temporal ordering of such cases, it will be clear that, in addition to (or perhaps even instead of ) aspect, a considerable amount of world knowledge and pragmatic reasoning must be invoked. 17 4. Directions for Future Research A number of tense/aspect domains deserve serious attention and further investi- gation. 4.1. Comparative Analysis of Tense and Aspect Given the general, cognitive linguistic tool for the analysis of tense and aspect developed in the literature, there is at present a need for comparative analyses of tense and aspect systems in the languages of the world using these analytic tools— Dickey’s (2000) comparative analysis of aspect in the Slavic languages can be mentioned as an exemplary study in this respect. So far, the primary focus in the cognitive linguistic literature has been on the general concepts underlying tense and aspect rather than on the formal manifestation of these categories and their use in particular languages (with the possible exception of English). However, it is well known that tense and aspect categories show a great deal of variation across lan- guages (see Dahl 1985, 2000; Thieroff and Ballweg 1994; Thieroff 1995; Hewson and Bubenik 1997; Stassen 1997). Thus, in order to test the validity of the proposals and, if necessary, to refine them, more languages should be examined, including those languages that are claimed to lack the category of tense altogether (see Bohnemeyer 1998 on Yucatec Maya). A promising perspective for describing and explaining such cross-linguistic differences in the domain of tense and aspect is offered by the framework of grammaticalization (Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca 1994). But here as well, detailed diachronic studies of language-specific developments are, for the most part, still lacking. 4.2. Interaction Tense/Aspect and Modality It should have become clear from the preceding sections that the categories of tense and aspect interact in interesting ways. Within the domain of aspectuality, a similar kind of interaction was noted for ‘‘grammatical’’ and ‘‘lexical’’ aspect. However, not all possible interactions were addressed in this chapter. In particular, the category of modality and its interaction with both tense and aspect deserves more attention (see Sasse 2002: 266). 820 ronny boogaart and theo janssen 4.2.1. Tense and Modality As was discussed in section 2.2.2, the past tense can be used to express epistemic (nontemporal) distance with respect to the ground, such as in the irrealis. In ad- dition, the future tense ‘‘more often than not fails to express pure futurity and is instead bound up with modality and the expression of belief and possibility’’ (Frawley 1992: 356). And in many languages, the present tense is not exclusively used to express a temporal relationship either (e.g., Janssen 1998; Cook-Gumperz and Kyratzis 2001; Langacker 2001a; Brisard 2002; for the present perfective, see Asic 2000). The precise relationship between tense and modality is as yet an unsolved problem (Foley 1986: 158–66). 4.2.2. Aspect and Modality The connection between tense and modality has often been noted but the inter- action between aspect and modality has largely been ignored. However, there is a host of data in the literature suggesting a cross-linguistic relationship between perfective aspect and ‘‘objective’’ or ‘‘factive’’ information on the one hand, and between imperfective aspect and ‘‘subjective,’’ ‘‘perspectivized,’’ or ‘‘counterfac- tual’’ information on the other (Fleischman 1995) (see section 3.2 on aspect and perspective). Whereas the nontemporal use of tense forms has been related to the overall nontemporal meaning of tense (see section 2.2.2), there has been no satis- factory account of aspect in which the widely divergent ‘‘modal’’ interpretations of, in particular, imperfective aspect are related to the overall meaning of aspect. What is the exact relationship between the domains of aspectuality and modality? Why do so many languages use one and the same form to present incomplete as well as ‘‘perspectivized’’ and ‘‘counterfactual’’ situations? 4.3. Aspect/Aktionsart In the noncognitivist literature on aspect, some effort has been made to distinguish between lexical aspect, or Aktionsart (telicity), and grammatical aspect (perfectiv- ity). As was noted in section 3.2., Cognitive Linguistics does not always make that distinction, which should come as no surprise since it is impossible to make a clear- cut, principled distinction between grammar and lexicon. However, defining all aspectual categories—verb aspect, grammatical aspect, and the aspect of entire expressions—in the same terms blurs the distinction between aspect and Aktion- sart, as well as interesting interactions among them (Boogaart 2004). Therefore, it remains necessary to investigate in more detail what Croft (1998) calls the ‘‘con- ceptualization processes’’ mediating between Aktionsart and aspect. In the fields of language acquisition and signed languages, thorough studies on tense and aspect from the cognitive linguistic perspective are still lacking. (An exception is constituted by the papers on language acquisition collected by Li and Shirai 2000.) tense and aspect 821 NOTES 1. The term situation will be used to refer to various types of situations. Although a number of linguists use the term event as the cover term (see some quotes in this chapter), the term event easily leads to the misunderstanding that the Aktionsart involved is a nonstate (see section 3.2). 2. Usually the speaker and the addressee(s) share the evaluative situation. However, when reading a sentence such as I’m writing this letter on the balcony of my hotel in Debrecen (Fillmore 1997: 82), the addressee has to project his or her mind into a past situation, namely the writer’s situation of writing. 3. For the notion of contextualization, see Dinsmore (1991: 193 –94, 221–25), Fillmore (1981), and Gumperz (1982: 160–71), who introduces the notion in a more general com- municative sense. 4. Critical overviews of the status of the Reichenbachian notion of reference in various tense analyses are presented by Hamann (1987), Harder (1996: 320–23, 398–404), Michaelis (1998: 29–34, 43–51), Brisard (1999: 375–94), and Boogaart (1999: 36–38, 57–77). Binnick (1991: 37–43) surveys related ideas of analysts predating Reichenbach’s ‘‘time of reference’’ notion. An elaborated alternative to Reichenbachian analyses is presented by Declerck (e.g., 1991, 1995, 1997, 1999); for comments, see, e.g., Janssen (1995, 1996b, 1998) and Salkie and Reed (1997). 5. A tense system featuring more than two types of simple tense form is, for instance, (modern) Greek (Paprotte ´ 1988;Binnick1991); more generally, see Thieroff and Ballweg (1994), Thieroff (1995), Hewson and Bubenik (1997), Dahl (2000), and Squartini (2003). 6. Older two-tense analyses are Paardekooper (1957), Burger (1961), Joos (1964), Weinreich (1964), Huddleston (1969), Casparis (1975), and King (1983). 7. Cutrer’s (1994: 88–89) and Fauconnier’s (1997: 75–76) notations show slight dif- ferences. 8. As for the temporal relation between the situations of clauses like John came and [John] told me the news in (2), Kamp and Reyle (1993: 497) allow the tense of told to refer to some time in the vicinity of the time of came. This vicinity solution is a spurious element in their time-based analysis. The distance between the times of the situations involved is merely delimited by a functional coherence between the situations (Boogaart 1999: 68–70). 9. See also Steele (1975), James (1982, 1991), and Tyler and Evans (2001). Past-tense forms such as the French passe ´ simple in contrast to the imparfait (De Mulder and Vetters 2002), the Spanish prete ´ rito indefinido in contrast to the prete ´ rito imperfecto (Doiz- Bienzobas 2002), and the Polish perfective past-tense forms in contrast to the imperfective past-tense forms (Kochanska 2002) cannot be used to indicate nonpast situations. How- ever, Polish perfective non-past-tense forms in contrast to imperfective non-past-tense forms (Kochanska 2002) can serve to indicate situations other than strictly present or future ones. 10. Langacker (2001b: 268) claims: ‘‘The key to understanding ‘non-present’ uses of the present tense is to recognize the special viewing arrangements they presuppose’’; see also Langacker (2003). 11. Various languages show this type of use (Janssen 1996a). 12. Janssen (1993, 1996a, 2002)—see also Kirsner (1993) and Harder (1996: 273)— rejects the distinction ‘‘proximal/distal’’ for the analysis of this and that (as made by, e.g., Langacker 1991, 1994). 822 ronnyboogaartandtheojanssen 13. It should be noted that the term perfective, as used in traditional aspect studies, does not refer to the semantics of the perfect construction. The perfective/imperfective distinction is manifested, for instance, in the semantic difference between He read a book (perfective past) and He was reading a book (imperfective past). The construction used in He has read a book may be called perfect, but not perfective. It should be noted that Langacker’s Cognitive Grammar uses the terms perfective and imperfective in a way that departs from traditional aspect studies (see section 3.2). 14. Not all languages solve the conceptual clash between perfective aspect and pres- ent tense in the same way. In Russian, for instance, present perfective forms are not ungrammatical, but they are interpreted as referring to the future (Binnick 1991: 138). 15. ‘‘Tense as such is not marked in Wolof, but the time of occurrence of an event or state relative to the speech act is inferred from the type of predicator in a sentence and the presence or absence of aspectual marking’’ (Moore 2000: 313). 16. Even though the categories of perfect and perfective should be carefully distin- guished (see note 8), Garey exemplifies the category perfective aspect by means of the French perfect (passe ´ compose ´ ). He can do so because the perfect has taken over the function of the perfective past passe ´ simple in French spoken discourse. The diachronic development of perfect forms acquiring perfective, or general past, uses has been docu- mented for many languages (Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca 1994: 51–105). 17. On the importance of pragmatic reasoning for the temporal interpretation of dis- course, see Paprotte ´ (1988), Lascarides and Asher (1993), Moeschler(1993), Wilson and Sperber (1993), Michaelis (1998: 29–40), Bohnemeyer (1998: 641–73), and Boogaart (1999: 110–27). REFERENCES Asic, Tijana. 2000. Le pre ´ sent perfectif en serbe: Temps, mode ou puzzle? Cahiers de Linguistique Franc¸aise 22: 275–94. 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Introduction: Basic Voice Notions Voice or diathesis, as first termed by Dionysius, is the grammatical category by which the arguments of the verb receive different prominence status in the sen- tence through a variety of semantic-syntactic and even pragmatic coding patterns. In verbs involving at least two arguments, the arrangement is always asymmetrical, with one argument being more prominent than the other. For all languages, there seems to be a canonical unmarked voice pattern, most commonly the active, where the Agent is more prominent than the Patient (but see section 7 on Middle voice). Active voice contrasts with a variety of marked voice patterns: passive, antipassive, inverse, and middle. Each voice pattern designates alternative views of an event as Agent and Patient receive different degrees of prominence. A wider view of voice, that is, diathesis proper, will include causative and applicative constructions, since they also involve adjusting subject and object prominence. Yet these constructions involve a wide variety of force-dynamic phenomena as well as different degrees of event complexity, which require an independent paper. . concepts underlying tense and aspect rather than on the formal manifestation of these categories and their use in particular languages (with the possible exception of English). However, it is well known. to refer to some time in the vicinity of the time of came. This vicinity solution is a spurious element in their time-based analysis. The distance between the times of the situations involved is merely. number of tense/aspect domains deserve serious attention and further investi- gation. 4.1. Comparative Analysis of Tense and Aspect Given the general, cognitive linguistic tool for the analysis of