalist paramilitaries announce ceasefires 422 Appendix 1 199 6 199 7 199 7 199 8 199 9–2006 IRA ceasefire terminated New Labour are victorious in British general elections IRA declare a resumption of the 199 4 ceasefire Loyalist... Dictionary of Slang and Colloquial English in Ireland (2nd edition 2003) Jeffrey Kallen (ed.), Focus on Ireland Hildegard Tristram (ed.), Celtic Englishes Proceedings of the Potsdam Colloquium on Celtic Englishes, 28–30 September 199 5 Terence P Dolan, A Dictionary of Hiberno -English (2nd edition 2004) James P Mallory (ed.), Language in Ulster The history of Irish English studies 199 9 2000 2000 2000 2001 2001... Modern Irish period (until c 1600) Anglo-Norman invasion of Connaught (western province) Bruce invasion from Scotland with resistance to Anglo-Norman rule Statutes of Kilkenny, proscribing the Irish language and Irish customs, attempt to curb the rapid gaelicisation of the AngloNorman settlers 4 19 420 Appendix 1 15c 15 09 1541 15 49 57 1558 1586 93 1 592 1 595 –1603 c 1600 1601 1603 1607 1641 1642 16 49 50... of which are Irish and south-eastern English Some of the features of Irish characters in the reports by Corbyn ( 197 0 [1854]) are taken from extracts in B Taylor (2001) and presented below None of the following features are present in any variety of Australian English; see B Taylor (2001: 320f.) and Troy ( 199 2) for a discussion of the early relationship between Irish English and Australian English For... 192 0 192 2 192 3 193 7 194 9 195 5 196 4 196 6 196 8 197 0 197 2 197 4 198 5 199 0 199 4 421 Parnell returned to parliament as member for Co Meath ‘Land War’ is waged Parnell imprisoned; Gladstone’s second Land Act Second Home Rule Bill is introduced The Gaelic League is founded Literary revival gets well under way; Irish Literary Theatre founded Abbey Theatre opened Irish Universities Act establishes the National... early years it consisted of both British and Irish (Baker 196 6) The latter arrived early and in relatively large numbers (Akenson 199 6: 92 ) The Irish emigration to Australia (Fitzpatrick 199 4) had been established well before the Great Famine of 1845–8 and was thus different in kind from the wave of emigration triggered by that traumatic event to other parts of the anglophone world The view of these... Phonological Variation and Change ´ D´ nall O Baoill (ed.), Papers on Irish English o John Harris, David Little and David Singleton (eds.), Perspectives on the English Language in Ireland: Proceedings of the First Symposium on Hiberno -English, Dublin 198 5 Terence P Dolan (ed.), The English of the Irish Alison Henry, Belfast English and Standard English: Dialect Variation and Parameter Setting Caroline Macafee... by the Irish on early Caribbean English It is true that many Irish were deported from Ireland or from England, from where many Irish vagrants were sent to the Caribbean 414 Transportation overseas as indentured servants (Beier 198 5) It is also possible that refunctionalisation of periphrastic do by speakers of Irish and/or non-fluent speakers of Irish English occurred during the contact with English . Banks. Irish and West Country English fisherman began plying across 9 Dillard ( 197 6: 95 f.) makes the valid point, when dealing with the possible source of features of Black English in Irish English, . consisted of both British and Irish (Baker 196 6). The latter arrived early and in relatively large numbers (Akenson 199 6 :92 ). The Irish emigration to Australia (Fitzpatrick 199 4) had been established. Australian English; see B. Taylor (2001: 320f.) and Troy ( 199 2)for a discussion of the early relationship between Irish English and Australian English. For examples of first-generation Irish English 416

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