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Od, RAZR BOSCO Ty Park Fourdatian oH IE
POSCO Research institute
Trang 2SESSION II_ ACADEMIC CONFERENCE -:
DIVISION 1 [LITERATURE, HISTORY, ANTHROPOLOGY]
Time 13:30 ~ 15:10 15:10 ~ 15:30 15:30 ~ 16:40 * Moderators: * Discussants:
LOcaTION : MODERATO ROOM
Program contents
tA comparative study on the existence of the common cultural belt in the Asian continent through myth-tales
: Yang, Min-Jong (Pusan National University, Korea)
- The comparative study of East Asia Literature Under the Japanese
Occupation
: Kim, Jae-Yong (Wonkang University, Korea)
«Identity in Context: Literary and Cultural Studies in Malaysia and Singapore
: Mary Susan Phillip (University of Malaya, Malaysia) Coffee break
- The Memories of War and Peace During the Between-War Period: A Study
on the ‘Pacific Conference’ and the Role of Intellectuals in Three East Asian Countries
: Ko, Jung-Hyoo (POSTECH, Korea)
- Liberalism and Religious Pluralism in Indonesian Islam
: Kim, Hyung-Jun (Kangwon National University, Korea)
Prof Choi, Won-Shik
(Deparment of Korean Language & Literature, Inha University) Prof Yu, In Sun
(Department of Oriental History, Seoul National University) Prof Jung, Jae-Seo
(Department of Chinese Language & Literature, Ewha Women’s University} Prof Kim, Chea-Soo
(Department of Japanese Language & Literature, Korea University) Prof Koh, Young-Hun
(Department of Malay-Indonesian Language, Hankuk University of Forein Studies)
Prof Park, Jeong-Hyun
(Asiatic Research Institute, Korea University)
Prof Cho, Seong-Taek
(Department of Philosophy, Korea University)
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.$139l 3+ 2S Qa oa Yeo Wald Be sự ; Bambang Shergi Laksmono (University of Indonesia, Indonesia) -oAlo} SYS SS Qe ASE Wet yaa
: Wenfang Fan (Tsinghua University, China)
14:40 ~ 15:50
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: Hieu Nguyen Van (Vietnam National University, Vietnam)
15:50 ~ 16:10 Coffee break
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16:10 ~ 17:20
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Trang 4
DIVISION 2 [EDUCATION, LINGUISTICS, SOCIOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY]
Time 13:30 ~ 14:40 14:40 ~ 15:50 15:50 ~ 16:10 16:10 ~ 17:20 “* Moderators: * Discussants:
LOCATION : VIVACE ROOM
Program contents
- Central Asian university students’ educational environment and their need
for study in Korea
: Kim, Sung-Hoon (Dongguk University, Korea)
- The Evolution and Policy Context of Youth Policy in the Republic of Korea
: Bambang Shergi Laksmono (University of Indonesia, Indonesia)
- A Comparative Study of the Learning-style preferences Among Asian Students
; Wenfang Fan (Tsinghua University, China)
- A study on the Chinese-origin Words in the Hmong Language in Vietnam
: Hiew Nguyen Van (Vietnam National University, Viemam)
Coffee break
- Á Comparative Study on Sustainable Development: South Korea and
Thailand , :
: Jeong, Dai-Yeun (Cheju National University, Korea) /
- Geography of Foreign Direct Investment and Institutional Dynamics in Transitional Economies; Korean Foreign Direct Investment in Vietnam
: Lee, Sung-Cheol (Dongeuk University, Korea) Prof Kim, Min Nam
(Deparment of Education, Kyungpook National University)
Prof You, Seok-Hoon
(Department of Linguistics, Korea University) Prof Yang, Seung- Yoon
(Department of Malay-Indonesian Studies, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies)
Pref Ro, Jong Hee
(Department of Education, Hanyang University)
Prof Song, Byeong-Kug
(Department of Youth Education & Counseling, Soonchunhyang University) Prof Shim, Young-Sock :
(Department of Foreign Languages & Cultures, The Catholic University of Korea) Prof Kim, Eon-Jong
(Department of Korean Literature in Classical Chinese, Korea University)
Prof Kim, Hong-Ku
(Department of Thai, Pusan University of Foreign Studies)
Prof Kim, Seong-Ju
(Department of Political Science and Diplomacy, Sungkyunkwan University)
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“HED Ata SE Agee] det Gs Jeo AS BAA at
: Huong Pham The (Foreign Trade University, Vietnam)
: 9J=dj2let 2149 APSA AF BAIA SA] Bet yea
: Eduardus Tandelilin (Gadjah Mada University, Indonesia) Coffee break
16:10 ~ 17:50
* 3:
-U= $4} AopAlol B2b7] Yo] sade as Asa Wet ~ BS APACS Soe
: 3l S# (2wielzLdlš†m) -
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: PAS (S18)
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: Pravat Kumar Mouhanty (UTKAL University, India)
Trang 6DIVISION 3 [ECONOMICS, MANAGEMENT]
Time
LOCATION : ALLEGRO ROOM
Program contents
13:30 ~ 14:40
14:40 ~ 15:50
15:50 ~ 16:10
- Social Capital, Entrepreneurship, and Economic Performance
: Kim, Byung- Yeon (Seoul National University, Korea)
- Determinants of FDI Flows into Major Countries in ASEAN
: Mah, Jai S (Ewha Women’s University, Korea)
+ Product positioning of Korean against Japanese Consumer goods in Vietnam’s market
: Huong Pham Thu (Foreign Trade University, Vietnam)
- Ownership Structure to Dividend Policy on Stock Price Premium (Discount)
Conditions: Indonesia Evidence for Agency Problem
: Eduardus Tandelilin (Gadjah Mada University, Indonesia) _ Coffee break 16:10 ~ 17:50 * Moderators: * Discussants:
: Management of Expatriation to Indian Emerging Market: Cultural Interface
and Cross-Cultural Training
: Choi, Dong-Ju (Sookmyung Women’s University, Korea)
- Antidumping and FDI Inflows: Are Developing Countries Different?
: Yoo, Tae-Hwan (Mokpo National University, Korea)
- Effect of POSCO India Project on Indian Economy and Development of Ancillary Industries
: Pravat Kumar Monhanty (UTKAL University, India)
Prof Kim, Si-Joong
(GraduateSchool of International Studies, Sogang University) Prof Park, Ki-An
(School of Business Administration, Kyung Hee University)
Prof Jung, Dong-Hyeon
(Department of Economics, Pusan National University)
Prof Kim, Jong-Kil
(College of Economics & Trade, Inha University)
Dr Hong, Beom-Gyo
(Senior Fellow, Korea Institute of Public Finance)
Prof Han, Choong-Min
(Division of Business Adiministration, Hanyang University)
Prof Song, Kyo-Jik
(School of Business Administration, Sugkyunkwan University)
Prof Lee, Woon-Yong
Unstitute of Indian Studies, Youngsan University)
Dr Lee, Soon-Cheol
(Korea Institute for International Economic Policy) Dr Cho, Choong-Jae
Trang 7
DIVISION 2
“A STUDY ON THE CHINESE-ORIGIN WORDS IN THE HMONG
LANGUAGE IN VIETNAM”
HIEU NGUYEN VAN
- VIETNAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY, VIETNAM -
Trang 8
A study on the Chinese-origin words in Hmong language in Vietnam
(a synchronic point of view)
Hieu-van Nguyen, Ph.D
Lecturer, Dept of Linguistics, University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Hanoi National University, 336 Nguyen Trai street - Thanh Xuan district - Hanoi - Vietnam
1 INTRODUCTION TO THE HMONG ETHNIC GROUP IN VIETNAM
In the multi-ethnic context, Hmong has been considered as an important member in Vietnam
community, With the population of nearly 800,000, Hmong is ranked 8" in the list of Vietnam ethnic
groups They settle in vast region in almost mountainous provinces, in the North (in high places of 800 ~ 1500m above the sea level) along the borders of Vietnam with China and Laos, from Lang Son to Nghe An provinces, in which they concentrate in the East and Northwest provinces such as Ha Giang,
Lao Cai, Lai Chau, Son La, Nghe An, etc
The name Hmong is a self-called name, mean “People, man” Other ethnic groups call Hmong Micu, Meo and Meo It divide Hmong, on the basis of ethnological and linguistic characteristics, has been divided into the following branches: White Hmong (Hmongz Pou), Flower Hmong (Hmong Lénhl), Red Hmong (Hmong Siz), Black Hmong (Hmongz Buz), Green Hmong (Hmongz Njuéz), Na Mieu (Water Miao) (Doi Tran Tri, 1999), there is also one viewpoint said that Flower Hmong and Red ' Hmong is only one (Van Cu Van & Nam Hoang, 1994)
Moreover, Hmong residents also live in the wide area in South China, Laos, Thailand, Myanmar and especially after 1975, thousands of Hmong people moved to live in America, France, Australia (to which they mainly emigrated from Laos) In the countries mentioned above, Hmong people live
largely in China with more than 7 millions (according to the statistics in 1990) Among the 56 ethnic communities in China, Hmong population is smaller than Han (Chinese), Zhuang, Man, Hui (Xinfu Wu &Long Bo A, 1992) In fact, It has been showed that Hmong people in Vietnam has the original
relationships with the same communities in other countries, especially with whom live near the
borders between Vietnam, China, and Laos
Today, almost every scholar agree that Hmong language is an isolated one, belonging to the Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien) languages family However, there is a large number of different opinions on kinship classification of this language Some linguists said that the Hmong language belongs to Miao-Yao branch of the Sino-Tibetan languages family Chinese scholars consistently followed this viewpoint with main evidences being structural similarities between Hmong and Chinese (Sino)
Therefore, Miao-Yao (Hmong-Mien) language family in Vietnam could be diagrammed with its members as follows:
Miao branch =~— Miao group (Hmong, Pa Then)
Miao-Yao family : '
Yao branch — Fao group (Yao)
2.HISTORY OF RESEARCH AND LIMITATION OF THE ARTICLE
2.1 Research history
It is of great interest to the scholars of Chinese-origin words in Hmong Ying Lin (1972)' is the first who had a research on the Hmong classes of words borrowing Chinese language on the basis of
' The data in this article does not include Hmong Leng dialect in Vietnam & Southeast Asia
Trang 9
materials collected from some Hmong dialects in China And he thought that the loanwords are mainly modem ones (most of them were borrowed in 20" century) and partly older archaic ones Considering his particular remarks on phonological correspondences, he himself realized that the current loanwords
in Hmong are mostly from Mandarin dialects
Relying upon Hmong dialects in Southeast Asia (largely in Laos and Thailand), while compiling Hmong — English dictionaries, Heimbach (1969), and Lyman (1974) while compiling Hmong — English dictionaries they showed a large number of Chinese loanwords in Hmong But these scholars were interested mainly in a lexical aspect In the researches made by Ballard (1986), Sagart (1995), the Chinese loanwords in Hmong were more or less referred and acknowledged historically However, the comprehension, especially conceming the particular stages of borrowing with individual phonetic changes of Chinese-origin words in Hmong, were not systematically pointed out
Mortensen (2000) had a research which decribed relatively sufficiently the Chinese loanwords in Hmong language in Southeast Asia (based on the data from two big dialects: Hmong Leng and Hmong Douz “White Hmong”) He specified a number of loanwords and compared them with Old
Mandarin’ and variants of the Modern Southwest Mandarin’, and from these he indicated the phonetic '
similarities of the Pre - Modern and Modem Chinese Mandarin loanwords
In short, it is necessary to study the class of Chinese loan-words in Hmong in respect of its
phonetic dimension, structure and meaning comprehensively
2.2 Limitation of the Article
Hmong’s migration from Southwest China to Southeast Asian countries (including Vietnam) took place around 300 years ago For the previous time, the Hmong’s language had long made contacts with the Chinese To the part of the Hmong people in Vietnam, these contacts have not stopped because of their residing and communicating features in a space near the Viemam-China border These contacts have given birth to a system of the Chinese words borrowed to the Hmong’s language In comparison with some contemporary Chinese dialects, it is easy to recognise a rather common presence of the Chinese words in the Hmong language We call these words as the Chinese-origin
words (the Sina-Hmong wards) which are the target of the project’s research In other words, the concept Chinese-origin words in this study is used to refer to Chinese loanwords in Hmong language’s
vocabulary at different historical stages
As mentioned above, in Vietnam there are many Hmong language branches Among these the
most popular are Hmong Leng and Hmong Daw-White Hmong branches Thus, in this study, our
research is based on the data collected from Hmong Leng in Vietnam
The Chinese-origin words in the Hmong language is a broad topic Therefore, in our initial article, we limit our research scope within two aspects:
a/ Investigating the phonetic (initial consonants & rhymes) correspondences between the Chinese-origin words in the Hmong language and the Southwest Mandarin Chinese from a synchronic
point of view
b/ Investigating the Chinese-origin words’ structure in the Hmong language 3 PHONETIC CORRESPONDENCES
3.1 Phonetic basis
it is difficult to specify Chinese loanwords in Hmong language in historical stages Taking it into comparison, one can see that it is easier to study the Chinese loanwords in Vietnamese language than those in Hmong because of available written materials In other words, both the continuousness and
? Mortensen (2000) defined old Madarin base on the material title: zhong Yuan Yipun
> Southwest Madarin dialect is widespreadly in 3 provinces: Yunnan (4B), Sichuan ((9)), Guizhou
(MU
Trang 10
the shortage of available written materials of Hmong language
contact with Chinese make diachronic
specifications and classifications become more difficult
That is the reason why we do not consider the task of determining
the time of borrowing the
Chinese loanwords in Hmong’s vocabulary to be essential one
Instead, we make comparisons to
define the synchronic phonetic correspondences of these words
in Hmong Leng with Chinese-origin
words and those in Modern Mandarin Chinese in Southwest (Chengdu;
Pingbian; Méngzi’ ) In case
of possible discussion, we also compare some dialects” such
as: Wu, Xiang, Vuẻ”, as the foundation
to specify the time of possible borrowing cases
In Vietnam, Nguyen Van Loi is the first scholar to describe the phonetics of Hmong language
based on materials collected from Hmong Leng in Vietnam
In his research, there ate 56 initial
consonants and five monohthong, five diphthong vowels and three
rhymes with nasal finals Taking
other descriptions into consideration such as Lyman (1974), Mortensen
(2004) which also based on
Hmong Leng dialect, Ratliff (1992) with a description of the phonetics
of White Hmong and Wangfu
Shi (1983) with a description of Dananshan dialect, we have
found the proximities in these research
though there are some different phonemes, i.c., in the Hmong Leng
system of initial consonants where/d/ and /db/ exist while they do not appear in Lyman’ s description
(1974), but do in Ratliff’s
one (1992)
White Hmong rhymes in general are quite similar to those of
Hmong Leng Ratliff (1992)
showed that White Hmong has six simple rhymes corresponding
to the same number of rhymes in
Hmong Leng as outlined by Mortensen The rhymes composed of diphthong
vowels, however, has one
mote /ia/ and nasal finals as well as in Hmong Leng in Vietnam
As in Wang Fushi’s description (1983) in detail, Danashan dialect’s
rhymes are quite similar to
those of Hmong Leng and White Hmong in Southeast Asia (including
Vietnam) with exception that
some obviously influenced by Chinese such as /iou/, /uay/, /ual/,
1au/, fien/, fei, fuen/
In general, the initial consonants, rhymes of all three dialects Hmong,
Leng, White Hmong, and Dananshan - are quite similar
:
These two systems (mong Leng language and Southwest Mandarin
chinese) presented here
provide basis to compare the phonetic of Chinese-origin words
in Hmong Leng with those of Mandarin Chinese in Southwest In general, it is evident that similar phonetic
are correspondences in these two languages In addition, however, different phonetic also existed in these two languages and
when the borrowing occurred, the borrower would use the
alternative sound to intemalize the
loanwords
_—_————————
4 Madarin Chinese cludes some dialects below:
1, Beijing (AGH) Dongbei (#216) 3 Jianghuai ({LHE) 4 1iaoliao GBH) 5 Ilu@GE) 6 Lanyin (BASE) 7 Xinan (GFA) ' '
`g Zhongyuan CPR (quoted: James Campbell) hitp:/Awww,glossika.com/en/die!
5 We worked directly with native speakers
5 We used data ‘s Chinese dialects on The Starling database program:
pttp://starling.rinel.rulegi-
bin/main.cgi2fags=eygtnnl
T In this part, we chose Chéngdù (f#Äð) dialect to represent Southeast
Madarin Chinese dialect;
Yangzhou (fail) represented for Jianghuai Madarin dialect, Changsha (42:90) —
Xiang dialect; Wenzhou (#aJ#)
~ Wu dialect; Guangzhou CUR} Yue dialect ( hitp://www.glossika.com/en/dicv/)
Trang 11
3.2 Initial consonant correspondences
3.2.1 The correspondence of labial consonants in Chinese to those in Hmong Leng® There are labial consonants in Chinese-origin words in Hmong Leng, namely /p, p", f, v, m/ In nature, these labial consonants are similar to those in Modern Mandarin Chinese That is a reason why the
Chinese-origin words integrating in the Hmong language have maintained all of the labial consonants
except of /v/
1 The correspondence of labial consonants in Chinese to those in Hmong Leng
Mandarin | Southwest Old Hmong’ Hy
Correspondences Mandarin | Mandarin Sino-Vietnamese
Chinese Chinese Chinese Leng (S-V)
(SMO) | (HML) (9 (SMC) | (OMC) (AML)
® (pan/ /pau( fpay/ Pangz /pan/ | Bang (to help) ipl ip! Aki pei/ ipe/ /pei/ Pêx /pe/ Bắc (north)
Hp1/ ipi/ ‘pil /phi/ Pir /pi/ Bi (to comparison)
‡Ð/phau/ ip'au/ ÍpPau/ Faov /phau/ ! Pháo (cannon)
ip’ |¡p ĐĐ/phaU íp°ai/ /phai/ Fav /pha/ Phi (to send one's)
3E/p'in/ i prin’ /p°iay/ Finhx /phen/ | Binh (regular)
4/fam/ /fan/ Hon! Pheiz/fai/ Phan, (to separate)
Ml Mf 30 /fan/ /fan/ /fan/ -| Phangv/an/ | Pham (to perpetrate) #l/fan/ /fon/ /fun/ Phéngz/fon/ | Phong (seals)
hel Biwan/ way! /van/ Vangv /van/ | Vong (to hope)
Wi /wu/ Wu/ _ | /ww Vựx /Vi/ Ngô (sumame)
‘vl ñ/wu/ /vu/ | - Vix / vi‘ V6 (kungfu)
$C /may/ | /man/ /man/ Măngx/ man/ | Mang (busy)
‘mn ‘ini E mm /min/ i mion/ Ménhx/men/ | Dan (people)
= /mo/ /me/ /mei/ Mév /me/ Mac (ink)
The consonantal correspondences represented by Mortensen (2000) do not have /v/ - A/ correspondence In fact, the Southwest Mandarin Chinese dialect has see /v/ exist in some cases and this phoneme is preserved in Chinese-origin words of Hmong
3.2:2 Dental consonants correspondences
In Chinese, dental consonants are /t, th, ts, tsh, n, s, 2/ and these phonemes correspond to those in
Chinese origin words in Hmong as follows:
5 in this part, we use IPA system Because we are only concemed with consonants, we did not insert the
tones system in examples
° The Hmong Leng including the written language and the international phonetic alphabet under the IPA standard, As of the written language, we use the Latinisation system issued by the Vietnamese government in
1961
‘° Phoneme /w/ is not considered as an initial consonant, but in this article we consider it as one phoneme
because of systematic reason, in the same rank with /v/ of Southwest Mandarin Chinese, Wenzi Gaige
Chubanshe (1982, p.25)
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2 Dental consonants correspondences
Correspondences | (py) (SMC) | (OMC) (HML) (S-V) SMC) | (HML)
F /tai/ /tai/ ha Tav /ta/ Dai (ro treat)
l ụ tế/tan/ /tan/ - Tinhz /ten/ Dang (damp) Biftun/ fton/ /tun/ Téngz ‘tun! Déng (east)
tậ/hou/ Pau! L2 ou/ | Thâu/Pau/ Thau (10 take) 1 ay B/ tou! — | /Pou/ Mou! | Thơu/Pau/ | Thấu (understand)
Bay thau/ APau/ /Pau/ Thaox / t”au/ Dao (surname)
te, 1E/tsan/ Asan! /tjia›p/ | Txênhr/isen/ Chính (silt) R/Gan/ /tsan/ - TxăngZ/tsan/ Tang (exhibit) Asi ri §/tạun/ | Atson/ /tfiun/ | Tsôngz/tjon/ | Chung (clock) 3/tgu/ đsu/ - Tour / tfi/ Chu (master) ##/tsan/ | /tsan/ /tfian/ | Trangr/ {an/ Chuéng (to drive)
/y tÈ/tgu/ “tsu/ /t]u | Tru/{w/ Trú (fo sfay)
"/ ñ/tgan/ | đs°an/ APiané | Yénhx/t{hey/ | Thanh (to become) tts"? #4/tgPa/ | /ts"a/ /t§a/ | Yx/tfhua/ | Tra (medicine)
Anh fR/te°u/ ital) “#fu/ | Cxuv Ashi/ Xr (to judge)
RẦ/ts°ai/ /tshai/ - Cxax/tsha/ Tai (Fortune)
fal R/nan/ /nan/ /nam/ _ | Nangx /nan/ Nam (south)
R/na/ inal - Nas /na/ Na (that)
in WV #f/nan/ /nan/ /nan/ | Lăngx /lan/ Nan (difficult)
FAs nữ Ait 41 Loi(useful, interest)
‘sf fulse/ /se/ fail Xév /se/ Sac (color)
isl Bu su/ /su/ iful |Xuv/sư Sé (number) Ni /san/ /san/ - | Sangy /San/ Thuong (above)
#2/sou/ /sau/ /sou/ Sau /fau/ Suu (10 collect)
fal /3/ š# /ran/ /zan/ /sian/ | Jangv/3an/ Nhuong (fo avoid)
W/ran/ /zaUJ ` |- Jênhv⁄4epJ/ Nhan (to realize)
According to the above table, there are three cases different from those based on materials of Hmong language collected in America as Mortensen represented In the dialects of Southwest Mandarin Chinese whose representative is Chéngda dialect, there is mispronunciation between /I/ and /n/ Thus, in its system of phonemes there is only one phoneme /n/ On integrating in the Hmong language, almost all of these cases were changed into /l/ phoneme Some words, however, have maintained the original value of /n/ such as the word PA /nan/ (in Chinese) > nangx /nan/ (in Hmong Leng) Thus, we currently accept the two correspondences of /n/ (in Chinese) to be /n,V/ (in Hmong)
In case of the Chinese /z/, its correspondence is only /3/ in Chinese-origin words in Hmong
Mortensen, however, confirmed one more correspondence /n/ in this case He cited two examples A
/zan/ (Chinese) —> /len/ (Hmong) (man, human) and #8 /zen/ (Chinese) —> (Hmong) /len/ (to receive)
to show their correspondences but he almost did not have any accounts for these cases In our material, the Chinese word #2 /zan/ borrowed in Hmong Leng changed to be Jénhv /3en/ (meaning: to receive) ˆ
Trang 13
And the word Lênh! /en/ (to get, to receive) in Hmong is confirmed as originating from $A / lin/ (Mandarin Chinese ) and / nin/ (Chéngda dialect) in Southwest Mandarin Chinese
In the case of the word A /zan/ we believe that Hmong language has three words relating to the Chinese word A, namely (a) Jénhx /zen/, (b) Nénhl /nen/ and (e) Lênhx /len/ In the first case (a), „ it is quite easy to conclude it was borrowed in the contemporary times The case (b) in Mortensen’s
opinion, it was borrowed in the Middle Age on the way of /nen/ —> /*pin/ For the third one (c) we think that it is more logical to explain that it is a variant borrowed in the same time with ‘nen/, From
the Middle Age, occurrences developed towards this direction in some dialects (see the Table) This
has further supported our conclusion
; ` Ị Ị ì
| HM | Chéngdi | Pingbian | Changsha | Wenzhou | Yangzhou — Mc" | Mien"? | | đen/ | ÀJzan/ /zam/ /zan/ ` 7zani ¡— đan/ ‘zion! | /“nin/ | miaw/
3.2.3 Palatal consonants correspondences
In Chinese, the palatal consonants are /1¢, teh, ¢, j, Tư and these correspond to those of Chinese-origin words in Hmong language (Table below):
3 Palatal consonants correspondences
Correspondences (Pt) (SMC) (OMC) (HML) (S-V) | (SMC) | (HML)
Ag/ BX itciau/ | /teiau/ /kau/ Chaoz /tcau/ Gido (to teach)
đại fc | eu ñủ, — | Chvfgi Ky(so remember)
Its! Bl tcia/ | Acia/ tkaf Chuôr/tcua/ Gia (imitation)
BE/ tgia/ ftgia/ - Txudv/tsua/ Giap (to interpose)
/te #8/ te"iaw/ | #e°iau/ (kỀlau/ | Qaox /tghau/ | Kiéu (bridge)
‘gly Brin’ | &e h/ Ashian/ | Qinhz.&chep/ | Thanh @yormgif)
ist ŸÑ/tehn/ | đe m/ itstion’ | Cxénhritshen/ | Thinh (to invite)
Fitetian/ | “te°ian/ /“s"len/ | Cxinhz/shen/ | Thién (thousand)
fg! B/cian/ /gian/ /xian/ _ | Shangz/can/ Huong (incense)
lại JlMeiau |/elau fsiau/ | Shaorfcau/ Tidu (small) #8 /cian/ /gian/ fsian/ | Xangr /san/ Tưởng (0o think)
is! #iciaw | (eiau/ /xau/ | Xâu/sau/ Hiếu (pious)
EF /jan/ Ajay! đan Zangx /jan/ Duong (sheep)
Al fi BR Gjin/ địn/ ñan/ | Zênhx/jen/ Doanh (to win)
El/in/ Aint Ain/ Zinhv/jen/ An (to print)
4w pf 1 /nian/ “nian/ /niem/ | Nhênhv/nen/ Niệm (o read)
4B /nian/ | đman/ - ‘Nhangx /nan/ | Nuong (bride)
As showed in the Table above, the correspondences are quite the same as described by Mortensen In case of /n/-/p/ the correspondence is not present in this author’s classification, When we
systemize all of the collected data, it is not clear whether this correspondence occurred in an earlier stage or not To solve this problem, one method is proposed This correspondence is taken to compare
"' Our materials of The Middle Chinese were cited from Baxter, William H (1992)
"? Our materials of the Mien language were cited from Downer, G.B (1973)
Trang 14
with that in some dialects and in Chinese in the previous stages in order to give evidences determining
the accurate time of borrowing these Chinese-origin words to Hmong language _
| HM_ | Chéngdù | Pingbian | Changsha | Wenzhou | Guangzhou | _OM MC | S-V
| (ner | lệ /mian/ if /pian/ /niẽ/ “mủ | /nim/ /niem | /“nem/ Ï Niệm
As showed in the table above, some modem Chinese dialects Gneluded Southwest Mandarin Chinese also) use phoneme / p/ instead of /n/ which is Mandarin Chinese Progression can be outlined
as (*nem/-/niemn/-/pian/ This indicates that /p/ phoneme in Southwest Mandarin Chinese surely have
occurred after the Old Chinese time If the procedure was supposed to be similar in Hmong language like this in Southwest Mandarin Chinese, /p/ phoneme would occur after the Old Mandarin Chinese
time
Considering the progression of rhyme we can see the relative regular correspondence between
Chinese /ian/ rhyme with Hmong /esy/ rhyme This is the reason why we incline to the hypothesis that
énen / was borrowed from Southwest Mandarin Chinese in a later stage
AL ] Pt SMC Sv Linhx /len/ ! /lian/ | Mian/ : Liên (fø piv}
Shénhx /gen/ $3/ cian/ | /gian/ Hiém (to disparage)
| Ténbwiten/ @ /tian/ | Htian/ Điện (electricity)
3.2.4 Velar consonants correspondences
In Chinese, the velar phonemes are / k, kh, x, / and they correspond to those of Chinese-origin words in Hmong language as shown in the table below:
4 Velar consonants correspondences
Correspondences (Pp (SMC) (OMG) (HML) (S-V) (SMQ | (HML
#4 /kan/ fkan/ - Cangz/kan/ Cuong (steel)
Iki ‘ki #i/ teie? | kaif jkiaU | Caz /ka/ Nhai (street) BR /kon/ /kon/ /kan/ | Cênhz/ken/ Cân (ro yield)
#/hau | &Pau/ - Khaor/k"au/ Khao (to exam)
AY AM H/*ou fk*ou/ /&*ou | Khơưv/khau/ | Khẩu (mouth) kon! ñon/ ‘kun’ | Khôngv/khon/ | Không (/ee tiae)
/ff 32 /xua/ /xua/ /xua/ Phuév /fua/ Hoa (te broaden)
ix xuan | /xuan/ ˆ Phangz/fan/ Hoang (puzzled)
"hư B/xai/ /xaU /xat/ Har /ha/ Hải (sea)
†R/xan/ ‘xan! /xan | Hénhv /hen/ Han (to hate) ‡#/an/ “am /an/ Ngangv/yan/ An (stable)
tg/ tý S8/2/ nơ! inal Ng6l/nu/ Nga (groose)
Kau/ “au/ /au/ Ngaox/nau/ Ngao(o boil down}
For velars, in many cases, regular correspondences are found between the consonants of Chinese-origin words in Hmong language and those in Southwest Mandarin Chinese such as /k/- /k/, /k'/-/k"), /x/ in Chinese is a voiced, fricative and tongue root phoneme When this initial consonant was borrowed in Hmong language, it had two variants: a/ a voiced, fricative, and labial phoneme /f/ b/ fricative, glottal phoneme /h/
Trang 15
‘g/-fy/ correspondence was not mentioned in Mortensen’s study This means that Hmong Leng in Vietnam has an except which Hmong Leng in other places does not have as described in Mortensen’s research
For the case /x/ - /f/ we propose two hypothesizes The first is presented above The second is that it might occur in an older time as /*yw/ - /f/ Let’s consider some examples:
— - —————
Correspondence writine | McC | Hmong Leng Sino-Vietnamese a | | | Pyles ie gz i Pywan/ *ywan/! Phăngz/fan/ Phuôz /fua/ Hoang (fallow) Hoang (king)
| eae) Pywaj/ Phêy /fe/ Hội (Seminar)
As showed in Table above, changes made /*y/ dropped while /*w/ remained This occurrence
developed as showed in the diagram below:
/#yw-/—/*w/—› /f/
3.3 Rhyme correspondences
3.3.1 Monophthong vowels
a Phoneme /a/ and its correspondences
in Hmong Leng language, /a/ is considered to be a high timbre, relatively loud phoneme And it corresponds to /a/ in Mandarin Chinese The same thing happened to combinations in which there is
/ai component such as /ai/ and /uai/ in the case that when spoken /a/ is much more audible while the
others are so much glide This fact explained the glides of thymes are omitted while the neuclous are consistently maintained:
fat/ fal, fuail faf
1 Rhyme /a/ and its correspondences
Carrespondences 3 , ›
GML) | (SMC) (HML)' (SMC) (OMC) (MC) (S-V)
Hav /ha/ 3B /xai/ /xai/ ⁄xojX/ Hai (sea)
(ai fail Caz /ka/ ft ‘kai! “kaU i*keif Nhai (street)
- Cav /ka/ £8 /kuai/ | /kuai/ /*kwejH/ | Quai (strange)
lai fa’ | Caz ia’ | 3E/kuaV | /kuaử wey’ | Qua (đượu) —_|
b — Phoneme /e/ and its correspondences
As represented in the Table above, /e/ rhymes of Chinese-origin words in Hmong language maintained its original values with no exception The Chinese rhyme /ie/ is also impressed by the fact that the first component is much glide while the second is so clearly spoken Thus, afl Chinese words with this
rhyme were changed to /e/ when they were borrowed by Hmong language
2 Rhyme /e/ and its correspondences :
Correspondences (HML) (SMC) (OMC) (MC) (8-V) (HML) | (SMC
lef fel Mêy /me/ & /me/ imei/ /#mAk/ | Mac (ink)
Pév /pe/ Ei /pe/ /paU /#bœk/ | Bach (white)
lel fie? Zév /phe/ Biie/ fie/ /*yeeH/ | Da (evening)
Thév /the/ $8 ies ‘Wiel | - Thidt (ti)
Our Hmong Leng language’s materials were collected from Hmong Leng readspeech in the place of
Sapa — Lao Cai province
Trang 16
C The phonermic correspondence //
In Chinese /1/ and /3/ phonemes are quite similar in nature Thus, a large number of the Chinese-origin words in Hmong were presented by /i/ phoneme
3 Rhyme /i/ and its correspondences
— Correspondence (HML) gmc) | (ome | (MC) (S-V)
/U Af Chi /tgi/ Bt / tei/ dki/ /*kejH/ Kê (plan)
Fix /phi/ | K/p* /p`eU /#bje/ Bi (bag)
if /uei/ Ciz fki/ ff /kuei/ /kueU #khwU/ Qui (te converge)
Tỉ /8/ ¥f /tuei/ /tuei/ /*twajH/ | B6i (contrary)
đã il Sir/fU — [Rrs/ ify Pix? | Sit (history)
Txis/tsi/ ‡š /ts^/ /tf #cce/ Chi (cinnamon)
iif /eU Fiv /phi/ | Rữ/phei ¡peU | #p\wAJH/] Phối (conform) Phi / fi/ FR /fei/ /fei/ Ppij Phi (to fly)
‘if fin/ Qir/tchỉ | fẾ/ tchín/ /tsiag/ | /*dzjen/ Tinh (Jove)
it is difficult to explain synchronically the correspondences to the Chinese /uei/ and /ei/ rhymes
The quite regular correspondences were found when the Chinese words in Middle Age were taken into -
comparison: /*wij/, /*ij/ - //; /*waj/- fii
Comparing some Chinese dialects with one another one can see the interesting correspondences And these makes the hypothesis that these phonemes were borrowed from Chinese in an earlier stage
more logical
4 Hmong /i/ rhyme correspondences to some Chinese dialects'*
HM NC SF MX XM CZ | SZ SH Mien mã | mie | ee gr BU | 2M +
‘ki/ | EỀ/kul /kut /“uU | /kut /kuif “®&ue/ | /kue/ /kủaU
ftif #{ mu #tue/ ¡ đu /#u1U “#uU ite/ Heil /tấu
/phí/ | Rữ/ phai Iprie |ipV |ipwer Ip'ue/ |ipe/ | p/ /phu
7ñ [Fe bu | xa [NT | Muừ pue | ivy |7 ibis’ |
e Phonemic correspondence /u/
Even in Hmong Leng, the existence of vowel /o/ is suspicious because even though in some of its local
dialects two vowels are mispronounced In our opinion, it is possible to hypothesize that for a long time only /u/ is present and then the seperation of /u/ from /o/ occurred in recent time This is the reason to explain why the Chinese origin words in Hmong Leng the two phonemes /y/ and /o/ tend to
become one /u/ only : :
‘ 5, Rhyme /u/ and its correspondences
Correspondences (HML) (SMC) (OMC) (MC) (S-V) (HML) | (SMC)
“w/ fof Cu /ku/ $8 ‘kof /kau/ | /*kewK/ | Gide (hors)
Cxuy /tshu/ $8 / ts"o/ /ts°a^u/ | /#ts°ak/ Thac (wrong)
/u/ /u/ Hu /hu/ BE / xu/ /xu /“#xu/ Hé (to call)
| Puv /pu/ 44 /pu/ | pul | /*puX/ Bé (to arrest)
® Nanchang is considered belonging to Gan (i) dialect, Shudngféng belonging to Xiang #48, #92
Trang 17f The rhyme ⁄ and its correspondences
1n Hmong language two phonemes /u/ and /1/ are close to each other in phonetic natures They both are front and back vowels, and different from each other in term of roundedness/ unroundedness Thus, the Chinese origin words with /w/ become /4/ in many cases in Hmong,
Similarly, vowels /A/, /yo/ are characterized by many phonetic proximinities Thus, when
borrowed in Hmong language, both were represented by one unique /+/ with no exception 6 Hmong rhyme /# and its correspondences
Correspondences [
Tiny Say (HML) (SMC) (OMC) (MC) (S-V)
Al fal Cur /ki/ aX /ku/ ;ku/ /#“kuH/ C6 (deliberate)
Phưz // ®/8/ #u/ /*bju/ Phu (labourer) Al Al Cxux ftshi/ | BP / tshi/ isif i 2if Tir (to beg)
Suz /fi/ #/s1 ;ñ/ #gijX/ Thất (negative) Af ‘yo! Cxux /tsht/ | J§/tehyo/ /tsu/ /*dzuwk/ — ‘| Téc (tribe)
3.3.2 Hmong diphthong vowels and its correspondences
a _ /ai/ and its correspondences
There is no agreement in the definition of /ai/’s phonetic properties in Hmong Leng Nguyen Van Loi believed that it is the vowel which changed from mid — voicing and medium timbre to low — voicing
and mid timbre /ai/ We think that it has developed from high voicing and mid timbre to low and mid
timbre /ai/ First of all, this vowel corresponds to all of its Chinese counterparts Morever, it is actually
the combination of /a/ and /i/ Thus, in many cases this vowel corresponds to Chinese rhymes
responsibled by /i/, Following are some examples:
7 Hmong diphthong vowel /ai/ and its correspondences
Correspondences_ | (HML) (SMC) | (OMG) | (MO (SV) (HML) | (SMC)
- Cheix /tcai/ | R§ /te”i/ /kh /#“qje | Ki (to ride)
fal fÍ | 1siy lay — | 9n av | Pi | Lê(oplough)
; Cxeik ftsha/ | ]R / ts"ai/ /ts°ai/ /#ts"Aj/ | Sai (/o guess)
fail ‘ail |[Feiv/pai | ƑE(W)/p°a/ |ipaứ - | phy | BA; phuc(to admire)
b Hmong rhyme /au/ and its correspondences
The diphthong vowel /su/ in Hmong Leng is described as one with medium — voicing and timbre decreasing to small voicing and low timbre This vowel sounds like a double sound combined with /u/ in Chinese Thus, this Hmong Leng vowel can respond to the Chinese /au/, /au/ Even though in some cases the Chinese /o/ becomes /au/ when it is borrowed to Chinese-origin words in Hmong
8 Rhyme /su/ and its correspondences
Correspondences (HMI) | (SMC) (HML) (SMC) (OMC) (MC) (S-V)
/su/ lau! Laul /lau/ % mau/ flau/ f*lawX/ Lão (old)
Txâus /tseu | 3Š /isau/ /tsau/ /*tsaw/ Tao (able)
foul ol Laux /lau/ 3# no/ flof /#*lak/ Lac (peanut)
Hâux /hau/ FQ /xo/ /xuo/ |/ywa/ Héa (to mix)
Trang 18
| Correspondenees | (AML) (SMC) (OMC) (MC) (8-V)
Sau /fau/ #/ sau/ /sou/ #§juw/ Suu (to collect)
Thâu /”au/ fï / ˆau/ fous #*”uw/ Thau (to take)
/au/ | /au/
Compared with the Middle Chinese, it seems to evoke the fact that fau/ of Chinese-origin words were borrowed from Chinese at this time, with a correlation of /“aw/ — /au/
c Hmong rhyme /auy and its correspondences
The diphthong /2u is actually a combination of /a/ and /ur/ It is much more audible for /a/ component than /u/ in the spoken language Similarly, in the Chinese combinations of / igu/ and /au/, /a/ component is more audible than the others Given this cardinal vowel, Hmong sound-combinations
correspond to the like in Chinese, for examples:
9 Rhyme (auf and its correspondences
Correspondences ` (AML) | (SMC) (HML) (SMC) (OMC) (MC) (S-V) Chơur /tcau/ 3B Neiau/ /tsiou/ /*tsjuwX/ | Toru (wine)
Ja / /iau/ ca
Lơux /lau/ #ñ/niau/ điou/ #juwX/ Lưu (reside)
Howv /hatu/ {8/ xou/ /Xou/ #vuwH/ |Hấu ”
faut / fowl Loux /low/ 42 /nou/ Aou/ /*luw/ Lau (floor) a
ad Hmong rhyme / ua / and its correspondences
Taking the Chinese-origin words in Hmong Leng into account, the rhyme undertaken by /au/ has quite complex and deversified correspondences First of all, like in many other cases, the syllables of the Chinese words with the same rhyme will be maintained in Chinese-origin words in Hmong It is
simple to understand that the Chinese vowels /ua/, /o/, /u/ have its Chinese correspondence of /au/ The vowel /uan/, however, is different In Hmong Leng vowels /a, 0, e/ have only /y/ followed
and when /uan/ is borrowed to Hmong, there will be two variants First, only /ua/ is maintained and it corresponds to the Chinese- Hmong /ua/ rhyme (Table 9); and second, /-n/ final is changed to /-n/ (Table 11)
The correspondence /a/ ~» /ua/ is quite popular in Hmong language’s branches Mortensen (2000) demonstrated the development of /ua/ logically as follows: PH/*a/—> PWH /*a/—> ML/MD /ua/ (where PH stands for proto- Hmong, PWH proto Westem Hmong, ML/ MD Hmong Leng/ White Hmong) This progress suggests that the borrowing occured in the pre-modem times, and in our
Opinion, this had occurred at least in the time of Old Mandarin Chinese Let's compare some Chinese-
Hmong cases with those of Mandarin Chinese: Yudx /tshua/ (Hmong Leng) — / tfa/ (Old Mandarin Chinese), #€ / tsha/ (Modem Mandarin Chinese); Chuôv /tgua/ (Hmong Leng) <- /ka/ (Old Mandarin Chinese), 38 /tgia/ (Modern Mandarin Chinese); Chuôz /tgua/ (Hmong Leng) — /ka/ (Old Mandarin
Chinese), #8/teia/ (Modern Mandarin Chinese) , ,
10 Rhyme /ua/ and its correspondences
Correspondences (HML) (SMC) (OMC) (Mc) (5+) (HMU) | (SMO _ A/ My Yuôx/shua/ |2{/tsha/ |/tƒa/ dpe! Tra (tea)
Txudv /tsua/ ## ttsa/ ftsa/ dị /*dzop/ Tap (complex)
'* « kind of Hmong lastname
Trang 19TM TƯẾNG (HML) (SMC) | (OMC) (MC) (S-V) Mai Ma Phuôv /ua/ 3B /xua/ | /xua/ !*xwœ/ Hoa (enlarge)
Huôy /hua/ 46 /xua/ /xua/ /*xwae/ Hoa (chemistry)
ual ial Chudv /tgua/ a Agia/ heal *kœH/ Gia (hanger)
Chuôz /tcua/ Z /teia/ %a/ f* keel Gia (house)
m m Cxuôv /tshua/ | 8Š /ts”uan/ | 4t an/ /#tgfenX/ | San (fo level) | Suér /fua/ Bisuan/ | son /*swan'/ — | Toan (count)
mal Ail Pudr /pua/ 3B /pif /pư P pik! Đức (to force) Fué /phua/ S$ /p'i/ Ip /#n°ek/ Phách đo cleave) Aa/ fol Luér /lua/ §R /no/ Juo/ - Loa (mule;
Mz /mua/ †§ /mo/ /mu/ /*mak/ M6 (to grope)
hal hal Puô /pua/ $4 phu/ | /phư *phu/ Phé (to flaunt) — `|
Sudz /fua/ tif /su/ đïu/ Pi juH/ Thu (tree)
Txuôk /tsua/ #8 /tshou/ | / tshou/ /*tshuwH/ | Thau (to mend)
‘ual ‘au Xudv /sua/ /sou/ ‘iow! /*jjuwH/ | Thu (fo consume)
@ Hmong rhyme /au/ and its correspondences
It is not difficult to explain the correspondences to /au/ of Chinese-origin words in Hmong language
because there are few exceptions, In most cases, it is easily found that there is close correlation of
rhymes in both two languages such as /au/— /au/; fiau/~> fau/, /ai/— /av/ 11, Rhyme /au/ and its correspondences
Correspondences (HM) | (SMC) (HML) (SMc) | (OMG) | (MC) (S-V)
lanl fu! Caov “kau/ ® /kau/ /kau/ /*kawH/ | Cáo (1o denounce)
Thaox /”au/ Ba st au/ /tau/ /*đaw/ Dao (to dig)
Qaox / tchau/ 2È /Bian/ / siau/ “%jew/ Tiéu (small)
faul ñau/ Shaor /cau/ lR nePlau | /khau/ /#qjew/ Kiều (bridge) Tsaov/ tfau/ EE /tsai/ /tsaU /*tshajX/ {| Thai (to apply) /au fail Traor /tau/ FH Asai/ ftsaU f*tsajH/ Tai (return)
3.3.3 Correspondences to Hmong rhymes ended by nasal finals
a Hmong rhyme /an/ and its correspondences
It is rather interesting that the correspondences to /an/ of Chinese-origin words are the Chinese correlatives, which are ended by nasal finals, namely / an/, /an/, /ian/, /uan/, /uan/
As represented above (d) the rhyme /uan/ has two variants, with one’s final dropped off and the
other ended by /-n/ instead of /-n/ More popular is the development which is ended by /-n/ instead of
/-n/ with no exception
12, Rhyme /an/ and its correspondences
Correspondences (HML) | (SMO) (HML) (SMC) (QMC)} (MC) (S-V) -W
lanl lan! Khangr # an |RR/klan |/khay | #kPan/ Khang (strong)
“9 ay Vangv /van/ | # /uan/ /van/ /*mjayH/ | Vong (to hope)
Trang 20
IHỢ TSMO (HML) (SMC) | (OMC) | (MC) (S-Ơ) an fian/ Yangx /tPan/ | tĐ/ ts’an/ | /tfian/ | #djan/ Truong (ground)
| Shangz /can/ & / cian/ b;dan/ *xjay/ Huong (incense)
fan! fan! Căngr /kan/ #8/ kan/ ‘kan/ /“kanX/ Can (urgent)
Fangx /p'an/ | #J/phan/ | ip’on! | ptanty | Phan (to negotiate}
lan Anan/ Phangx /fan/ TX / xuan/ /xuar/ /#ywan/ Hoàng (yellow)
Vanev /van/ [: /uany/ fuanl | PeyjwanX/ 1 Vuong (prosperous)
lan juan! Langv /lan/ ail / nuan/ /low *lwan/ Loan (rash)
Yangr/tf'ag/ | # /ts*uan/ | /tf'an/ | “tghenX/ | San (10 produce)
jag! fon/ Fangr /p"ani |Rứ/pon |- Pp en/ Binh (to collide)
| Langs /lan/ BE “non |/lug/ | *luwy! Lung (deaf)
In the case of Chinese /on/ which is borrowed in Hmong language, it is changed to /an/, Taking some Chinese dialects into account, we see that the presence of /ay/ in the words It is likely to suggest
that the importing of these words in Hmong language occurred a long time ago
HML | Suzhou | Shuangfen Fuzhou Chaozhou
DN [ XK uEE aH HUN
Fangr /phan/ fit iptan/ | (phay íp°an/ /p°on/
[ Lãngs /lan/ — G8 / ton/ = | /nan/ un/ Aan/
b5, Hmong rhyme /en/ and its correspondences
In Hmong Leng branch, /e/ is different from /i/ in case when they are monophthong vowels Combining with // final, however, their phonological values are determined as /en/ Even this vowel corresponds to Chinese rhymes which consist of /i/ such in fin, ian, yan/
In addition, the Chinese words which consist of the rhyme /on/, are borrowed in Hmong
language, it normatly adjusts itself to select its most phonetic correlative of it own Thus, Hmong rhyme /en/ usually undertakes this correlative counterpart
13, Rhyme /ey/ and its correspondences
Correspondences HMI (SMO) (HML) (SMC) | (OMC)} (MC) L (S-V)
Cénhz /ken/ #8 /kon/ “kan/ /*kan/ Can (origin)
“sự /an/ Chénhv /tgen/ 3# tcan/ /tiag/ =| /*egengX/ | Chinh (to correct)
, Chênhk /teen/ hi teian/ | /kiam/ | /“kemX/ | Giảm (folesen) fey’ fian/ Cxênhx /ts°en/ Bl/teian/ | AsMien/ | /*dzen/ Tién (front)
- Chinhr /tcen/ #Š /tcin/ “am | /*kjinX/ khan (urgent) sự ñm Cxinhzits"en/ #W/tein/ | 4s°ian/ | /#ts°in/ Than (close)
Qênhx / tchen/ T/tchyan/ ñyn/ |7 gjwen/ Quyền (power)
fey ‘yan! Í Shenhx /cen/ MR /eyan/ | /syen/ | MsjwenX/ | Tayén (10 select) c Hmong rhyme /on/ and its correspondences
Similar to the rhymes ended by nasal finals, /on/ corresponds to two Chinese rhymes /on/ and /yon/ with almost no exception
Trang 21
14, Rhyme /on/ and its correspondences
(HML) (SMC) (omc | (MC) (S-V) | | Correspondences (HML) [ (SMC)
“% fon! Léngx /lon/ ÑE /non/ | đaup/ /“HilAwn/ Long (dragon)
, Thôngx /ton/ | jit / ton/ /Èun/ /“uwn/ Théng (through)
“ý yon! Shôngx/con | ##/eyon/ | /xmg/ | /*gjuwp/ | Hùng (powerful)
| Zôngv /jon/ FAl/yon/ | /iun/ #yAwn" | Dung (to use)
3.3 Remarks
Comparing the correspondences of Chinese-origin words in Hmong language with those in Southwest Mandarin Chinese synchronically leads to some preliminary remarks as follows:
In general, comparative results have showed that there exist frequent phonetic similarities between the Chinese-origin initial consonants, rhymes in Hmong and those in Southwest Mandarin
Chinese.This further supports the viewpoint that the borrowing of Chinese-origin words in Hmong mainly took place during the Hmong’s contacts with the Southwest Mandarin Chinese
When borrowed by Hmong, the number of Chinese initial consonants are 21, Under the impact
of the phonetic rules of Hmong language, these 21 became 26 initial correspondences In general, consonants of one phonetic nature retain its values when borrowed to Hmong tanguage In addition,
other cases were changed in accordance with the present language rules :
The Chinese rhymeic system is much more complicated than that of Hmong Leng Therefore, the transformation of the rhymes often resulted in one thyme in Hmong manifesting many Chinese rhymes After entering Hmong language, the Chinese thymes are changed under some Hmong specific phonetic rules The corresponsive rhymes are kept intact in Chinese-origin words The others would select the Hmong’s quite correlative rhymes for exposure purposes In some rhymes there is dual
possibility (or, say, variants) This diversification makes Hmong- Chinese correspondences very rich but very systematic In addition to the phonetic correspondences whose rules could be seen clearly through
synchronic comparisons, many other cases actually need the comparisons with other dialects besides
the Southwest Mandarin Chinese and with the Old Chinese These suggested that the contact between
Chinese and Hmong Leng occurred a long time ago The preliminary diachronic materials in this study have confirmed this point
Comparing our analysis with Mortensen’s (2000), one can see some different cases This was due to the difference of the places for collecting the data, and some differences show the different time of language contact between Chinese and Hmong language And, of course, results will not be the same if the data is collected from different dialects
These research outcomes allows expansion of research directions and supplementation of materials from Chinese dialects, the languages in the Hmong-Mien group, and philologic materials so
as to facilitate the research and definition of the Chinese-origin words in the Hmong Leng language in ~ different historical periods The research outcomes will reveal the process, the depth of contact and the
influence of Chinese on the Hmong language in particular and on the Hmong-Mien group in general
4 LANGUAGE THE STUDY OF CHINESE-ORIGIN WORDS’STRUCTURE IN HMONG LENG
4.1 The study of Chinese-origin words’ structure in Hmong Leng language
4.1.1 Problem of Chinese-origin morphemes
Many discussions have been made about the morpheme in isolated languages in general, and various opinions among researchers stil] blossom In this study, we do not theoretically present our opinion
about the morpheme in general, but just give our understanding which, in our opinion, is the most
Trang 22appropriate with the so-called morphemes in this language In Hmong, morpheme is the least meaningful unit, which coincides morphologically with syllable and can form words at higher tevel according to the specific modes The morphemes are also the basic units to make up compound words in Hmong
Our materials show Chinese-origin morphemes occupy a large amount in Hmong They have been restared in Hmong’s vocabulary for a very long time when the Chinese — Hmong languages had contact with each other All these morphemes were imported in Hmong Leng at various times and are basic units to form the compound words
We classify the Chinese-origin morphemes basing on the semantic and functional characteristics, under two criteria: 1- At semantic dimension, it can be divided into two groups with
one consisting of lexical meanings and the other grammatical meaningful units, and: 2- At pragmatic dimension, it can be divided into two groups with one being independent and the other dependent From these two criterion, the Chinese- origin words in Hmong can be classified in thrée essential types
as follows:
(1) Type 1: Morphemes which are both meaningful and independent These morphemes are based on the metamorphosis made simple words in Hmong In the structure Tespect they are essential to connect the other members of the same and different types to form the Chinese-origin compound words in Hmong
a? (2) 8) 4
Finhx + Déu Céngz finhx (equal)
Hav = Hai, vu va Liv hav (To slander)
Minhx BA Rõ Minhx pév (obvious, clear) Pav Be Bai Pav chu6z (fail, defeat) As showed in the above Table, morphemes finhx, hav, minhx, pav can act as simple words and
actively participate in combinations to form Chinese- origin words in Hmong Examples:
Hmong Leng Chinese character Vietnamese glossaries
(a)Finhx - Déu (regular)
(a1) Finhx cềr ee Binh quyén (equal rights}
(a2) Côngz finhx OF Céng bing (equitable)
(a3) Finkx ndao sp Binh quan (average):
+
(b) Pav 4 : Bai (failure)
(b1) Pay tsangv Bee Bai tran (defeat in a war) (b2) Suz pav ii That bai (defeat)
(b3) Pay chuôz RR Bai gia (defeat in family tradition)
(2) Type 2: Morphemes which are meaningful but bound These morphemes can act as components of compound words only Let’s take some examples:
qy” (2) @) 4) (5)
Minhx ziv Danh du (honour) Minhx Danh “ Zongx ziv Dé (easy} Ziv Di 3
Yénhx lix Thanh lap (to establish) Lix Lap %
As showed in above Table, minhx, ziv, lix are bound morphemes They act as components of
compound words minhx ziv, zéngx zi and yénhx lix In the word minhx ziv the morpheme minx (means
'S (1) HmongLeng, (2) Chinese character, (3) Meaning in Vietnamese, (4) Chinese-origin compound
words
6 The morpheme Ndao “army" does not originate from Chinese
a) HmongLeng, (2) Meaning in Vietnamese, (3) Type 2, (4) Sino- Vietnamese, (5) Chinese character
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“prestige, reputation”) is used by native speakers only in compound words To express the same
meanings by means of simple words the pure Hmong word will be “bé”, -
(3) Type 3: Morphemes which exist independently but do not have lexical meaning (function words) They are, however, still recognized by their grammatical meaning they express:
Hmong Leng Chinese scrips Vietnamese glossaries
Louy TỶ Rbi (Pready) Hungr R Rat (very) Viv 4 Vì (because)
From the representations above, we do summery all types of Chinese origin morphemes in Hmong Leng in the Table below:
Chinese origin morphemes Free Bound
: A Type! Type 2
lexical meaning Finhx, hav, minx, yénhx Minhx, ziv, lix ,
Type 3
| Grammatical meaning Lowy, hungr, viv 4.1.2 Types of Chinese origin compound words in Hmong
By the compounding mode, the Chinese origin morphemes actively connect to each other to make up compound words in Hmong In Hmong language’s vocabulary there are two classes of compound words in which the Chinese-origin morphemes are present First, all components of compound words are Chinese origin morphemes (we call full Chinese-origin compound words), and; the second are those in which one element is Chinese origin morpheme and the other is non Chinese-origin morpheme (we call them as semi-Chinese origin compound words) We call these two classes the Chinese-origin compound words because of the presence of Chinese origin morphemes in their total
structures,
There are many full Chinese-origin compound words which are quite popular in Hmong
language’s vocabulary Following are some examples:
Cénhz pénhr (basic, essential) > cénhz (48) + pênhr (2K) Liv zongv (over use) — ly CF) + zéngy (FA)
Shénhv phux (happy) — shénhv (3) + phux (18)
H6x yéz (train) — hôx (%4) + yêz (S8)
Comparing the full Chinese-origin compound words with the like in Modern Chinese, one can
see that the Chinese word order and meaning are maintained Some exceptions, however, have changes in meaning as well as the structure, making themselves different from Chinese compound words In the following example (a) maol jénhx is actually a Chinese-origin compound word and its meaning is the total meanings of maol (B) + jéuhx (A) The way of forming semantics is different from that in Modem Chinese when both express this meaning (in Modem Chinese (means ‘man of
straw’) is conveyed by 3# À) In cxample (b), thông /siz is shaped by two morphemes /hông (3Š) +
tsiz (#1) In Modem Chinese, the compound word i& 2 means ‘to inform, to circulate’, but in Hmong it means ‘well-informed’ In this case, the original meaning is replaced by a completely different
meaning And in example (c) the situation is different The compound word /ingv cangz is shaped by two Chinese-origin morphemes Jingv (3%) + cangz (#8) As one can see, its meaning’ is preserved but
order of elements is changed and differed from the Chinese order #124 (means ‘guideline, policy’)
(a) Mao! jénhx (man of straw) — maol () + jênhx (Á} (b) Théngz tsiz (well-informed) —> thongz (Hi) + tsiz (42) (c) Lingy cangz (guideline) — lingv (8Ä) + cangz (#4)
(d) Vénhx thangv (discourse, speech) -> vénhx (XX) + thangy (#4)
In general, the structure and meaning of most Chinese-origin compound words which are shaped by Chinese origin morphemes in Hmong language are the same to these in Modern Chinese
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Some cases, however, have a different order of morpheme and meaning due to the native
speakers’usage
The situation is quite different for the semi- Chinese origin compound words in Hmong language In the form of these words, only one component is the Chinese origin morpheme Thus, semantic and structural characteristics of these words are very specific Followings are considered to
be the semi- Chinese origin compound words in Hmong language
Har blax (sea slug) > har (48) + blax (slug) > sea slug
Maoz plangz (stomach ache) —> maoz (B) + plingz (stomach) —> stomach ache
Bé haov (official name) — bé (name) + haov (8) — official name Vix lux (great) ~ vix ({2) + bux (big) — big and great
In the compound words har dfax, maoz plangz, the components far (means ‘sea’), maoz (means ‘Wl, sick’) are the Chinese origin morphemes and they are attributive to the pure Hmong morphemes blax (means ‘slug’) and pldangz (means ‘stomach’) In here the principal structure is expressed quite clearly (Type of combination 1) The compound word bé haov, however, is a different case This word is shaped by two morphemes which originate from two different sources but have the same meaning
The syntax is coordinated (Type of combination 2)
Har _ blax (sea slug) + Bê haov (official name)
L1 LI
Thus, one Chinese origin morpheme is used to combine with one Hmong morpheme to raise
much productivity of the so-called Chinese origin morphemes in building compound words in Hmong
Moreover, for the semi-Chinese origin morphemes which have one component replaced by non-
Chinese morpheme, These are relatively popular in Hmong language’s vocabulary And this problem makes all Chinese-origin compound words rich and diversified with various types In the following
example, the morpheme ciitov (means ‘to rescue, to save’) (§%) forms a compound word (means ‘to fight against fire, fire emergency’) by combining with the pure Hmong morpheme wei (means ‘ fire’) Under this type of coordination, there is a compound word chuov noi (means ‘fire emergency’) in Hmong language
Chuov tuol (fight against fire) —> chuov (#X) + tuol (fire) Tsinhv cér (true argument) — Tsinhv (8Ñ) + cér (argument) Pénhr saz (basic nature) —> pênhr (2K) + saz (nature)
On the other hand, contacts with Vietnamese would make Hmong language develop compound
words in which one word-component combines with the other that is borrowed from Vietnamese
- (Vietnamese-origin morphemes), The Vietnamese origin morphemes may be in turn either pure Vietnamese or Sino-Vietamese These words occurred in history (new words) Our investigation
showed that the order of word-components is quite similar to that of Vietnamese ones Comparing
these with the compound words whose two components are Chinese origin, one can recognize this
difference Followings are some examples: In Hmong language, yéz (means ‘vehicle’) is the Chinese origin - morpheme This morpheme can combine with many other Chinese origin — morphemes, i.e.,
hôx (means “fire' -34), tênhv (means ‘electricity’ -) to shape a full Chinese-origin compound word
Hox yéz (means ‘train’-4#); Ténhv yéz (means ‘tram’-H) The morpheme yéz, however, can
combines with one pure Vietnamese-origin morpheme, then the order of word-components is not
similar to the words described above but that of Vietnamese compound words (due to the influences of
Vietnamese structures)
Yêz ('vehicle'-SE) + hôx (re -1k) = H6x yéz (train-k BB) Yêz (vehicle-EE) + ténhv (electricity-B) = Ténhv yéz (tram car-BS) Yéz(vehicle-B) — + mair (engine) = Yéz mair (motorbike)
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Moreover, the origin morpheme which is borrowed from Vietnamese language is of Sino- Vietnamese origin In this case, the order and structure of these compound words in Hmong language are drowned in those of Chinese syntax Here are some examples: tsdingr (head-&), a Chinese-origin morpheme, can combine with many other Chinese-origin morphemes to form compound words in Hmong language, i.e., Xur tsdngr (head of tribe-kE&) And when it combines with Sino-Vietnamese origin morpheme, its order is quite as the same as that in Vietnamese (in this case, Sino-Vietnamese and Chinese orders are quite similar):
Xur (tribe-}&) + tsăngr (head - #2) = Xur tsangr (head of tribe-HE-) (Chinese + Chinese)
Đôiv (teảm) — + tsăngr (lead -&) = Đôiv tsăngr (teamaleader) (Sino-Vietnamese + Chinese} However, in some cases where the grammatical structure is borrowed from Vietnamese, the available morphemes are used to make up words in order to borrow the word syntax and meaning of Vietnamese “nha in” (means ‘printing house’) Hmong native speakers use the pure Hmong morpheme tsér (means ‘house’) and combine it with one Chinese-origin morpheme zinfy (means ‘printing’-Ef)
Tsér (house) + zinhv (printing-Fll) = Tsér zinhv (printing house)
Yéz (vehicle-H1) + nhas (underground) = Yéz nhas (submarine)
Therefore, we can summarize all types of the Chinese-origin compound words in Hmong Leng language in Viemam as showed in the Table below (A: Chinese-origin morphemes; B: Hmong morphemes; C: Sino-Vietnamese or pure Vietnamese morphemes):
Morphemes Chinese-origin Sino Vietnamese, | Hinong origin
AA AC AB Chinese-origin Lâu sông» Yéz mair Tsinhv cér
(Fil FA- make use of) (motorbike) (true argument)
BA
Hmong origin Bé haov
| (Official name)
Sino-Vietnamese, | CA
Vietnamese Déiv tsangr (teamleader) T
4.2 Remarks
Researching the structure of Hmong compound words lead us to some remarks as following:
In Hmong language’s vocabulary there exists a large amount of Chinese-origin words in which the majority are compounds The existence of these compound words in Hmong language results from the direct borrowing from Chinese in the process of long contact between these two languages, and
partly from self-production in the development of Hmong Ianguage’s own vocabulary
Components to make up compound words in Hmong language are Chinese-origin morphemes These morphemes are of three types (a/ Type I consists of those which have lexical meanings and can be used as the simple words; b/ Type 2 which have lexical meanings but bound; c/ Type 3 which have grammatical meanings only but independent) All these three types of morphemes are the essential components to form Chinese origin compound words in Hmong’s vocabulary
Considering the origins of Chinese original components lead us to classify the compound words
into two main classes: a/ One class which consists of full Chinese-origin compound words, and; b/ the rest that consists of semi — Chinese-origin ones The full Chinese-origin compound words are formed by all Chinese-origin morphemes In the class of semi Chinese-origin ones, there is at least one member which originated from Chinese, and the other may be either pure Hmong or other sources _
(The most popular is from Vietnamese language) :
The structure of Chinese origin compound words in Hmong language is clearly influenced by
Chinese In principal combinations, the attributives usually precede the head These combinations are quite different from both pure Hmong or Vietnamese ones In addition, the internal development within Hmong’s vocabulary lead to new words which imitated Vietnamese word ~ syntax and
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Semantic structures by using its own available morphemes to build compound words That creates much complexity for the appearance of all Chinese origin compound words in the modern Hmong's vocabulary,
5 CONCLUSION
The survey of the Chinese-origin words in Hmong in terms of phonology and words’ structure, which is based on the materials of the Hmong Leng language in Vietnam, has shown that these words entered the Hmong via linguistic contacts mainly in the Southwest direction It is far different from the Southeast direction of Yao, a language close to Hmong Research results also confirm the opinion, as made by some researchers, that the Chinese-origin words in Hmong were borrowed from the
Southwest Mandarin Chinese dialect mostly during the contemporary times is firmly grounded The
tesearch results also point out the features of the establishment of the Chinese-origin compounds in Hmong in Vietnam lies in the integration of various linguistic contacts mainly fostered by the Chinese and Vietnamese (owning the Sino-Vietnamese)
The research will propose following researches into the Chinese-origin words in Hmong in terms of phonology, vocabulary, and syntax at both synchronic and diachronic aspects This will result in a more comprehensive view at the process, contact depth and influence of the Chinese on Hmong in particular and the Hmong-Yao group in general
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