Encyclopedia of World CulturesVolume I - NORTH AMERICA - Z, END pot

396 Yurok in the twentieth, the sick person "confessed" wrongdoings to the doctor, followed by positive prayer as part of the cure. Death and Afterlife. At death, the body was painted with soot and a dentalium shell inserted through the nasal septum. Great efforts were made to avoid contamination through contact with the corpse. Burial was in town cemeteries, often in small plots where several bodies might occupy a single grave. The dead were thought to go 'below" where the dead Yurok had to cross a river on a boat. If the boat tipped over, the corpse was revived on earth. Once the river had been crossed, however, return was impossible. The dead were as- cribed to three types of afterlife: those killed by weapons went to "the willows," forever dancing and shouting in a war dance; thieves and "contentious" persons went to an "inferior place"; and a rich, peaceable man went to "the sky." Bibliography Heizer, Robert F., and M. A. Whipple (1971). The California Indians: A Source Book. 2nd ed. Berkeley: University of Cali- fornia Press. Kroeber, Alfred L. (1925). Handbook of the Indians of Califor- nia. U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin no. 78, 1-97. Washington, D.C. Reprint, Berkeley: California Book Co., 1953. Pilling, Arnold R. (1978). "Yurok." In Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 8, California, edited by Robert F. Heizer, 137-154. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institu- tion. Swezey, Sean (1975). "The Energetics of Subsistence- Assurance Ritual in Native California." In Ethnographic Inter- pretations: 12-13, edited by Sean Swezey et al., 1-46. Univer- sity of California, Archaeological Research Facility, Contri- butions, no. 23. Berkeley. THOMAS R HESTER Zuni ETHNONYMS: Ashiwi, Cibola, Cufiu, Narsh-tiz-a (Apache), Nashtezhe (Navajo), Quini, Saray (Tiwa), Seven Cities of Cibola, Siyo (Hopi), Sumi, Sunyitai or Su'nyitsa (Keres) Orientation Identification. The Zuni Indians live today on the Zuni Reservation in west-central New Mexico. The name "Zuni" appears to have derived ultimately from Keresan, wherein Acoma and Santa Ana su'ny denotes "a Zuni Indian." It first appears in Spanish as Sufii and Zuni in the entrada reports of Augustin Rodriguez and Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado (1581-82). Alternative spellings occur thereafter. The Zuni refer to themselves as "Ashiwi" and their pueblo as "Itiwana" (Middle Place), "Halona:wa," name of Halona Pueblo, or most commonly now, Zuni. Location. The Zuni have occupied the Zuni River valley of western New Mexico and eastern Arizona since at least A.D. 700. The present reservation comprises approximately 655 square miles divided into three areas: the main reservation, Zuni Salt Lake (one square mile added in 1978), and Zuni Heaven (Kolhu/wala:wa) (fourteen square miles added in 1984). Linguistic Affiliation. The Zuni language is an isolate that may possibly be related to Penutian of central California. If so, glottochronology suggests a separation minimally of seven thousand years. Demography. Historically, the Zuni population at Euro- pean contact in 1540 has been estimated at over 6,000. Popu- lation was greatly reduced by diseases such as smallpox, influ- enza, and measles. Since 1903, when medical doctors arrived, the population has steadily increased. Reservation popula- tion in February 1988 was 8,299 Zuni (3,984 men, 4,315 women) and 460 non-Indians. Of the Zuni, 2,469 were less than sixteen years old. Many Zuni live off the reservation, but precise figures are lacking. History and Cultural Relations Archaeological evidence indicates a resident population within the Zuni River drainage for well over a millennium. In 1540 the Spanish entrada led by Francisco V6squez de Cor- onado, came in search of gold to Zuni (the fabled Kingdom of Cibola) described by Fray Marcos de Niza after his 1539 so- journ with Esteban, a Black slave. Coronado and his party de- feated the Zuni at Hawikkuh but found that women, chil- dren, and most provisions had been removed to the sacred stronghold mesa, Dowa Yalanne. The men escaped and soon followed. The entrada wintered in the Rio Grande, but passed through Zuni again on the way back to Mexico, having found no gold. Several Mexican Indians remained and were re- ported alive by later Spanish explorers, Chamuscado (1581), Antonio Espejo (1583), and Juan de Ofiate (1598). Coloni- zation of the Southwest by the Spaniards under Ofiate in 1598 involved the Rio Grande valley. The Zuni were largely unaffected until 1629, when they accepted the Franciscans. A mission was built at Hawikkuh in 1629 and another at Halona:wa by 1632. Hostility toward the friars led to the Zuni 397 Zuni's killing them at Hawikkuh in 1632. Apparently the mis- sions were then left unattended until after 1660. In 1672, Apaches killed the priest at the rebuilt Hawikkuh mission with suggestions of Zuni complicity. The Pueblo Revolt of 1680 drove the remaining Spanish settlers and priests from the Southwest, and missions and their accouterments were destroyed. The reconquest by Diego de Vargas in 1692, how- ever, revealed the Zuni were the only Indians to have pre- served Christian ritual objects. De Vargas found the Zuni liv- ing atop Dowa Yalanne. They resettled only Halona:wa in 1700, rebuilding the mission. Early in the 1700s, the Zuni killed three Spaniards and briefly fled to Dowa Yalanne. There were also problems with the Hopi, and mutual raiding of villages occurred (the Hopi Wars). Throughout the eighteenth and most of the nineteenth centuries, Apache and Navajo raiding parties were a problem. Zuni reprisals in a number of instances involved joining with Spanish militia, later Mexican troops (1821 to 1846), and fi- nally the U.S. Army (1846 to 1865). From the outbreak of the Mexican War, the Zuni were allied to the United States and assisted numerous expeditions/militia with food, shelter, and warriors. Stephen Watts Kearny (1846), John Marshall Washington and James H. Simpson (1849), Lorenzo Sit- greaves (1851), Amiel W. Whipple (1858), and Edward F. Beale (1857-1858, with twenty-five camels!) were among those assisted. With Americanization came tremendous encroach- ments on what were recognized as Zuni lands during the Spanish and Mexican periods-about 15 million acres were involved. The Zuni reservation boundary was officially es- tablished in 1877 and reflected less than 3 percent of the original area utilized. Reservation lands were officially ex- tended beginning as early as 1883 through the assistance of the Bureau of American Ethnology ethnologist Frank Hamilton Cushing. He accompanied Matilda Coxe and James Stevenson, fellow anthropologists, in 1879 and stayed at Zuni for several years, becoming an adopted tribal mem- ber and a bow priest. These early anthropologists began a century-plus collaboration with the tribe. Recently, anthro- pologists have taken an active role in assisting the Zuni in land claims cases and other endeavors. Settlements The original area used by the Zuni contains sites indicating Paleo-Indian occupation dating approximately 10000 to 6000 B.c. The Archaic period follows with more numerous sites reflecting a foraging way of life. The introduction of maize from Mexico in 1500 B.C. eventually resulted in a shift from foraging to horticulture. The traditional ancestral Zuni area embraces both Mogollon and Basketmaker-Pueblo (Anasazi) developments, beginning about A.D. 200. At this time, villages of several pit-structures, the introduction of ce- ramics, and greater dependence on maize are noteworthy. Population and site frequency increased through time. Within the Zuni River drainage proper, painted ceramics de- veloped about A.D. 700, and by 1000, above-ground masonry pueblos appeared. From about 1000 to 1150, the area was in- corporated into the Chacoan system centering in Chaco Canyon to the north, with numerous outliers reflecting well- planned masonry structures featuring Great Kivas (one can see, at Zuni, the Village of the Great Kivas and other sites). With the collapse of the Chacoan system, the ancestral Zuni began to build larger, aggregated pueblos, often with over a thousand rooms. Irrigation to ensure crop production proba- bly began at this time. At Spanish contact the Zuni resided in six pueblos along a twenty-five-mile section of the Zuni River. One of the sites, Halona:wa, is present-day Zuni. Following reconquest, the present Zuni was the focus for Zuni life and culture, but a number of seasonally occupied sites were constructed and used in the central area early in the seventeenth century. These villages were associated with farming and peach orchards; they were also outposts for graz- ing livestock and places where religious ceremonies could be held without Spanish interference. During the latter part of the nineteenth century, after Navajo and Apache raiding ceased, farming villages were established at Nutria, Pescado, and Ojo Caliente where excellent springs for irrigation exist. These villages, though largely in ruin, continue to be occu- pied, as does Tekapo, founded early in the twentieth century at the terminal point of an irrigation canal associated with Blackrock Dam on the Zuni River. Economy Subsistence and Commercial Activities. The Zuni were horticulturists, with maize of several colors, beans, and squash as the primary cultigens grown in dry, floodwater, or irrigated fields. Crops were supplemented by the gathering of numerous wild plants and the hunting of animals (mule deer, rabbits, antelope, mountain sheep, and others, including bison on the plains). Communal hunts, which involved con- siderable ritual activity, were not uncommon. Following Spanish contact, wheat, melons, peaches, and other plants were introduced, as were sheep, goats, cattle, horses, and bur- ros. Aboriginally, turkeys and dogs were domesticated, and eagles were caged or tethered for ritual use of their feathers. Sheep quickly became the dominant animal (for both wool and meat). Today, all available range land (95 percent of the reser- vation) has been assigned in ninety-five grazing units/sheep ranches and four cattle pastures operated by two cattlemen's associations. The reservation was fenced in 1934. Range im- provements are ongoing, and sheep and cattle provide a grow- ing source of income. Although trading in turquoise, shell, pifion nuts, salt from Zuni Salt Lake, plants/herbs, and other materials has not ceased, with the coming of the railroads (to Gallup in 1882) and Americanization, there was a shift from bartering to a cash economy. Employment on the reservation is limited to positions associated with federally funded tribal programs, trading posts, and other commercial enterprises. During the 1970s a candle factory and a subsidiary plant of a major electronics company were established, but were short- lived. Cottage industry involving jewelry and other craft pro- duction began to be an important source of income during the 1920s and reached a zenith in the 1970s; today, most households are involved on either a part- or full-time basis. Events of the 1970s, particularly the "jewelry boom," nearly brought an end to subsistence farming pursuits. Sources of off-reservation employment include fire fighting with the U.S. Forest Service and a variety of jobs in Gallup. Industrial Arts. Crafts included pottery, blanket and belt weaving, basketry, fetish carving, turquoise (and shell) bead making, and metalworking after Spanish contact. Although 398 Zuni silversmithing began in the late nineteenth century, it did not reach major importance until the 1920s with the assistance of reservation and Gallup traders. A progression from cluster- work to mosaic inlay and, more recently, needlepoint and channel work has brought international prominence to Zuni. Fetishes, glass beadwork, kachinas, paintings, prints, and ce- ramics are available to the trader and tourist market. Sash and belt weaving is being revitalized, but basketry is near ex- tinction. Trade. Since prehistoric times, Zuni have maintained an important position in trade with other Pueblos, Navajo, Apache, Mexican Indians, and other groups. Hawikkuh, ethnohistorically, was the nexus of trade; present-day Zuni (Halona:wa) continues the tradition. While major trade in wheat and other crops no longer exists, trade in jewelry and other crafts, as well as salt and pifion nuts, continues. Division of Labor. There has been a major shift from tra- ditional patterns (men worked in fields, harvested crops be- longed to the women) to a nonagricultural cash economy wherein both women and men are frequently involved in wage earning. Expectations are that a husband will give his wife his earnings. Livestock ownership traditionally resided with males, with related males sharing flock/herd duties and dividing proceeds after sales. Today, women may be involved via inheritance from their fathers. Within households many married couples work together in jewelry production, dividing the work by personal preference. Preparing food for ceremo- nial occasions and bread baking continues to be women's work, and wood gathering and chopping generally resides with males. Land Tenure. Since Americanization, land has been passed down through either male or female lines, rather than being controlled by matrilineal clans. Today, land associated with houses and farming tends to be viewed as personal prop- erty with surveyed boundaries. Cattle and sheep grazing areas are divided among tribal members with registered use rights. Kinship Kin Groups and Descent. As of 1977 there were fourteen matrilineal, exogamous, and totemically named clans. A child is born into the clan of his or her mother and is viewed as a child of the father's clan. Clans with large memberships may have subclans within them. Although there has been some intermarriage with non-Zunis, the clan structure re- mains strong and viable. Its most conspicuous workings may be seen during ceremonies. Kinship Terminology. A basic Crow system operates with some modification in kin terms. The Zuni system incorpo- rates blood kin and conjugal relatives, as well as clan and cer- emonial kin, and appears highly complex with inconsistencies to non-Zunis. Marriage and Family Marriage. One does not marry within one's clan, and though one should not marry within the father's clan, this does occasionally occur. Marriage traditionally could take place with or without courtship, but it always entailed gifts, discussions with the girl's mother or father, and the girl's own choice. Since the 1970s, courting has followed basic Ameri- can mainstream patterns; marriages are formalized by a church ceremony, by a justice of the peace with a tribal mar- riage license, or by living together. Divorce is easy, although with a cash economy and nontraditional material posses- sions, separation can be more complicated. A male returns to his mother's house with his personal possessions and little else. Children belong to their mother's matrilineal clan, and therefore illegitimacy does not exist. Alimony payments are unknown. Domestic Unit. Traditional extended matrilocal house- holds continue; however, nuclear housing has become com- mon with federal HUD assistance. Subdivisions fan out around the village, and much development has occurred at Black Rock, two miles east of Zuni. Inheritance. Matrilineality continues to play a significant role in inheritance of homes and personal property, though males have considerably more say about sheep and cattle dis- position. Modernization of the pueblo, especially since the 1970s, has tended to alter traditional division patterns. Bitter disputes within extended families, in part a result of nuclear family housing, are not uncommon. Socialization. The 'Zuni Way" begins with infants being tightly bound to a hard-backed cradle board. Childhood is characterized by general permissiveness. Mother's brother may be asked to assist in reprimands, and threats of visits by Boogie Man kachinas are not uncommon for repeated naughty behavior. Aggressive and hostile acts are discour- aged. Education-from Head Start through high school-is emphasized as a key factor to improved opportunities in life. The University of New Mexico has a vocational branch at Zuni. Sociopolitical Organization Social Organization. The interconnectedness of the Zuni social, political, and religious systems and their complexities have been described as almost impossible for non-Zunis to comprehend. In essence, no part of the system can be iso- lated. At the base is the maternal household; it is the social, economic, and religious unit composed of elder members of the maternal lineage, their daughters with their children, un- married sons, and male in-laws. Within this setting, the status of women is high, particularly for matrons. Males joining households as husbands may achieve relatively high status al- most immediately because of knowledge and skills that bring financial support to the family, but their ties and obligations to their maternal households continue. Political Organization. Aboriginally, members of the bow priesthood controlled both internal and external political matters. The functioning of the bow priests as a council, an arm of the all-powerful religious priests, may date to precon- tact times. The Spanish instituted the positions of governor (with a cane of office), lieutenant governor, and assistants perhaps as early as the late 1500s and certainly by 1692 (the reconquest). The head bow priest normally would be gover- nor. Installation by the head priests involved presenting the individual with the Spanish cane and, later, another one from Abraham Lincoln (the Lincoln cane). Selection and appoint- ment by the religious hierarchy continued until 1934, when a Zuni 399 nominating committee was selected to present two nominees to the priests. At a public meeting, the individual receiving the most 'male stand-up" votes was installed as governor, the other, as lieutenant governor. They then had some say about the remaining members of the council. Women, although not officially excluded, did not vote until 1965, when secret bal- loting was also initiated. Significant changes occurred in 1970, when the Zuni constitution was ratified. Terms of office for the governor and council were set at four years, and salaries for the first time were guaranteed from federally derived funds via the Bureau of Indian Affairs. On July 1, 1970, the Tribal Council, follow- ing application, gained control of all functions of both the Tribal Council and the reservation with an Indian agent (the secretary of the interior's representative) acting as adviser to tribal programs. This was part of an overall comprehensive development plan whereby Zuni would receive increased funds to bring numerous improvements and job opportuni- ties to the reservation. Funding was based on Federal Law 25 U.S.C. 48, passed in 1834; Zuni was the first to apply. The funding led to forty-three modernization programs, and today the pueblo, with its paved streets, sidewalks, and streetlights, appears little different outwardly from other Southwestern communities its size. Social Control. Aboriginally, the bow priests were central figures in social control. Many infractions were directly tied to accusations of witchcraft; punishments included public whipping and even death. The last public trials of witches were held in 1925, but belief in witchcraft continues. Now it is resolved privately between the person who catches the witch in the act and the witch. Any infractions against the gods are punished directly by them. Gossip and ridicule play an active role in social control; sacred clowns may publicly ex- pose improper behavior in the plaza on various occasions. Zuni also has a tribal police force and jail, as well as access to the state police, the sheriffs office, and federal agents (the FBI in Gallup) as needed. Conflict. Internal problems appear to have been minimal given the functioning theocratic aboriginal system. During the twentieth century, factionalism, involving pro- and anti- Catholic groups, religious hierarchy versus political groups, and various combinations, has been a problem. Political dif- ferences in 1940 resulted in the Sun Priest (highest priest) re- fusing to serve; he moved to Gallup and the office lapsed with his death in 1952. In 1984, the religious hierarchy, acting on behalf of the people, requested the return of the canes of of- fice from the Tribal Council, citing gross neglect of duty. The priests appointed an interim council, but it was not recog- nized by the Bureau of Indian Affairs until an election was conducted. Most recently, in 1990, the religious hierarchy ob- jected to the Tribal Council's plan with the National Park Service for the first cultural park on a reservation after it was approved by Congress. A pueblo-wide vote was taken, and negative results ended the plan. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The "Zuni Way" is an all-encompassing approach to the universe. Everything within it is sacred, and through religion, harmony and balance are maintained. An- cestors, nature, and zootheism are major aspects. Offered are numerous prayers and prayersticks and the sprinkling of sa- cred white maize meal with bits of turquoise, shell, and coral in order to give thanks and to maintain balance and harmony. Disharmony is caused by infractions of proper behavior, and evil per se is equated with witchcraft. Spanish missionaries at- tempted to destroy the native religion, and some converted to Catholicism and other Christian faiths. But though many have compartmentalized Christianity with Zuni religion, the latter remains strong and viable. Stability is provided through four interlocking subsystems: clans, kivas (kachina society), curing societies, and priesthoods. Each operates indepen- dently, but synchronically, to fulfill both psychological and physical Zuni needs. Within the Zuni supernatural order, 'The Ones Who Hold Our Roads" are supreme; these are Sun Father and his wife, Moon Mother. Earth Mother is also of great importance. Another deity, Old Lady Salt, is Sun Fa- ther's sister, and White Shell Woman is his mother (or mater- nal grandmother). Other deities include Turquoise Man, War Gods, Beast Gods, and a number of kachinas who require im- personators of the highest character. Religious Practitioners. In reality, all Zuni are religious practitioners and religion begins in the home. One's clan may determine positions within the religious system. All males are initiated into the kachina society and become members of one of six kiva groups. The father or mother selects his kiva when he is born, but he may change membership. Initiation occurs in two stages: between ages five and nine, and between ten and fourteen; after this, the male can dance and wear a kachina mask. The kachina society is headed by kachina chief and the kachina spokesman, each of whom has a kachina bow priest assistant. There is also a dance chief for each of the six kivas. Twelve curing societies (Cults of the Beast Gods) are open to both male and female members-individuals may join by choice, by being guilty of trespass, or by being cured of illness. Each has four officers. Membership normally is for life. Sixteen rain priesthoods (six daylight and ten night priests) exist; most have from two to five ranked assistants and may also have one or two female assistants. Some priests come from specific clans either because sacred bundles asso- ciated with them are housed by these clans or because clan af- filiation is mandatory (for example, the sun priest and the house chief). The final two priesthoods are bow priesthoods (cult of the war gods), and the priest must have taken a scalp. Ceremonies. All of the above groups perform calendrical ceremonies and rituals; some are public, others are secret. Each kiva group normally dances four times a year (summer, prior to the harvest, prior to the winter solstice, and winter proper). The internationally famous Shalako ceremony and feast in late November or early December requires year-long preparation and has reportedly brought five thousand or more visitors annually in recent years. But as of June 1990, Shalako has been closed to the public and non-Indians. In addition to numerous annual pilgrimages, quadrennial rituals and ceremonies include the boys' initiation into the kachina cult and pilgrimages to Zuni heaven, the home of most ka- chinas and some ancestors. Arts. Numerous items are made for religious purposes: highly elaborate masks and costumes, kachina dolls pre- sented to girls and women who represent them, bows and ar- rows to boys, jewelry worn by dancers, moccasins (painted or 400 Zuni dyed red), women's leggings, fetishes, prayersticks, images of the war gods (Ahayuda), wood slat altars, and various insig- nia of societal membership. Dancing, religious text recitation, and singing (both newly created kachina songs as well as older ones, some of which are in Keresan or archaic Zuni) are also important. Medicine. Sickness is caused by taboo infractions or witchcraft. A tremendous variety of medicinal plants, which are either collected or traded for with other tribes, is used in curing. These are administered in a variety of ways- internally, often as teas, rubbed on the skin, or smoked. The curing societies are associated with specific maladies and ef- fect specific cures. A modem hospital (U.S. Public Health Service) is located at Black Rock for general health, dental, and eye care. Serious problems involve ambulance transport to the Gallup Indian Hospital or air service to Albuquerque's Bernalillo County Indian Hospital. Middle Place: A Study of the Zuni Indians. New Haven, Conn.: Human Relations Area Files Press. Ortiz, Alfonso, ed. (1979). Handbook of North American Indi- ans, Vol. 9, Southwest. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Insti- tution. Wright, Barton M. (1985). Kachinas of the Zuni. Flagstaff, Ariz.: Northland Press. THEODORE R FRISBIE Death and Afterlife. Witchcraft is commonly viewed as causing death; but kachina dances, which continue for an ex- tended series of days, and dreams wherein the dead appear to lure the living can bring about death as well. Infractions of re- ligious rules can cause either the individual or someone close to that person to die. Thunderstorms in January and observed landslides foretell the death of rain priests within a year. Like- wise, a Shalako impersonator who falls, especially during the final races, is expected to die within a year. The time of an in- dividual's death is predetermined by a person's "invisible road." If one commits suicide or dies from grief or other pre- mature cause, the individual may not enter the afterworld until "the road" is fully traversed. Following death, the de- ceased lies in state at home for an evening. During this time, the body is washed by specific female clan relatives and dressed in traditional clothing. Blankets and clothing brought by the assembled group are buried with the individ- ual during the morning. It is preferred that burial occur within twenty-four hours of death. Rather than the overly crowded Campo Santo in front of the mission, the new Panteah cemetery south of the village is the final resting place. The spirit ("wind") of the deceased remains within the home for four days following death. It passes out the open door and resides at one of several locations. Bow priesthood members become lightning makers; rain priests join their kind "in the waters of the world;" medicine society members go to Shipapulima, Place of Emergence. The majority of oth- ers go to kachina village/Zuni heaven to participate in activi- ties there or return as clouds or 'invisibly" to Zuni while danc- ing is going on. Following death, the name of the deceased ceases to be used, except for rain priests, whose names are in- voked by extant members to bring rain. Bibliography Crampton, C. Gregory (1977). The Zunis of Cibola. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Ferguson, T. J., and E. R Hart (1985). A Zuni Atlas. Nor- man: University of Oklahoma Press. Leighton, Dorothea C., and John Adair (1966). People of the Appendix: Extinct Native American Cultures 401 Appendix: Extinct Native American Cultures A number of Native American cultures that are known to have existed at the time of or shortly before European contact no longer exist as distinct cultural units. Cultural extinction is indicated by the disappearance of the group's language and cultural repertoire and the assimilation of the surviving mem- bers into another culture. Cultural extinction, however, does not necessarily imply physical extinction; for some groups there are still people who identify themselves as members of those groups. Those groups are indicated by italics in the fol- lowing list. Acolapissa Alsea Apalachee Atakapa Bayogoula Beothuk Biloxi Calusa Cayuse Chakchiuma Chastacosta Chawaska Chimariko Chitimacha Coahuilteco Conestoga Coos Costano Cusabo Dwamish Edisto Erie Hitchiti Jumano Kamia Karankawa Klikitat Kwalhiokwa Mackenzie Inuit Manso Mobile Molala Montauk Mosopelea Mugulasha Natchez Neutral Louisiana Oregon Florida Louisiana, Texas Louisiana Newfoundland Mississippi Florida Oregon, Washington Mississippi Oregon Louisiana California Louisiana Texas Pennsylvania Oregon California South Carolina Washington South Carolina New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania Alabama, Georgia New Mexico, Texas California Texas Washington Washington Northwest Territories New Mexico, Texas Alabama, Mississippi Oregon New York Michigan, Ohio Louisiana Louisiana, Mississippi Michigan, New York, Ontario Nicola Nipmuc Okelousa Pamlico Pamunkey Patwin Pennacook Peoria Piro Quinipissa Secotan Shasta Shinnecock Siuslaw Southampton Inuit Susquehanna Takelma Tangipahoa Tillamook Timucua Tlatskanai Tolowa Tsetsaut Tunica Tutelo Umpqua Wappinger Wappo Washa Wenrohonron Yamasee Yana Yuchi Yuki British Columbia Massachusetts Louisiana North Carolina Virginia California Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont Illinois New Mexico Louisiana North Carolina California New York Oregon Northwest Territories Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York California, Oregon Louisiana Oregon Florida Oregon California, Oregon British Columbia Louisiana, Mississippi Virginia Oregon Connecticut, New York California Louisiana Ontario Georgia California Georgia, South Carolina California Glossary 403 Glossary aborigine. See autochthones adobe Large, sun-dried bricks made from water, vegeta- tion, and earth used by Pueblo and other Southwestern Indi- ans to build houses and walls. affine A relative by marriage. age grade A social category composed of persons who fall within a culturally defined age range. agnatic descent. See patrilineal descent allotment A parcel of tribal land of from 40 to 160 acres given to individual Indians and authorized by the Dawes Act of 1887. ambilineal descent The practice of tracing kinship affilia- tion through either the male or the female line. ancestor spirits Ghosts of deceased relatives who are be- lieved to have supernatural powers that can influence the lives of the living. Anglo A person of European descent. Commonly used to refer to persons of white skin color in the Southwest. animal husbandry. See pastoralism animism A belief in spiritual beings. autochthones The indigenous inhabitants of a region. Often used to refer to the native inhabitants encountered by European explorers or settlers. avunculocal residence The practice of a newly married couple residing in the community or household of the hus- band's mother's brother. band In Canada, refers to a government-recognized group of American Indians who reside on one or more reserves, though some bands have no reserve. berdache A person who dresses and acts like a member of the opposite sex and is often regarded as such by members of the community. bilateral descent The practice of tracing kinship affiliation more or less equally through both the male and the female line. bride-price, bride-wealth The practice of a groom or his kin giving substantial property or wealth to the bride's kin be- fore, at the time of, or after marriage. bride-service The practice of a groom performing work for his wife's kin for a set period of time either before or after marriage. cacique A village or tribal leader. caste An endogamous hereditary group, usually with a dis- tinct hereditary occupation, who has a virtually immutable position in a hierarchy. Although the caste system is most elaborated throughout South Asia, castes have also been re- ported in Tibet, Japan, Burundi, and the American South. Chilkat blankets Blankets of goat's hair and cedar bark made principally by the Chilkat tribe of the Tlingit Indians of southern Alaska. clan, sib A group of unilineally affiliated kin who usually reside in the same community and share common property. classificatory kin terms Kinship terms, such as aunt, that designate several categories of distinct relatives, such as mother's sister and father's sister. cognates Words that belong to different languages but have similar sounds and meanings. collaterals A person's relatives not related to him or her as ascendants or descendants; one's uncle, aunt, cousin, brother, sister, nephew, niece. consanguine A relative by blood (birth). counting coup Among the Plains Indians, a practice in which a warrior, while recounting his war deeds at a cere- mony, struck a blow (coup in French), usually with a special stick, to a post erected for that purpose. Among the war deeds counted, from most to least prestigious, were touching an en- emy during battle while unarmed, stealing a horse from a guarded enemy camp, and taking a scalp. cousin, cross Children of one's parent's siblings of the opposite sex-one's father's sisters' and mother's brothers' children. cousin, parallel Children of one's parent's siblings of the same sex-one's father's brothers' and mother's sisters' children. couvade The practice of the husband acting as if he had given birth at the time his wife gives birth. The husband may take to bed, experience labor pains, or observe taboos associ- ated with childbirth. creole A general, inconsistently used term usually applied to a spoken language or dialect that is based on grammatical and lexical features combined from two or more natural lan- guages. It is a first language, distinct from a pidgin. cross cousin. See cousin, cross cult The beliefs, ideas, and activities associated with the worship of a supernatural force or its representations, such as an ancestor cult or a bear cult. culture hero A mythical bird, animal, or person who is be- lieved to be the group's protector. descriptive kin terms Kinship terms that are used to dis- tinguish different categories of relatives such as mother or father. displaced person An individual forced to leave his or her homeland as a result of World War 11. double descent Kinship affiliation by both matrilineal and patrilineal descent. dowry The practice of a bride's kin giving substantial property or wealth to the groom or to his kin before or at the time of marriage. earthlodge A large, dome-shaped, partly underground dwelling constructed on a frame of posts and beams, thatched with bundled grass, branches, mats, and so on, and covered with earth. ego In kinship studies ego is a male or female whom the anthropologist arbitrarily designates as the reference point for 404 Glossary a particular kinship diagram or discussion of kinship termi- nology. endogamy Marriage within a specific group or social cate- gory of which the person is a member, such as one's caste or community. evil eye The belief that a person can cause harm to another by simply wishing him or her harm (casting the evil eye). exogamy Marriage outside a specific group or social cate- gory of which the person is a member, such as one's clan or community. extensive cultivation A form of horticulture in which plots of land are cleared and planted for a few years and then left to fallow for a number of years while other plots are used. Also called swidden, shifting, or slash-and-burn cultivation. fictive kin Individuals referred to or addressed with kin terms and treated as kin, although they are neither affines nor consanguines. hogan A conical, hexagonal, or octagonal dwelling of the Navajo with a framework of logs and sticks covered with sod, mud, and adobe. horticulture Plant cultivation carried out by relatively sim- ple means, usually without permanent fields, artificial fertiliz- ers, or plowing. initiation, or puberty, rites Ceremonies and related activ- ities that mark the transition from childhood to adulthood or from secular status to being a cult-member. kachina Supernatural persons, often the mythical ances- tors of human beings, who visit the earth periodically; a doll, mask, or other object representing such a person, used for rit- ual purposes by the Hopi and other Pueblo groups. kin terms, bifurcate-collateral A system of kinship termi- nology in which all collaterals in the parental generation are referred to by different kin terms. kin terms, bifurcate-merging A system of kinship termi- nology in which members of the two descent groups in the pa- rental generation are referred to by different kin terms. kin terms, Crow A system of kinship terminology in which matrilateral cross cousins are distinguished from each other and from parallel cousins and siblings, but patrilateral cross cousins are referred to by the same terms used for father or father's sister. kin terms, Dravidian. See kin terms, Iroquois kin terms, Eskimo A system of kinship terminology in which cousins are distinguished from brothers and sisters, but no distinction is made between cross and parallel cousins. kin terms, generational A system of kinship terminology in which all kin of the same sex in the parental generation are referred to by the same term. kin terms, Hawaiian A system of kinship terminology in which all male cousins are referred to by the same term used for brother, and all female cousins are referred to by the same term used for sister. kin terms, Iroquois A system of kinship terminology in which parallel cousins are referred to by the same terms used for brothers and sisters but cross cousins are identified by dif- ferent terms. kin terms, lineal A system of kinship terminology in which direct descendants or ascendants are distinguished from col- lateral kin. kin terms, Omaha A system of kinship terminology in which female matrilateral cross cousins are referred to by the same term used for one's mother, and female patrilateral cross cousins are referred to by the same term used for one's sister's daughter. kin terms, Sudanese A system of kinship terminology in which there are distinct terms for each category of cousin and sibling, and for aunts, uncles, nieces, and nephews. kindred The bilateral kin group of near kinsmen who may be expected to be present and participant on important cere- monial occasions, usually in the absence of unilineal descent. kinship Family relationship, whether traced through mari- tal ties or through blood and descent. kiva A subterranean chamber used for ritual observances by Pueblo Indians. legal Indians. See status Indians levirate The practice of requiring a man to marry his brother's widow. lineage A unilineal (whether patrilineal or matrilineal) kin group that traces kinship affiliation from a common, known ancestor and extends through a number of generations. longhouse A large, rectangular-shaped dwelling with a wood frame covered by planks, bark, mats, or other siding and usually housing a number of related families. magic Beliefs and ritual practices designed to harness su- pernatural forces to achieve the goals of the magician. manitou An Algonkian term for the powers of the universe and life or the supernatural being that controls those forces. matrilineal descent, uterine descent The practice of trac- ing kinship affiliation only through the female line. matrilocal residence, uxorilocal residence The practice of a newly married couple residing in the community of the wife's kin. Uxorilocal is sometimes used in a more restrictive sense to indicate residence in the household of the wife's family. medicine bundle A skin-covered package of objects thought by the Plains Indians and other groups to have spe- cial ritual or magical properties. moiety A form of social organization in which an entire cultural group is made up of two social groups. Each moiety is often composed of a number of interrelated clans, sibs, or phratries. monogamy Marriage between one man and one woman at a time. Native American church An intertribal American Indian religious organization adapting Christianity to native beliefs and practices, including the sacramental use of peyote. nativism A movement often with social, religious, or polit- ical components that centers on the rebirth of the native cul- ture and the demise of the colonizers. Glossary 405 neolocal residence The practice of a newly-married couple living apart from the immediate kin of either party. nonstatus Indians. See status Indians parallel cousin. See cousin, parallel pastoralism A type of subsistence economy based on the herding of domesticated grazing animals such as sheep or cattle. patois A dialect of a language spoken by a specific social or occupational group in a multi-cultural environment. patrilineal descent, agnatic descent The practice of trac- ing kinship affiliation only through the male line. patrilocal residence, virilocal residence The practice of a newly married couple residing in the community of the hus- band's kin. Virilocal is sometimes used in a more restrictive sense to indicate residence in the household of the husband's family. peasant, peasantry Small-scale agriculturalists producing only subsistence crops, perhaps in combination with some fishing, animal husbandry, or hunting. They live in villages in a larger state, but participate little in the state's commerce or cultural activities. Today, many peasants rely on mechanized farming and are involved in the national economy, so they are called post-peasants by anthropologists. peyote Any of several species of cactus (Lophophora spp.) found in the Southwest. The downy white tuft (the "button") is used for medicinal and ritual purposes. Also called mescal or mescaline. Peyotism A Native American cult that stresses the use of peyote along with prayer and singing in its ritual activities. phratry A social group consisting of two or more clans joined by some common bond and standing in opposition to other phratries in the society. pidgin A second language very often made up of words and grammatical features from several languages and used as the medium of communication between speakers of different lan- guages. pifion (pinyon) Pine trees (Pinus edulis and Pinus monophylla) of western North America whose large seeds were once an important food source. polyandry The marriage of one woman to more than one man at a time. polygyny The marriage of one man to more than one woman at a time. potlatch A ceremony among Northwest Coast Indians in- volving the giving away or destruction of property to enhance one's status. powwow A council or social meeting of American Indi- ans. puberty rites. See initiation rites Pueblo A term used to refer to a style of architecture, a type of village, or the Pueblo Indians of the Southwest. As an architectural type, a pueblo is an apartment-building struc- ture of stone or adobe, with a flat roof and ladders leading from one level to another. Pueblo (Spanish for village) also refers to Southwest Indian communities with pueblo-style structures. rancheria A small collection or settlement of crude huts (ranchos) or a small American Indian community. recognized Indians. See status Indians refugee An individual who has left his or her homeland as a result of political events in that nation or for other political reasons. removals Actions by the federal or state governments in- volving the forced relocation of American Indian groups from their native lands to other lands, usually to the West and par- ticularly to Indian Territory (present-day Oklahoma). reservation Lands in the United States set aside for the exclusive use of American Indians. The land is held in trust by the federal government, or if a state reservation, by the state government. reserve Lands in Canada set aside for the exclusive use of status Indians. Title to reserve lands rests with the Canadian government. sacred bundle A skin-covered package of objects thought by the Plains Indians and other groups to have special ritual or magical properties. shaman A religious practitioner who receives his or her power directly from supernatural forces. shifting cultivation. See extensive cultivation sib. See clan sister exchange A form of arranged marriage in which two brothers exchange their sisters as wives. slash-and-burn horticulture A system of food production that involves burning trees and brush to clear and fertilize a garden plot, and then planting crops. The plot is used for a few years and then left to fallow while other plots are similarly used. sorcery The use of supernatural forces to further the inter- ests of the sorcerer, primarily through formulae and the ritual manipulation of material objects. sororal polygyny The marriage of one man to two or more sisters at the same time. sororate The practice of a woman being required to marry her deceased sister's husband. status (legal, recognized) Indians Indians in Canada who are legally defined as Indians by the government. Non-status Indians are those of Indian ancestry who, because of inter- marriage, residence in White communities, or other factors, are not legally defined as Indians. sucking cure A curing technique often used by shamans which involved sucking out a foreign object from the patient's body through an implement such as a bone tube. The foreign object, a piece of bone or stone, was viewed as the cause of the malady and the sucking out the cure. Sun Dance A ceremonial dance, connected with the sum- mer solstice and often associated with Plains Indians, which lasted for four days and sometimes involved dancing until ex- hausted as well as inflicting wounds on oneself. [...]... Asians of the United States Indos-South and Southeast Asians of the United States Ingalik Ingelete-Ingalik Inkality-Ingalik Inkiliki-Ingalik Inkilikiiugel'nut-Ingalik Inughuit Inuit See Eskimo Inuit of Quebec-Labrador Inuit Inunaina-Arapaho Inupiat -North Alaskan Eskimos Iowa Ipai-Kumeyaay Ipande-Lipan Apache Irish-European-Americans; European-Canadians Irish Gypsies-Irish Travelers Irish Travelers Irish... Mical-Klikitat Michif-Metis of Western Canada Mickmakiques-Micmac Micmac Micronesian Americans-Micronesians Micronesians Micro-Races-American Isolates Middle Columbia Salish-Columbia Middle Peoples-American Isolates Migmagi-Micmac Mikmaw-Micmac Milbank Sound Indians-Bellabella Minitar-Hidatsa Minnetarees of Fort de Prairie-Gros Ventre Mississauga-Ojibwa Mississippi Sioux-Santee Missouri Miwok Moasham-Abenaki... Travelers-Peripatetics Iroquois Isanyati-Santee Isleta-Pueblo Indians Isonkuaili-Okanagon Issa-Catawba Issues-American Isolates Is-te Semihn-ole-Seminole Istica-ti-Seminole Istopa-Mandan Italians-European-Americans; European-Canadians Itanere-Inughuit lyich-Tenino Jackson Whites-American Isolates jaguallapai-Walapai Jamaicans-Black West Indians in the United States lamajabs-Mohave Japanese-East Asians of. .. Arikara Arkansas-Quapaw Armenians-European-Americans; European-Canadians Arra-Arra-Karok Arveqtormiut-Netsilik Inuit Ashiwi-Zuni Ashkenazim-Jews Ashochimi-Wappo Asian Indians-South and Southeast Asians of Canada; South and Southeast Asians of the United States Asiatic Eskimos-Yuit Askinarmiut-Central Yup'ik Eskimos Assiniboin Assiniboine-Assiniboin Assinipwat-Assiniboin Atimopiskay-Dogrib Atsina-Gros Ventre... Quiliniks-Copper Eskimo Quillayute-Quileute Quinaelt-Quinault Quinaielt-Quinault Quinault Quini-Zuni Quoratem-Karok Qwulhhwaipum-Klikitat Rabbit Skins-Hare Racial Islands-American Isolates Racial Isolates-American Isolates Ramapo Mountain People-American Isolates Ramps-American Isolates Rapides Indians-American Isolates Rapid Indians-Gros Ventre Rappahannock Indians-American Isolates Raskol'niks-Old Believers Red... Tipai-Ipai-Kumeyaay Titunwan-Teton Tlakluit-Wishram Tlalem-Kiallam Tlicho-Dogrib Tlingit Tlinkit-Tlingit Tlokeang-Wailaki Tnaina-Tanaina Toanhooches-Twana Toderichroone-Catawba Tohono O'odham-Pima-Papago Tolowa Tongans-Polynesians Tonkawa Travelers-Irish Travelers Trinidadians-Black West Indians in the United States Trinity Indians-Hupa Tri-Racial Isolates-American Isolates Tri-Racials-American Isolates... Tunaha-Kutenai Tunica Tunumiut-East Greenland Inuit Tununirmiut-Iglulik Inuit Turkey Tribe-Delaware Turks-American Isolates Tusayan-Hopi Tuscarora Tutchone Tutchonekutchin-Tutchone Tutuni-Chastacosta Tuyurymiut-Central Yup'ik Eskimos Twana Twightwees-Miami Tygh-Tenino Tyigh-Tenino Uchi-Yuchi Ugyuligmiut-Netsilik Inuit Uhro-Rusyns-European-Americans Ukhotnom-Yukl Ukrainian-Canadians-Ukrainians of Canada... Southeast Asians of the United States Kiatagmiut-Central Yup'ik Eskimos Kickapoo Kidlineks-Copper Eskimo Kiikaapoa-Kickapoo Kikapu-Kickapoo Killinirmiut-Copper Eskimo Kinnepatoo-Caribou Inuit Kiowa Kiowa Apache Kioway-Kiowa Kitanemuk-Serrano Kitonaga-Kutenai Kiwegapaw-Kickapoo Kiwikapawa-Kickapoo Kk ayttchare Ottine-Hare Klahoose-Comox Klallam Klamath Klickitat-Klikitat Klikitat Knife-Thompson Kokonino-Havasupai... Sia-Keres Pueblo Indians Sierra Blanca Apaches-Mescalero Apache Sikanee-Sekani Sikhs-South and Southeast Asians of Canada; South and Southeast Asians of the United States Siksika-Blackfoot Siletz-Tillamook Simano-li-Seminole Sini Svobodi-Doukhobors Sinkakaius-Columbia Sinkiuse-Columbia Sinkyone-Wailali Sinumiut-Netsilik Inuit Sioux-Santee; Teton; Yankton Six Nations-Iroquois Skeena-Tsimshian Skitswish-Coeur... Mountain-Western Apache White Russians-European-Americans; EuropeanCnadians White Ruthenians-EuropeanAmericans; European-Canadians Wichita Weits-pek-Yurok Welsh-European-Americans; European-Canadians Wenatchi-Columbia Wendat-Huron Wends-European-Americans Wesorts-American Isolates West Alaska Eskimos-Central Yup'ik Wiciyela-Yankton Wiedertaufer-Mennonites Wihinaitti-Northern Shoehone Wiki-Wiyot Wind River . as access to the state police, the sheriffs office, and federal agents (the FBI in Gallup) as needed. Conflict. Internal problems appear to have been minimal given the functioning theocratic aboriginal system. During the twentieth century, factionalism, involving pro- and anti- Catholic groups, religious hierarchy versus political groups, and various combinations, has been a problem. Political dif- ferences in 1940 resulted in the Sun Priest (highest priest) re- fusing to serve; he moved to Gallup and the office lapsed with his death in 1952. In 1984, the religious hierarchy, acting on behalf of the people, requested the return of the canes of of- fice from the Tribal Council, citing gross neglect of duty. The priests appointed an interim council, but it was not recog- nized by the Bureau of Indian Affairs until an election was conducted. Most recently, in 1990, the religious hierarchy ob- jected to the Tribal Council's plan with the National Park Service for the first cultural park on a reservation after it was approved by Congress. A pueblo-wide vote was taken, and negative results ended the plan. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The "Zuni Way" is an all-encompassing approach to the universe. Everything within it is sacred, and through religion, harmony and balance are maintained. An- cestors, nature, and zootheism are major aspects. Offered are numerous prayers and prayersticks and the sprinkling of sa- cred white maize meal with bits of turquoise, shell, and coral in order to give thanks and to maintain balance and harmony. Disharmony is caused by infractions of proper behavior, and evil per se is equated with witchcraft. Spanish missionaries at- tempted to destroy the native religion, and some converted to Catholicism and other Christian faiths. But though many have compartmentalized Christianity with Zuni religion, the latter remains strong and viable. Stability is provided through four interlocking subsystems: clans, kivas (kachina society), curing societies, and priesthoods. Each operates indepen- dently, but synchronically, to fulfill both psychological and physical Zuni needs. Within the Zuni supernatural order, 'The Ones Who Hold Our Roads" are supreme; these are Sun Father and his wife, Moon Mother. Earth Mother is also of great importance. Another deity, Old Lady Salt, is Sun Fa- ther's sister, and White Shell Woman is his mother (or mater- nal grandmother). Other deities include Turquoise Man, War Gods, Beast Gods, and a number of kachinas who require im- personators of the highest character. Religious Practitioners. In reality, all Zuni are religious practitioners and religion begins in the home. One's clan may determine positions within the religious system. All males are initiated into the kachina society and become members of one of six kiva groups. The father or mother selects his kiva when he is born, but he may change membership. Initiation occurs in two stages: between ages five and nine, and between ten and fourteen; after this, the male can dance and wear a kachina mask. The kachina society is headed by kachina chief and the kachina spokesman, each of whom has a kachina bow priest assistant. There is also a dance chief for each of the six kivas. Twelve curing societies (Cults of the Beast Gods) are open to both male and female members-individuals may join by choice, by being guilty of trespass, or by being cured of illness. Each has four officers. Membership normally is for life. Sixteen rain priesthoods (six daylight and ten night priests) exist; most have from two to five ranked assistants and may also have one or two female assistants. Some priests come from specific clans either because sacred bundles asso- ciated with them are housed by these clans or because clan af- filiation is mandatory (for example, the sun priest and the house chief). The final two priesthoods are bow priesthoods (cult of the war gods), and the priest must have taken a scalp. Ceremonies. All of the above groups perform calendrical ceremonies and rituals; some are public, others are secret. Each kiva group normally dances four times a year (summer, prior to the harvest, prior to the winter solstice, and winter proper). The internationally famous Shalako ceremony and feast in late November or early December requires year-long preparation and has reportedly brought five thousand or more visitors annually in recent years. But as of June 1990, Shalako has been closed to the public and non-Indians. In addition to numerous annual pilgrimages, quadrennial rituals and ceremonies include the boys' initiation into the kachina cult and pilgrimages to Zuni heaven, the home of most ka- chinas and some ancestors. Arts. Numerous items are made for religious purposes: highly elaborate masks and costumes, kachina dolls pre- sented to girls and women who represent them, bows and ar- rows to boys, jewelry worn by dancers, moccasins (painted or 400 Zuni dyed red), women's leggings, fetishes, prayersticks, images of the war gods (Ahayuda), wood slat altars, and various insig- nia of societal membership. Dancing, religious text recitation, and singing (both newly created kachina songs as well as older ones, some of which are in Keresan or archaic Zuni) are also important. Medicine. Sickness is caused by taboo infractions or witchcraft. A tremendous variety of medicinal plants, which are either collected or traded for with other tribes, is used in curing. These are administered in a variety of ways- internally, often as teas, rubbed on the skin, or smoked. The curing societies are associated with specific maladies and ef- fect specific cures. A modem hospital (U.S. Public Health Service) is located at Black Rock for general health, dental, and eye care. Serious problems involve ambulance transport to the Gallup Indian Hospital or air service to Albuquerque's Bernalillo County Indian Hospital. Middle Place: A Study of the Zuni Indians. New Haven, Conn.: Human Relations Area Files Press. Ortiz, Alfonso, ed. (1979). Handbook of North American Indi- ans, Vol. 9, Southwest. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Insti- tution. Wright, Barton M. (1985). Kachinas of the Zuni. Flagstaff, Ariz.: Northland Press. THEODORE R FRISBIE Death and Afterlife. Witchcraft is commonly viewed as causing death; but kachina dances, which continue for an ex- tended series of days, and dreams wherein the dead appear to lure the living can bring about death as well. Infractions of re- ligious rules can cause either the individual or someone close to that person to die. Thunderstorms in January and observed landslides foretell the death of rain priests within a year. Like- wise, a Shalako impersonator who falls, especially during the final races, is expected to die within a year. The time of an in- dividual's death is predetermined by a person's "invisible road." If one commits suicide or dies from grief or other pre- mature cause, the individual may not enter the afterworld until "the road" is fully traversed. Following death, the de- ceased lies in state at home for an evening. During this time, the body is washed by specific female clan relatives and dressed in traditional clothing. Blankets and clothing brought by the assembled group are buried with the individ- ual during the morning. It is preferred that burial occur within twenty-four hours of death. Rather than the overly crowded Campo Santo in front of the mission, the new Panteah cemetery south of the village is the final resting place. The spirit ("wind") of the deceased remains within the home for four days following death. It passes out the open door and resides at one of several locations. Bow priesthood members become lightning makers; rain priests join their kind "in the waters of the world; " medicine society members go to Shipapulima, Place of Emergence. The majority of oth- ers go to kachina village/Zuni heaven to participate in activi- ties there or return as clouds or 'invisibly" to Zuni while danc- ing is going on. Following death, the name of the deceased ceases to be used, except for rain priests, whose names are in- voked by extant members to bring rain. Bibliography Crampton, C. Gregory (1977). The Zunis of Cibola. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Ferguson, T. J., and E. R Hart (1985). A Zuni Atlas. Nor- man: University of Oklahoma Press. Leighton, Dorothea C., and John Adair (1966). People of the Appendix: Extinct Native American Cultures 401 Appendix: Extinct Native American Cultures A number of Native American cultures that are known to have existed at the time of or shortly before European contact no longer exist as distinct cultural units. Cultural extinction is indicated by the disappearance of the group's language and cultural repertoire and the assimilation of the surviving mem- bers into another culture. Cultural extinction, however, does not necessarily imply physical extinction; for some groups there are still people who identify themselves as members of those groups. Those groups are indicated by italics in the fol- lowing list. Acolapissa Alsea Apalachee Atakapa Bayogoula Beothuk Biloxi Calusa Cayuse Chakchiuma Chastacosta Chawaska Chimariko Chitimacha Coahuilteco Conestoga Coos Costano Cusabo Dwamish Edisto Erie Hitchiti Jumano Kamia Karankawa Klikitat Kwalhiokwa Mackenzie Inuit Manso Mobile Molala Montauk Mosopelea Mugulasha Natchez Neutral Louisiana Oregon Florida Louisiana, Texas Louisiana Newfoundland Mississippi Florida Oregon, Washington Mississippi Oregon Louisiana California Louisiana Texas Pennsylvania Oregon California South Carolina Washington South Carolina New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania Alabama, Georgia New Mexico, Texas California Texas Washington Washington Northwest Territories New Mexico, Texas Alabama, Mississippi Oregon New York Michigan, Ohio Louisiana Louisiana, Mississippi Michigan, New York, Ontario Nicola Nipmuc Okelousa Pamlico Pamunkey Patwin Pennacook Peoria Piro Quinipissa Secotan Shasta Shinnecock Siuslaw Southampton Inuit Susquehanna Takelma Tangipahoa Tillamook Timucua Tlatskanai Tolowa Tsetsaut Tunica Tutelo Umpqua Wappinger Wappo Washa Wenrohonron Yamasee Yana Yuchi Yuki British Columbia Massachusetts Louisiana North Carolina Virginia California Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont Illinois New Mexico Louisiana North Carolina California New York Oregon Northwest Territories Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York California, Oregon Louisiana Oregon Florida Oregon California, Oregon British Columbia Louisiana, Mississippi Virginia Oregon Connecticut, New York California Louisiana Ontario Georgia California Georgia, South Carolina California Glossary 403 Glossary aborigine. See autochthones adobe Large, sun-dried bricks made from water, vegeta- tion, and earth used by Pueblo and other Southwestern Indi- ans to build houses and walls. affine A relative by marriage. age grade A social category composed of persons who fall within a culturally defined age range. agnatic descent. See patrilineal descent allotment A parcel of tribal land of from 40 to 160 acres given to individual Indians and authorized by the Dawes. in the absence of unilineal descent. kinship Family relationship, whether traced through mari- tal ties or through blood and descent. kiva A subterranean chamber used for ritual observances by Pueblo Indians. legal Indians. See status Indians levirate The practice of requiring a man to marry his brother's widow. lineage A unilineal (whether patrilineal or matrilineal) kin group that traces kinship affiliation from a common, known ancestor and extends through a number of generations. longhouse A large, rectangular-shaped dwelling with a wood frame covered by planks, bark, mats, or other siding and usually housing a number of related families. magic Beliefs and ritual practices designed to harness su- pernatural forces to achieve the goals of the magician. manitou An Algonkian term for the powers of the universe and life or the supernatural being that controls those forces. matrilineal descent, uterine descent The practice of trac- ing kinship affiliation only through the female line. matrilocal residence, uxorilocal residence The practice of a newly married couple residing in the community of the wife's kin. Uxorilocal is sometimes used in a more restrictive sense to indicate residence in the household of the wife's family. medicine bundle A skin-covered package of objects thought by the Plains Indians and other groups to have spe- cial ritual or magical properties. moiety A form of social organization in which an entire cultural group is made up of two social groups. Each moiety is often composed of a number of interrelated clans, sibs, or phratries. monogamy Marriage between one man and one woman at a time. Native American church An intertribal American Indian religious organization adapting Christianity to native beliefs and practices, including the sacramental use of peyote. nativism A movement often with social, religious, or polit- ical components that centers on the rebirth of the native cul- ture and the demise of the colonizers. Glossary 405 neolocal residence The practice of a newly-married couple living apart from the immediate kin of either party. nonstatus Indians. See status Indians parallel cousin. See cousin, parallel pastoralism A type of subsistence economy based on the herding of domesticated grazing animals such as sheep or cattle. patois A dialect of a language spoken by a specific social or occupational group in a multi-cultural environment. patrilineal descent, agnatic descent The practice of trac- ing kinship affiliation only through the male line. patrilocal residence, virilocal residence The practice of a newly married couple residing in the community of the hus- band's kin. Virilocal is sometimes used in a more restrictive sense to indicate residence in the household of the husband's family. peasant, peasantry Small-scale agriculturalists producing only subsistence crops, perhaps in combination with some fishing, animal husbandry, or hunting. They live in villages in a larger state, but participate little in the state's commerce or cultural activities. Today, many peasants rely on mechanized farming and are involved in the national economy, so they are called post-peasants by anthropologists. peyote Any of several species of cactus (Lophophora spp.) found in the Southwest. The downy white tuft (the "button") is used for medicinal and ritual purposes. Also called mescal or mescaline. Peyotism A Native American cult that stresses the use of peyote along with prayer and singing in its ritual activities. phratry A social group consisting of two or more clans joined by some common bond and standing in opposition to other phratries in the society. pidgin A second language very often made up of words and grammatical features from several languages and used as the medium of communication between speakers of different lan- guages. pifion (pinyon) Pine trees (Pinus edulis and Pinus monophylla) of western North America whose large seeds were once an important food source. polyandry The marriage of one woman to more than one man at a time. polygyny The marriage of one man to more than one woman at a time. potlatch A ceremony among Northwest Coast Indians in- volving the giving away or destruction of property to enhance one's status. powwow A council or social meeting of American Indi- ans. puberty rites. See initiation rites Pueblo A term used to refer to a style of architecture, a type of village, or the Pueblo Indians of the Southwest. As an architectural type, a pueblo is an apartment-building struc- ture of stone or adobe, with a flat roof and ladders leading from one level to another. Pueblo (Spanish for village) also refers to Southwest Indian communities with pueblo-style structures. rancheria A small collection or settlement of crude huts (ranchos) or a small American Indian community. recognized Indians. See status Indians refugee An individual who has left his or her homeland as a result of political events in that nation or for other political reasons. removals Actions by the federal or state governments in- volving the forced relocation of American Indian groups from their native lands to other lands, usually to the West and par- ticularly to Indian Territory (present-day Oklahoma). reservation Lands in the United States set aside for the exclusive use of American Indians. The land is held in trust by the federal government, or if a state reservation, by the state government. reserve Lands in Canada set aside for the exclusive use of status Indians. Title to reserve lands rests with the Canadian government. sacred bundle A skin-covered package of objects thought by the Plains Indians and other groups to have special ritual or magical properties. shaman A religious practitioner who receives his or her power directly from supernatural forces. shifting cultivation. See extensive cultivation sib. See clan sister exchange A form of arranged marriage in which two brothers exchange their sisters as wives. slash-and-burn horticulture A system of food production that involves burning trees and brush to clear and fertilize a garden plot, and then planting crops. The plot is used for a few years and then left to fallow while other plots are similarly used. sorcery The use of supernatural forces to further the inter- ests of the sorcerer, primarily through formulae and the ritual manipulation of material objects. sororal polygyny The marriage of one man to two or more sisters at the same time. sororate The practice of a woman being required to marry her deceased sister's husband. status (legal, recognized) Indians Indians in Canada who are legally defined as Indians by the government. Non-status Indians are those of Indian ancestry who, because of inter- marriage, residence in White communities, or other factors, are not legally defined as Indians. sucking cure A curing technique often used by shamans which involved sucking out a foreign object from the patient's body through an implement such as a bone tube. The foreign object, a piece of bone or stone, was viewed as the cause of the malady and the sucking out the cure. Sun Dance A ceremonial dance, connected with the sum- mer solstice and often associated with Plains Indians, which lasted for four days and sometimes involved dancing until ex- hausted as well as inflicting wounds on oneself. 406 Glossary sweat lodge A small, sealed hut in which people took sweat baths by means of steam produced by water being sprin- kled on hot stones. swidden The field or garden plot resulting from slash-and- bum field preparation. teknonymy The practice of addressing a person after the name of his wife or his or her child rather than by the individ- ual name. For example, "Bill" is called 'Father of John." tipi (tepee, teepee) A conical-shaped portable dwelling of skin- or hide-covered poles, associated with the nomadic Plains Indians. totem A plant or animal emblematic of a clan that usually has special meaning to the group. transhumance Seasonal movements of a society or com- munity. It may involve seasonal shifts in food production be- tween hunting and gathering and horticulture or the move- ment of herds to more favorable locations. tribe Although there is some variation in use, the term usually applies to. as access to the state police, the sheriffs office, and federal agents (the FBI in Gallup) as needed. Conflict. Internal problems appear to have been minimal given the functioning theocratic aboriginal system. During the twentieth century, factionalism, involving pro- and anti- Catholic groups, religious hierarchy versus political groups, and various combinations, has been a problem. Political dif- ferences in 1940 resulted in the Sun Priest (highest priest) re- fusing to serve; he moved to Gallup and the office lapsed with his death in 1952. In 1984, the religious hierarchy, acting on behalf of the people, requested the return of the canes of of- fice from the Tribal Council, citing gross neglect of duty. The priests appointed an interim council, but it was not recog- nized by the Bureau of Indian Affairs until an election was conducted. Most recently, in 1990, the religious hierarchy ob- jected to the Tribal Council's plan with the National Park Service for the first cultural park on a reservation after it was approved by Congress. A pueblo-wide vote was taken, and negative results ended the plan. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious Beliefs. The "Zuni Way" is an all-encompassing approach to the universe. Everything within it is sacred, and through religion, harmony and balance are maintained. An- cestors, nature, and zootheism are major aspects. Offered are numerous prayers and prayersticks and the sprinkling of sa- cred white maize meal with bits of turquoise, shell, and coral in order to give thanks and to maintain balance and harmony. Disharmony is caused by infractions of proper behavior, and evil per se is equated with witchcraft. Spanish missionaries at- tempted to destroy the native religion, and some converted to Catholicism and other Christian faiths. But though many have compartmentalized Christianity with Zuni religion, the latter remains strong and viable. Stability is provided through four interlocking subsystems: clans, kivas (kachina society), curing societies, and priesthoods. Each operates indepen- dently, but synchronically, to fulfill both psychological and physical Zuni needs. Within the Zuni supernatural order, 'The Ones Who Hold Our Roads" are supreme; these are Sun Father and his wife, Moon Mother. Earth Mother is also of great importance. Another deity, Old Lady Salt, is Sun Fa- ther's sister, and White Shell Woman is his mother (or mater- nal grandmother). Other deities include Turquoise Man, War Gods, Beast Gods, and a number of kachinas who require im- personators of the highest character. Religious Practitioners. In reality, all Zuni are religious practitioners and religion begins in the home. One's clan may determine positions within the religious system. All males are initiated into the kachina society and become members of one of six kiva groups. The father or mother selects his kiva when he is born, but he may change membership. Initiation occurs in two stages: between ages five and nine, and between ten and fourteen; after this, the male can dance and wear a kachina mask. The kachina society is headed by kachina chief and the kachina spokesman, each of whom has a kachina bow priest assistant. There is also a dance chief for each of the six kivas. Twelve curing societies (Cults of the Beast Gods) are open to both male and female members-individuals may join by choice, by being guilty of trespass, or by being cured of illness. Each has four officers. Membership normally is for life. Sixteen rain priesthoods (six daylight and ten night priests) exist; most have from two to five ranked assistants and may also have one or two female assistants. Some priests come from specific clans either because sacred bundles asso- ciated with them are housed by these clans or because clan af- filiation is mandatory (for example, the sun priest and the house chief). The final two priesthoods are bow priesthoods (cult of the war gods), and the priest must have taken a scalp. Ceremonies. All of the above groups perform calendrical ceremonies and rituals; some are public, others are secret. Each kiva group normally dances four times a year (summer, prior to the harvest, prior to the winter solstice, and winter proper). The internationally famous Shalako ceremony and feast in late November or early December requires year-long preparation and has reportedly brought five thousand or more visitors annually in recent years. But as of June 1990, Shalako has been closed to the public and non-Indians. In addition to numerous annual pilgrimages, quadrennial rituals and ceremonies include the boys' initiation into the kachina cult and pilgrimages to Zuni heaven, the home of most ka- chinas and some ancestors. Arts. Numerous items are made for religious purposes: highly elaborate masks and costumes, kachina dolls pre- sented to girls and women who represent them, bows and ar- rows to boys, jewelry worn by dancers, moccasins (painted or 400 Zuni dyed red), women's leggings, fetishes, prayersticks, images of the war gods (Ahayuda), wood slat altars, and various insig- nia of societal membership. Dancing, religious text recitation, and singing (both newly created kachina songs as well as older ones, some of which are in Keresan or archaic Zuni) are also important. Medicine. Sickness is caused by taboo infractions or witchcraft. A tremendous variety of medicinal plants, which are either collected or traded for with other tribes, is used in curing. These are administered in a variety of ways- internally, often as teas, rubbed on the skin, or smoked. The curing societies are associated with specific maladies and ef- fect specific cures. A modem hospital (U.S. Public Health Service) is located at Black Rock for general health, dental, and eye care. Serious problems involve ambulance transport to the Gallup Indian Hospital or air service to Albuquerque's Bernalillo County Indian Hospital. Middle Place: A Study of the Zuni Indians. New Haven, Conn.: Human Relations Area Files Press. Ortiz, Alfonso, ed. (1979). Handbook of North American Indi- ans, Vol. 9, Southwest. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Insti- tution. Wright, Barton M. (1985). Kachinas of the Zuni. Flagstaff, Ariz.: Northland Press. THEODORE R FRISBIE Death and Afterlife. Witchcraft is commonly viewed as causing death; but kachina dances, which continue for an ex- tended series of days, and dreams wherein the dead appear to lure the living can bring about death as well. Infractions of re- ligious rules can cause either the individual or someone close to that person to die. Thunderstorms in January and observed landslides foretell the death of rain priests within a year. Like- wise, a Shalako impersonator who falls, especially during the final races, is expected to die within a year. The time of an in- dividual's death is predetermined by a person's "invisible road." If one commits suicide or dies from grief or other pre- mature cause, the individual may not enter the afterworld until "the road" is fully traversed. Following death, the de- ceased lies in state at home for an evening. During this time, the body is washed by specific female clan relatives and dressed in traditional clothing. Blankets and clothing brought by the assembled group are buried with the individ- ual during the morning. It is preferred that burial occur within twenty-four hours of death. Rather than the overly crowded Campo Santo in front of the mission, the new Panteah cemetery south of the village is the final resting place. The spirit ("wind") of the deceased remains within the home for four days following death. It passes out the open door and resides at one of several locations. Bow priesthood members become lightning makers; rain priests join their kind "in the waters of the world; " medicine society members go to Shipapulima, Place of Emergence. The majority of oth- ers go to kachina village/Zuni heaven to participate in activi- ties there or return as clouds or 'invisibly" to Zuni while danc- ing is going on. Following death, the name of the deceased ceases to be used, except for rain priests, whose names are in- voked by extant members to bring rain. Bibliography Crampton, C. Gregory (1977). The Zunis of Cibola. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Ferguson, T. J., and E. R Hart (1985). A Zuni Atlas. Nor- man: University of Oklahoma Press. Leighton, Dorothea C., and John Adair (1966). People of the Appendix: Extinct Native American Cultures 401 Appendix: Extinct Native American Cultures A number of Native American cultures that are known to have existed at the time of or shortly before European contact no longer exist as distinct cultural units. Cultural extinction is indicated by the disappearance of the group's language and cultural repertoire and the assimilation of the surviving mem- bers into another culture. Cultural extinction, however, does not necessarily imply physical extinction; for some groups there are still people who identify themselves as members of those groups. Those groups are indicated by italics in the fol- lowing list. Acolapissa Alsea Apalachee Atakapa Bayogoula Beothuk Biloxi Calusa Cayuse Chakchiuma Chastacosta Chawaska Chimariko Chitimacha Coahuilteco Conestoga Coos Costano Cusabo Dwamish Edisto Erie Hitchiti Jumano Kamia Karankawa Klikitat Kwalhiokwa Mackenzie Inuit Manso Mobile Molala Montauk Mosopelea Mugulasha Natchez Neutral Louisiana Oregon Florida Louisiana, Texas Louisiana Newfoundland Mississippi Florida Oregon, Washington Mississippi Oregon Louisiana California Louisiana Texas Pennsylvania Oregon California South Carolina Washington South Carolina New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania Alabama, Georgia New Mexico, Texas California Texas Washington Washington Northwest Territories New Mexico, Texas Alabama, Mississippi Oregon New York Michigan, Ohio Louisiana Louisiana, Mississippi Michigan, New York, Ontario Nicola Nipmuc Okelousa Pamlico Pamunkey Patwin Pennacook Peoria Piro Quinipissa Secotan Shasta Shinnecock Siuslaw Southampton Inuit Susquehanna Takelma Tangipahoa Tillamook Timucua Tlatskanai Tolowa Tsetsaut Tunica Tutelo Umpqua Wappinger Wappo Washa Wenrohonron Yamasee Yana Yuchi Yuki British Columbia Massachusetts Louisiana North Carolina Virginia California Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont Illinois New Mexico Louisiana North Carolina California New York Oregon Northwest Territories Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York California, Oregon Louisiana Oregon Florida Oregon California, Oregon British Columbia Louisiana, Mississippi Virginia Oregon Connecticut, New York California Louisiana Ontario Georgia California Georgia, South Carolina California Glossary 403 Glossary aborigine. See autochthones adobe Large, sun-dried bricks made from water, vegeta- tion, and earth used by Pueblo and other Southwestern Indi- ans to build houses and walls. affine A relative by marriage. age grade A social category composed of persons who fall within a culturally defined age range. agnatic descent. See patrilineal descent allotment A parcel of tribal land of from 40 to 160 acres given to individual Indians and authorized by the Dawes