A-message-for-faculty-from-the-present-day-movement-for-black-lives

International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education ISSN: 0951-8398 (Print) 1366-5898 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tqse20 A message for faculty from the present-day movement for black lives Chayla Haynes & Kevin J Bazner To cite this article: Chayla Haynes & Kevin J Bazner (2019) A message for faculty from the present-day movement for black lives, International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 32:9, 1146-1161, DOI: 10.1080/09518398.2019.1645909 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2019.1645909 Published online: 19 Sep 2019 Submit your article to this journal Article views: 178 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=tqse20 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 2019, VOL 32, NO 9, 1146–1161 https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2019.1645909 A message for faculty from the present-day movement for black lives Chayla Haynes and Kevin J Bazner Department of Educational Administration and Human Resource Development, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX, USA ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY The present-day movement for Black lives calls attention to the antiblackness that is supported and reinforced in White America Antiblackness ostensibly contextualizes what it means to Learn While Black at predominantly White institutions This article presents a content analysis of the demands that pertain to faculty and faculty work Black students submitted to institutional leaders in the aftermath of Ferguson and the campus rebellion led by Concerned Student 1950 at the University of Missouri Study findings point to the classroom as a pedagogical site of Black Liberation; that is, interrogating Whiteness This article concludes with recommendations to help faculty, especially White faculty, in interrogating whiteness and advancing Black Liberation in higher education Received 20 October 2018 Accepted 16 July 2019 KEYWORDS Black lives matter; faculty; Whiteness; Black college students; student demands Introduction The present-day movement for Black lives (Black Lives Matter, 2018) calls attention to the antiblackness1 that is supported and reinforced in White America (Dancy, Edwards & Earl Davis, 2018) Antiblackness names the ways that Black people are systematically excluded from the humanness afforded to White people (Dumas, 2016) Antiblackness treats ordinary Black people, such as Trayvon Martin, Sandra Bland, and Mike Brown as trespassers in White-owned spaces, seemingly to justify that White people can act violently toward them Black college students encounter this antiblackness regularly at predominantly White institutions (PWIs) For example, Kevin Bruce, a junior at Kennesaw State University in May of 2015, posted a video on Twitter of the discriminatory treatment he had received by his academic advisor, Abby Dawson Bruce reportedly made several failed attempts to reach his academic advisor to obtain her advice on his class schedule, before deciding to go to her office in person Once he had arrived, Bruce was informed that he would not be able to see Dawson because he did not have an appointment Hoping that an opening would become available, Bruce decided to wait and took a seat in the office’s sitting area Sometime later that day, Dawson is seen on the video threatening to call the police and accusing Bruce, who remained seated, of harassing her for choosing to wait (Thomason, 2015) In October 2017, University of Hartford student, Chennel Rowe was moving out of her residence hall when she was informed by a classmate about a troubling post that her former White roommate, Brianna Brochu made on Instagram Brochu used social media to report the following, CONTACT Chayla Haynes chayla.haynes@tamu.edu ß 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 1147 Finally, did it yo girl got rid of her roommate!! After 11=2 month of spitting in her coconut oil, putting moldy clam dip in her lotions … putting her toothbrush places where the sun doesn’t shine, and so much more I can finally say goodbye Jamaican Barbie (Berson, 2017, n.p.) At the time of arrest, Police reportedly perceived Brochu to be bragging in her Instagram post and requested that a charge of intimidation based on bigotry or bias be added to her criminal mischief case Brochu was expelled, but the Hartford State’s Attorney reportedly found there was no evidence to bring hate charges against Brochu (Bever, 2017) Yale University graduate student, Lolade Siyonbola used Facebook to live-stream what happened when she was questioned by four police officers on campus These police officers were responding to a 911 call from a White woman and Yale student, who made the call after she found Siyonbola napping in the 12th-floor common room in the Hall of Graduate Studies Siyonbola, who had been working on a paper in the lounge before she fell asleep, was asked by the police officers to present identification and verify that she ‘belonged here,’ to which she replied, ‘I deserve to be here I pay tuition like everybody else.’ The Facebook video that Siyonbola posted went viral and caught the attention of the university administration In an email notification about the incident, Yale University Secretary and Vice President for Student Life, Kimberly Goff-Crews told students that Siyonbola has ‘every right to be present’ (Wootson, 2018) Paige Burgess was escorted out of her Anatomy and Physiology classroom by police at the University of Texas-San Antonio Her instructor, Anita Moss called 911 to report that Paige was being uncivilized and disrespectful A different student recorded the viral video posting on Twitter: ‘This professor stopped class entirely and stepped out to call the police just because one student had her feet up on a seat in front of her Mind you she wasn’t talking or interrupting the lecture,‘ he added After two investigations UTSA found the teacher, liable only for classroom mismanagement and displaying ‘poor judgment’ (Donecker, 2018) Finally, Shahem Mclaurin, a student at NYU’s Silver School of Social Work, shared his interactions with a classmate on Twitter Shahem would need to miss class because he would be traveling abroad Though, he received permission from his faculty member to participate via FaceTime Shahem emailed his classmates requesting assistance, hoping that someone would be willing to FaceTime him into class But, no one responded to Shahem’s email, so he was unable to participate in class Shahem posted a screenshot of an email he later received from a White classmate, with the caption: ‘I want to drop out.’ The White classmate wrote, ‘I found it easier to lead the discussion without a Black presence, in the room I feel somewhat uncomfortable with the perceived threat it poses.’ The administration released an open letter to the campus community explaining that the associate dean of academic affairs is working with the chair of practice and the instructor of the course to promote ‘productive and restorative dialogue’ between the students involved (Jaschik, 2019) Antiblackness appears to be thriving on campus at PWIs It apparently knows no institutional type, geographic region, or academic discipline Antiblackness ostensibly contextualizes what it means to Learn While Black at PWIs Black college students are demanding more from these institutions We outlined just a few of the campus incidents documented by Black students in the aftermath of the Ferguson protests for Black Lives and the campus rebellions led by Concerned Student 1950 at the University of Missouri Concerned Student 1950 demanded their institution address the present-day implications of its racist past, beginning with the removal of system President Tim Wolfe Campus rebellions for Black Liberation soon erupted across the US and in Canada To date, Black student activists, and their allies, have submitted a total of 1106 individual demands to institutional leaders at more than 80 PWIs This article presents findings from a content analysis on the 364 demands pertaining to faculty and faculty work Our analysis was guided by a single primary research question: How can faculty address, and otherwise undo, antiblackness in their work, so Black students might learn at the highest level? Study findings point to the classroom as a pedagogical site of Black Liberation; that is, interrogating whiteness 1148 C HAYNES AND K J BAZNER Our paper concludes with recommendations to help faculty, especially White faculty, in interrogating whiteness and advancing Black Liberation in higher education In the next section, we discuss antiblackness in US higher education Antiblackness and white supremacy: the making of American higher education To contend with how antiblackness contributes adversely to the ability to Learn While Black at PWIs, requires institutional leaders understand the role of colonization and slavery in the creation of the United States Scholars have long argued that settler colonialism is credited with the establishment of capitalism, enslavement of African peoples, and the eradication of indigenous knowledges and populations in the United States, as well as in other parts of the world According to Dancy, Edwards, and Davis (2018), the settler colonial project describes the capitalistic organizing practices of White European emigrants of stealing land, people and knowledge to create new wealth systems with the express purpose to establish White global domination The transatlantic slave trade brought Africans to the U.S colonies to be slave labor African slaves became the property of White settlers (Lopez, 1997) It’s within this colonial ordering that Whiteness was constituted as, and remains associated with, humanness and Blackness was constituted as, and remains associated, with non-humanness (Dancy et al., 2018; Dumas, 2016) White slave owners felt justified in treating African slaves inhumanely because Black humanity is an impossibility in the anti-Black imagination (Dumas, 2016) Forcing African people into a presumed lifetime of slave labor essentially created the necessary conditions for white supremacy to reign in the United States In other words, antiblackness is the cognate to global white supremacy because ‘without securing the former, the latter is not activated’ (Leonardo, 2004 p 148) Dumas (2016) argued that ‘antiblackness is the central concern and proposition within the intellectual project known as Afro-pessimism’ (p.13) Afro-pessimism stresses that Blackness was structurally conceived without any humanity Slavery continues to dictate how antiblackness is enacted upon not only by White, but also non-Black people, who are attempting to exert some control in a White power structure Dumas (2016) posits, There is no clear historical moment in which there was a break between slavery and acknowledgement of Black citizenship and Human-ness; nor is there any indication of a clear disruption of the technologies of violence – that is, the institutional structures and social processes – that maintain Black subjugation (p 14) This is to mean that the present-day Black2, just as the African slave, is something other than human (Dancy et al., 2018; Dumas, 2016) Thus, antiblackness enables a critique of the Black condition in the United States; that is, the complete disdain for and comfort with violence upon Black bodies (emphasis added, Dumas, 2016) Plantation politics in higher education The ‘formation of American higher education mimicked the formation of the United States’ (Patton, 2016, p 318) That is to say that predominantly White institutions were not designed with Black students in mind (Tuitt, Haynes, & Stewart, 2018) As such, higher education scholars are interested in the role of plantation politics in today’s colleges and universities For example, Wilder’s (2013) research on the history of Ivy League institutions revealed that the funding for these colonial colleges/universities was provided by White families whose wealth was derived from slave labor Likewise, Squire, Williams, and Tuitt (2018) drew connections between plantation politics and the distribution of labor among communities of Color to illustrate how neoliberalism functions in higher education as the new slave code Patton (2016) utilized critical race theory to underscore how the academy engages racelessness to uphold white supremacy in postsecondary research, policy and curriculum Analogously, Tuitt et al (2018) use their scholarship on critical and inclusive pedagogies to address ‘the failure of most PWIs to create INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 1149 educational opportunities both in and out of the classroom, where Black students can engage in learning that suggests their lives and their lived experiences really matter’ (n.p.) They argued teaching that makes Black Lives Matter involves emotional labor and a love for Black students Moreover, Tuitt et al (2018) assert Making Black Lives Matter in the classroom is about faculty creating classroom learning environments that support Black students in being the true geniuses that they are Still, to fully grasp how antiblackness shapes the learning conditions for Black students at PWIs requires an evaluation of the ways ‘nonhumanness is continually reinscribed to the Black’ (Dumas, 2016, p 14), arguably through an interrogation of whiteness Colonial ordering is credited with establishing whiteness (humanness) as normal to enact antiblackness (non-humanness) and maintain white supremacy Whiteness as normal describes the beliefs and self-reinforcing, institutionalized practices that privileges White ways of knowing, ensuring that White people maintain primary positioning in the racial hierarchy (Harris, 1993) Tuitt et al (2018) argued Making Black Lives Matter in the classroom requires faculty, White faculty most especially, understand how whiteness has shaped their lives and their teaching Without an interrogation of Whiteness, it might be difficult for faculty, and institutional leaders alike, to understand how antiblackness constitutes what it means to Learn While Black at PWIs Antiblackness condones the surveilling of Black bodies, like Kevin Bruce, Lolade Siyonbola and Paige Burgess, who are treated as trespassers in white-owned spaces, such as the advising center, the study lounge, and the STEM classroom Antiblackness signals to colonial imaginations, like Brianna Brochu’s that Black people remain property and Black bodies, like Chennel Rowe’s, are opportunities for domination Antiblackness contends that Black people intend to harm; thus, explaining why Shahem Mclaurin’s White classmate felt more comfortable without his Black presence in the classroom Antiblackness indulges in White mediocrity, fragility and antagonism, as represented in the racists behaviors of Anita Moss, along with the other unidentified White people in the campus incidents presented Antiblackness holds that Black people are not victims; thereby, creating a plausible explanation for why the Hartford State’s Attorney chose not to bring hate charges against Brianna Brochu Antiblackness rejects the existence of Black suffering and Black trauma To that end, this qualitative study aims to unearth how faculty might address, and otherwise undo, antiblackness in their work, so Black students might learn at the highest levels In the next section of our paper, we detail the methodological approach to the study The method’s section is followed by a discussion of the findings Methods This qualitative study uses an inductive content analysis (Elo & Kyng€as, 2008) to examine the demands pertaining to faculty and faculty work that were submitted to institutional leaders at PWIs by Black student activists, following the campus protest at Mizzou led by Concerned Student 1950 Researchers conduct a content analysis to make ‘valid inferences from data to [a specific] context’ and discover new insights to guide future action (Elo & Kyng€as, 2008, p 109) Where the deductive approach is commonly used in studies designed to test theory, the inductive approach is recommended in studies where prior knowledge is fragmented or unknown Inductive content analysis has three phases: (1) preparation phase; (2) organizing phase; and (3) reporting phase (Elo & Kyng€as, 2008) The preparation and organizing phases are discussed here The reporting phase is outlined in the findings section 1150 C HAYNES AND K J BAZNER Preparation phase At the time of this study, the authors were able to locate relevant data from www.thedemands org3 and www.blackliberationcollective.org4, two public domains that began cataloging student demands following the campus rebellions for Black lives at the University of Missouri and Yale University in 2015 We then downloaded the demand documents for the 91 institutions from the U.S and Canada represented across the two websites Web links to some institutions’ demands were broken, others, in actuality, did not contain demands at all The link for Howard University, for example, contained only a statement of solidarity with Concerned Student 1950 at the University of Missouri Thus, demand documents for 82 institutions were downloaded across the two websites: 79 U.S college and universities and three Canadian institutions Those downloaded were read in full before any coding began While demand documents varied in overall length, breadth and formality, the majority appeared to be generated by self-organizing student protesters or student organizations In most cases, student activists presented their demands as bulleted lists Though, some prepared more formal letters addressed directly to institutional leaders (e.g ‘Dear President Shanley’, ‘To the UNC-Chapel Hill Administration, UNC-Chapel Hill Board of Trustees, UNC Board of Governors … ’) or as an open letter to the university community (e.g ‘To: The University of Missouri’) Organizing phase We created a digital coding database and initiated an initial coding phase in order to isolate demands that pertained to faculty and/or faculty work We tallied a total of 1106 individual demands across eighty-two (82) PWIs from the U.S and Canada From that total, 364 demands were categorized as pertaining directly to faculty (e.g faculty hiring) and/or faculty work (i.e teaching, service, and research) We further detail our cycles of coding in the data analysis section Counting demands We observed demands were frequently written with several stipulations, which we described as sub-demands In our coding, we chose to count those sub-demands separately For example, Black student activists from Missouri State University articulated, We demand that by December 2015 the university issue a public statement that includes the following: a b c d An acknowledgment of systemic racism in higher education, A commitment to differentiating ‘hate speech’ from ‘freedom of speech,’ Instituting a zero-tolerance policy for hate crimes, and An explanation for moving Multicultural Services from the Division for Diversity & Inclusion to the Division of Student Affairs (Missouri State University students, n.d.) In the case of MSU, similar to others instances, we counted two separate demands: (1) issue a public statement and (2) institute zero tolerance policy Also, demands that named students in relation to faculty were counted as one demand and categorized as faculty work For example, the demand from Black student activists at Grinnell College was coded for facultyhiring/retention because it called for ‘increase retention efforts for students, staff, and Faculty of Color, including exit interviews for underrepresented staff, faculty, and students who leave’ (Grinnell College, 2015) INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 1151 Figure Haynes and Bazner Learning While Black Data analysis We were able to isolate and categorize a total of 364 demands as pertaining to faculty (e.g faculty hiring/retention) and/or faculty work (e.g research, teaching and service) Consistent with inductive content analysis, we engaged in open coding of the 364 demands categorized as pertaining to faculty and faculty work Fifteen subcategories (first cycle codes) emerged (e.g training, mentoring, curriculum, committee work) Further abstraction, or focused coding, led to those first cycle codes to be collapsed into seven generic (second cycle) code categories, then four main (conceptual code) categories (see Figure 1) Finally, we paid special attention to coding consistency between research team members through peer-debriefing in our establishment of code categories and trustworthiness of our findings (Elo & Kyng€as, 2008; Lincoln & Guba, 1985) Limitations While our findings make a substantive contribution to the literature, the study does have its limitations The data analyzed for this study was obtained by way of secondary access and from two public web domains In this regard, portions of the data set were incomplete and, in some cases, inaccessible Consequently, our interpretations of the data could not be validated using member checking, frequently relied upon approach to establishing trustworthiness of our findings (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) Our analysis is comprehensive, but not exhaustive Surely, additional demands of this nature exist that either have yet been published by TheDemands.org or the Black Liberation Collective and/or was published, after we completed our analysis Lastly, our analysis of these demands is not the first because of their accessibility to the general public Though, our analysis makes a more meaningful contribution to the literature, as earlier analysis of the student demands mostly offer categorical highlights of campus racial climate concerns described therein (see Libresco, 2015; Ndemanu, 2017; Roh, 2016) Positionality Throughout the research process, we reflected on our positionalities and how our identity statuses informed our process of data collection and analysis The first author is a Black woman and critical qualitative researcher Her scholarship broadly centers on critical and inclusive pedagogies, critical race theory/intersectionality scholarship and Black women in higher education She is also someone who obtained her graduate and undergraduate education at predominantly White institutions in the US And, as such, she describes the majority of her formal learning experiences in the college/university classroom as racialized (see Haynes, Stewart, & Allen, 2016) The second author is a Ph.D candidate who identifies as a White gay man His interests in racially just student affairs practice is inspired by prior experiences as a college administrator working 1152 C HAYNES AND K J BAZNER with and supporting Students of Color As authors, we are arguably situated from diametrically opposed social locations, with regard to race, gender, and sexuality Yet, as higher education scholars, we are engaged in this research to help predominantly White institutions contend with the present-day implications of their racist pasts What follows is a presentation of the findings Findings Our qualitative study aims to understand how faculty might address, and otherwise undo, antiblackness in their work, so Black students might learn at the highest levels As such, a content analysis was conducted on the demands that pertain to faculty and faculty work that Black students submitted to institutional leaders in the aftermath of Ferguson and the campus rebellion led by Concerned Student 1950 at the University of Missouri Study findings point to the classroom as a pedagogical site of Black Liberation; that is, interrogating Whiteness We present the findings in four broad categories: curriculum, research, teaching, and faculty hiring, retention and training Curriculum Student demands in this category (43% of the data) press faculty to prompt interrogations of whiteness by bringing issues of race, racism and intersectionality more fully into curriculum To that end, student demands about curriculum connected the institutions’ diversity goals to the outcomes of undergraduate and graduate education Black student activist from New York University explained saying, ‘diversity and inclusion remains inextricably connected’ to the global academic marketplace, so its faculty should ‘wholly commit themselves to its proper and effective execution’ (Black & Brown Coalition, n.d.) Black student activists, such as those from Iowa State University echoed the sentiment, college graduates should be ‘literate’ people who understand the legacy of white supremacy in the U.S and its relationship to the ‘histories of racism, sexism and homophobia’ throughout the world Student demands regarding curriculum also seem inspired by a perception among Black student activists at Kennesaw State that institutional investment in Black studies/education is ‘dwindling.’ Black student activists at New York University condemned their faculty for sidelining Black and Indigenous knowledge to barren, academic wastelands, where resources and funding is sparse and demanded comprehensive curriculum reform to redress the ‘systematic exclusion and dehumanizing treatment of People of Color and MOGAI people’ in and outside of the academy For Black students at Babson College curriculum reform would include an audit of undergraduate and graduate curricula and faculty teaching, with the express intent to: (a) catalogue existing cases of diversity content (e.g narratives covered in video and assigned reading) and (b) review faculty’s teaching and lecture notes to evaluate how issues of domestic diversity, inclusion, and racism are incorporated in their instruction and course design (Babson College Demands, n.d.) On the whole, student demands, such as those submitted by Black student activists from Brown, Dartmouth, Eastern Michigan, Emory, Colgate and Grinnell universities – to name a few – called for their institutions to away with the colonizing and ‘anti-Black’ pedagogies that hold the core curricula (i.e required and Gen Ed courses) together Student demands offered faculty and institutional leaders recommendations for an ‘interdisciplinary approach’ decentering of whiteness through curriculum reform Curriculum vetting/race conscious STEM curriculum Black student activists, such as those from the University of Missouri, Brandeis University, and Bard College went as far as to demand that the curriculum be ‘vetted, maintained, and overseen INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 1153 by a board comprised of students, staff, and faculty of color’ (Concerned Student 1950, 2015) These student demands tasked faculty in every discipline, program and department with the responsibility to design multidimensional curriculum that encouraged students to consider how whiteness has shaped their lives For example, Black student activists at Bard College framed the purpose of undergraduate/graduate education this way, We recognize that part of the job of any university is to prepare students for life beyond the university As such, it is an act of deliberate negligence that there is no explicit [graduation] requirement to learn about any form of social justice or anti-racism at this college Whether this takes the form of academic requirement (such as a class) or an [co-] curricular requirement (such as training each semester), we demand that Bard College come together to ensure that faculty, staff, and students at all levels are able to engage with social justice and anti-racism productively without putting anyone in unsafe or compromising positions (Bard College Students of Color Demands 2015, 2016) Black student activists from Colgate University also stressed the need to studying how ‘racism’ and other systems of power shape students’ personal understanding and their ‘relationships with others’, while curriculum was interpreted by Black students at Babson as so important that they insisted ‘teaching tools be leveraged across campus and made available to staff and administrators’ (Babson College Demands, n.d.) Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) education was a central point of contention for Black student activists Black student activists at New York University felt ahistoricism or curriculum white-washing could be redressed by introducing a mandatory history and ethics courses in the natural and hard sciences curriculum that grappled with how advancing STEM contributes to the disenfranchisement of racially minoritized populations globally Black student activists from Cal Poly argued in their demands that ahistoricism could be dealt with by introducing feminist and anti-racist perspectives of STEM curriculum content Our analysis overall revealed that Black student activists believe hiring more Faculty of Color is also a viable solution in helping to address white-washing and race-neutrality in STEM content, but also in non-STEM disciplines Mandatory graduation requirements Some of the most specificity in demands about curriculum stressed the need for more required courses that engage purposefully in a critique of whiteness: ethnic and race studies courses For example, Black student activists from California State-Los Angeles, Cal Poly, and Lawrence universities made demands that would make the completion of at least two ethnic studies or PanAfrican studies courses a graduation requirement for all students Further, Black student activists at Cal Poly made specific demands of engineering faculty, insisting that students enrolled in that program should no longer be exempt from having to complete the upper-division general education course requirements in Technology and Society and the Individual, rather they should be instructed to complete courses pertaining to feminism and/or anti-racism to meet said requirements Black student activists also appeared to investigate whether altering degree requirements was a possibility at their institutions For instance, Black student activists from Babson college demanded that ‘milestone course requirement’ be instated and modeled after a similar course found at the Ross School of Business at the University of Michigan The course at the University Michigan appears to be designed to teach students ‘to think and work cross-culturally, living and promoting diversity and inclusion’ (Babson College Demands, n.d.) Similarly, Black student activists from Claremont McKenna College pushed for general education course requirement(s) that are ‘similar to Scripps College,’ which emphasizes an exploration of ‘ethnic, racial, and sexuality theory.’ Still, Black student activists, such as those from Iowa State University warned that ‘catchall’ diversity courses often fail to cover intersectionality and are rarely ‘uniformly assessed’ for how they help students, particularly White students to interrogate whiteness 1154 C HAYNES AND K J BAZNER Graduate/professional education Student demands also express concern for graduate and professional education, exposing a connection between curriculum, teaching, and Black Liberation Consider the following example Black student activists from Harvard University contend that the Law School needs to ‘establish a critical race program with meaningful student input and transparency’ (Harvard University Demands, n.d.) from students, who undoubtedly find it absurd that one does not exist already The origins of critical race theory are found within critical legal studies (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995) Critical race scholars use critical race theory to explicate white supremacy and racism’s role in education, the legal system and everyday life in the United States (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017) These Black student activists also insists that at least one tenured faculty member with expertise in critical race theory be hired by the Law School to mentor law students with interest in ‘challenging elite institutions’ and White-owned spaces, such Harvard Black student activists from Eastern Michigan, Missouri State, and California State Los Angeles universities expand on PWI’s progressive investment (Lipsitz, 2006) in whiteness by highlighting that academic disciplines that advance a Black Liberation research agenda tend to be grossly underfunded For instance, student demands rally support for increase funding for Ethnic, Race, and Gender studies at almost all of the institutions within the data set Eastern Michigan University students’ demands call for the installation of a ‘Doctora[l] and Master’s Program for Africology and African American Studies with adequate funding and no less than full-time graduate assistantships’ (The Black Student 10-Point Plan, n.d.) Research Student demands in this category (2% of the data) discuss the importance of decentering whiteness through nurturing Black scholars and the production of Black/African knowledges and scholarship For example, Black students from the University of Southern California demanded that an endowment be established in the amount of $100 million for scholarships, fellowships, formalized mentorships for graduate and undergraduate students, as well as hiring tenured and tenure track faculty positions for people of Black and African heritage Demands of Black student activists from Johns Hopkins University Krieger School of Arts and Sciences include the hiring of faculty concerned with the history, culture, and political position of people of African descent and faculty whose work indelibly creates a scholarly community for students of Black and African descent Black student activists from Washington University in St Louis and Purdue University were among several in this category to demand that institutions incentivize faculty research in the hiring of Black tenure-track faculty, seeming to suggest that a Black Liberation agenda is difficult for Black faculty to pursue on campus without the protection of tenure Teaching Student demands in this category (12% of the data) placed an emphasis on how whiteness is upheld in course design and instruction Black student activists at Bard College presented their institution’s ‘Rethinking Difference’ course as a relevant exemplar In their demand documents, these students contend that the ‘Rethinking Difference’ course requirement needs to be ‘rethought’ and outline a misalignment between course’s learning outcomes, teaching activities and teaching assessments Specifically, they make reference to the pedagogical decisions of faculty that reinforce antiblackness, including but not limited to: ‘introducing Black authors only in the context of slavery’ or requiring readings on Olaudah Equiano5 representing the ‘only voice of Color’ in the curriculum With their demands, Black students from Bard College also detail the new mediating and ultimate learning outcomes for the Rethinking Difference course Mediating learning outcomes describe developmental skills students should learn by the completion of a INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 1155 course (Nilson, 2016) Black students assert the Rethinking Difference course ought to teach students to: (a) question ‘canon knowledge’, (b) read authors that are excluded from the canon, and (c) evaluate why that remains the case Finally, Black student activists from Bard College conclude that interrogating whiteness is a central component of course design because ‘[i]ntellectually training students and having diverse, thought-provoking curricul[a] are not mutually exclusive goals’ (Bard College Students of Color Demands 2015, 2016) Patterns in the data also illustrate that student demands about teaching, such as those generated by Black student activists at Lewis and Clark University, Notre Dame of Maryland University, and Amherst College present teaching methods intended to bring the pedagogy of Black Liberation to the public sphere For example, Black student activist from Lewis and Clark College want mandatory, campuswide dialogues to be instituted every four years More importantly, the demand documents indicate that these open discussion function as a teaching mechanism to help the on- and off- campus community to evaluate the ‘personal, cultural, historical, and political significance’ of two people whose life histories are central its institutional legacy: (a) York, the enslaved African man who was the property of William Clark and (b) Sacagawea, the Lemhi Shoshone woman who was sold into martial slavery as a child and later served as William Clark’s interpreter and guide (Lewis and Clark Black Lives Matter, 2015) Directed discussions, according Davis and Arend (2013) are a teaching method that facilitate cognitive development through inquiry, particularly around critical thinking and reasoning processes Black student activists from Lewis and Clark College also demanded that these campus-wide dialogues be used to grapple with sociopolitical contradictions that surround erecting statues of ‘Sacagawea, Jean Baptiste, and York: Terra Incognita’ on campus at an institution with ‘public conscience and a global reach.’ Student demands readily challenged faculty to engage students in thoughtful discussions about space and place and complicate the institutional legacy of white supremacy To illustrate, Black student activists from Notre Dame of Maryland University urged faculty to conduct discussion-based learning activities on ‘race theory and relations, with special emphasis on race relations in Baltimore’ (Concerned Students of Notre Dame of Maryland University, n.d.) in the classroom, especially, in the required first-year seminar courses Black students at Notre Dame of Maryland University seem to associate the study of whiteness with first-year experience (FYE) because the FYE seminar is designed to help students ‘examine and reflect upon various aspects of their life, including their relationship to other students, the institution and the community’ (Notre Dame of Maryland University, n.d.) Student demands that push for critical dialogues about race in Baltimore may be a central concern for Black students at Notre Dame of Maryland University because they felt the institution needed to better support its surrounding community likely in mourning over the tragic death of Freddie Gray Faculty hiring, retention, and training Student demands in this category call for a dismantling of whiteness through faculty hiring and training (43% of the data) For instance, Black student activists from Emory University want Black faculty in key academic leadership roles to ‘implement changes that [B]lack students wish to see’ at the college and university levels Black students at the University of Toronto elaborate in their demands by describing their frustration with ‘never seeing themselves represented [even] amongst our teaching assistants, let alone faculty and administration.’ Black student activists from Babson College seem to stand in solidarity with Black students at the University of Toronto in demanding that institutional leaders ‘address the underrepresentation of Black administrators, faculty and teaching staff.’ Patterns within the data further suggests that Black student activists expect swift action in disrupting widespread whiteness within the faculty Black student activists from Dartmouth College go as far as to say, ‘[academic] [d]epartments that not have womyn 1156 C HAYNES AND K J BAZNER or People of Color will be considered in crisis and [the institution] must take urgent and immediate action to right this injustice’ (Freedom Budget, n.d.) Black student activists from the University of Southern California demanded, the development of a Diversity Strategic Plan endorsed by the Trustee Board Chair, championed by the University President and led by the Vice President of Diversity, Equity and Inclusion to measure and analyze diversity, inclusion and equity within a year as well as publically report and significantly increase recruitment, enrollment/hiring/appointment, and retention of students, as well as the recruitment, yield, and retention of faculty, staff and trustees of underrepresented populations so as to be competitive with our colleagues at peer institutions in these areas by 2025 (emphasis added, Undergraduate Student Government Resolution 01102715, 2015) Where the student demands from St Louis Christian College, point to racial demographics of the student population as a justification for hiring more tenured/tenure track Black faculty and Faculty of Color, others follow the University of Southern California’s lead and call for new faculty hires within a specified time frame Black student activists from both Duke and Georgia Southern universities demanded an increase of Black faculty by 2020, with Georgia Southern calling for an increase by 12% Eastern Michigan and Emory universities are among the many PWIs with Black student activists who articulate that their institutions are in dire need of not only tenured/tenure track Black faculty, but also faculty who are Latinx, Native and Queer People of Color in disciplines beyond Black/ethnic studies For example, Black student activists from Kennesaw State University stated, ‘[a]ccording to the Kennesaw State University Fact Book [W]hite professors account for a whopping 78% of full-time faculty (292 tenured professors), while Black professors only account for 8% (34 tenured professors) and Hispanic professors are only 3% (10 tenured professors)’ (Kennesaw State University Demands, n.d.) Black students assert that the percentage of ‘Black, Latino, Native, and Arab faculty and staff’ be increased campus-wide to represent the Kennesaw State University’s student body Black student activists from Mississippi State University connect the representation of Black faculty to their ability to obtain quality mentoring, We want African American faculty to be representative of the student population … [W]e want to see more tenured and tenure-track professors who look like us, come from similar backgrounds as us, and who we can turn to for academic mentors and leaders on campus (Coalition of Black Students, n.d.) Moreover, student demands describe accountability measures around faculty hiring and retention as coordinated university efforts Black student activists from the University of Southern California want accessibility to ‘demographic metrics (race, ethnicity, gender, nationality, etc.) of students (undergraduate and graduate), faculty (tenured, non-tenured, clinical and adjunct) and staff (university officers, academic administrator and support staff)’ (Undergraduate Student Government Resolution 01102715, 2015) Black student activists, such as those at Emory University, claimed access to demographic information is often inaccessible to students because of poorly managed university records Student demands for increased ability in faculty retention also pressed for institutional transparency as a means of mitigating efforts to protect whiteness at PWIs For instance, Black student activists from Dartmouth and University of Southern California expressed that institutional leaders need to publicly report up-to-date information about faculty searches, salaries, and tenure/promotion guidelines Some demands also named specific HR processes that are related to faculty retention Black student activists from Dartmouth College, for example, demanded that ‘exit interviews’ be required of all departing faculty Student demands from Guilford College make explicit that ‘comprehensive diversity training’ should be written into all ‘faculty contracts.’ Patterns within the data further suggest Black student activists recognized faculty at PWIs tend to be resistant toward mandated diversity trainings Black student activists from Princeton University detailed first-hand experience in their demand documents reporting the proposal to require faculty (and staff) to complete cultural competency training was ‘voted down on the grounds of trespassing freedom of speech last spring’ (Princeton University Demands, n.d.) Legal INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 1157 precedents and institutional norms, such as the first amendment and academic freedom were established to safeguard white supremacy (Dutt-Ballerstadt, 2016; Sultana, 2018) Faculty and institutional leaders, alike, can inadvertently indulge antiblackness, when prioritizing their supposed right to comfort over that of their Black students (Moore & Bell, 2017) Though, many Black student activists were not deterred by faculty resistance Lawrence University, Purdue University, University of North Carolina-Greensboro were among the institutions that demanded faculty participate in mandated and comprehensive training, alongside staff and University police To be clear, Black student activists called for PWIs to implement ‘accountability systems’ and training to developed greater ‘“racial sensitivity,’ ‘racial awareness,’ and ‘racial competence’ for all its affiliate members and campuses Student demands in this category repeatedly stressed the need for all of the individuals on campus that Black students could possibly interact with be properly educated on societal racism happening globally, and that PWIs take onus for this education For example, Black student activists from Beloit College and Occidental College expressed that all campus employees need to be trained on how to create “inclusive spaces” in and outside of the classroom for Black students and other Students of Color Student demands also direct institutional leaders to solicit feedback on the development of campus-wide training from students and external agencies such as the National Coalition Building Institute (NCBI) and Intergroup Dialogue (IGD) (Association of Critical Collegians, n.d.) Student demands also emphasized the need for faculty and staff to be trained on how white normalcy contributes to antiblackness and racial divides across the globe Black student activists from Colgate University, for instance, contend that faculty preparing to take students on study abroad need to be trained on cultural immersion and ‘voluntourism in majority White countries,’ as well as ‘power and privilege on a global scale’ Finally, student demands, such as those generated by Black student activists from Brown University, Claremont McKenna University and the University of Baltimore, urged institutional leaders to apply an ‘intersectional framework’ in training members of the campus community to better understand that Black people can experience multiple forms of oppression simultaneously This means that a faculty member trained in intersectional oppression would understand that a Black Muslim woman may encounter race-based violence on campus at a PWI that is rooted in antiblackness but also, Islamaphobia, and misogynoir (see McGuire, Casanova, & Davis, 2016) Conclusion and recommendations The present-day movement for Black lives (Black Lives Matter, 2018) has, within it, a message for faculty at PWIs Antiblackness can make learning while Black a near impossibility (Dancy et al., 2018; Dumas, 2016) Black student activists have brought the Black Lives Matter movement to campus and placed a spotlight on the antiblackness that indulges in White antagonism and condones the surveilling of their bodies in White-owned spaces This qualitative study sought to understand how faculty might address, and otherwise undo, antiblackness in their work, so Black students might learn at the highest levels A content analysis was conducted on the demands that pertain to faculty and faculty work that Black student activists have submitted to the institutional leaders at PWIs, in the aftermath of Ferguson and the campus rebellion led by Concerned Student 1950 at the University of Missouri Study findings point to the classroom as a pedagogical site of Black Liberation; that is, interrogating whiteness Demands describe interrogating whiteness as faculty and faculty work with the greatest potential to enable students, especially Black students, to experience humanness, a freedom to learn and create knowledge, and otherwise, be the true geniuses they already are Indelibly, Black Liberation describes the learning conditions under which Black students can learn at the highest levels 1158 C HAYNES AND K J BAZNER Our study findings also suggest that Black students need support from their faculty in the form of agency Faculty agency would involve faculty using the political power they are afforded in the academy to advance Black Liberation Presumably, Black student activists suspect institutional leaders will little to improve learning conditions at PWIs for Black students without faculty involvement We outline a few recommendations to assist PWI faculty in engaging their classrooms as pedagogical sites of Black Liberation We caution faculty from considering these recommendations in isolation from one another Rather, like the findings from our study, faculty and institutional leaders alike, should consider the recommendations in relationship to one another The recommendations detailed below must be taken up comprehensively by faculty and institutional leaders at PWIs to be most effective Believe Black people The work of undoing antiblackness on campus, and in society, begins with believing Black people! The BLM movement speaks directly to Black people’s pain and illuminates how whiteness contributes to Black trauma and suffering Though, believing that Black people are victims is especially difficult for White and non-Black people with anti-Black imaginations (Dumas, 2016) Tuitt et al (2018) posited that ‘navigating a PWI classroom can feel like looking for love in all the wrong places for Black students’ and antiblackness, is a large part of the reason why Antiblackness is the disgust of Blackness and the hate for Black people Antiblackness is firmly rooted in the American way of life Faculty must willingly contend with the antiblackness that resides within Then, and only then, can faculty demonstrate that they have love for Black students, believe them and teach in a manner that acknowledges how whiteness devalues Black life everyday Do and teach students to interrogate whiteness With the rally cry ‘We Demand’, Black students are urging faculty to establish an academic ethos that is rooted in a culture of truth, where whiteness is continually interrogated (Members of the Black Student Alliance at the University of Virginia, 2015) In addition to evaluating how antiblackness resides within, faculty and institutional leaders alike, must also interrogate how whiteness is upheld, protected, and rewarded on an institutional level For instance, a faculty member would critique how they might uphold whiteness through hidden curriculum or explicitly, in the teaching of dominant narratives that assert whiteness as normal A faculty member can also interrogate Whiteness at an institutional level by evaluating how Whiteness is rewarded in their grading and mentoring of students, who perform Whiteness better than other students Faculty must absolutely learn to interrogate Whiteness because they cannot teach students what they themselves not know Moreover, interrogating whiteness presents White faculty, in particular with an opportunity to become co-conspirators (Greenia, 2018) with Black student activists in undoing the antiblackness that maintains white supremacy on campus and in society According to Haynes (2017) and Haynes and Patton (2019), White faculty who tended to interrogate whiteness exhibited higher levels of racial consciousness and placed an emphasis on racial justice with their teaching to the benefit of all students Haynes also found White faculty who regularly interrogate how whiteness shapes their lives were most equipped to help White students the same Well-meaning White faculty who refuse to engage in the self-work of their interrogating whiteness will inevitably recenter whiteness in their teaching and create hostile learning conditions in the classroom for Black students Similarly, White institutional leaders cannot make their Black students the object of their generosity (Freire, 2000) and take credit for racially-just institutional transformation brought about INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION 1159 by Black struggle Black student activists are pressing institutional leaders with their demands to interrogate, for example, how whiteness is protected at PWIs Specifically, White institutional leaders must grapple with how self-reinforcing, institutional norms, policies and practices encourage: (a) the university community at large to believe that Whiteness has tremendous value; and, (b) Black people to be treated violently Insist that a race problem persists Black student activists pointed out what PWIs had done to improve learning conditions for Black students by demanding that institutional leaders respond to the demands of past generations of Black student activists The recent demands take issue with faculty for overlooking what Black students characterize as a persistent institutional failure of PWIs: white supremacy Within the present-day movement for Black lives lies a familiar message with a new refrain Findings suggest that Black student activists contend PWIs will not better by their Black students until faculty demand that they Faculty must insist that white normalcy ensures that a race problem will persist in the PWI classroom, on campus and in society Institutional interventions to disrupt white supremacy must be designed to interrogate Whiteness Faculty, especially those in academic leadership positions (e.g deans, department heads, program leads, and provosts) are perhaps the best positioned to help institutional leaders at PWIs to understand that the endemic nature of white supremacy makes antiblackness on campus and racial injustice in higher education an inevitability Predominantly White institutions bear the extraordinary burden in the undoing of antiblackness and societal racism they also help to maintain Notes Dumas writes antiblackness in lower-case in reference to the social construction of its racial meaning Dumas uses the phrase “the Black” in correspondence to its racial meaning of non-humanness Thedemands.org is a project of WeTheProtesters, a national collaborative of activists fighting to end racism and police violence in America (The Demands, n.d.) The Black Liberation Collective is a collective consisting of Black students dedicated to transforming institutions of higher education through unity, coalition building, direct action, and political education (Black Liberation Collective, n.d.) Also known as Gustavus Vassa, was an enslaved Nigerian who became heavily involved in the abolition movements of the U.S and England Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors Notes on contributors Chayla Haynes is an Assistant Professor of Higher Education Administration and the recipient of Texas A&M University’s Robert and Mavis Simmons Faculty Fellowship Her research interests and expertise include: critical and inclusive pedagogy, critical race theory and intersectionality scholarship, and Black women in higher education Kevin Bazner is a PhD candidate at Texas A&M University in Higher Education Administration His research interests include: examining issues of race and racism in student affairs leadership, whiteness in higher education, and projects that incorporate his knowledge of student affairs administration and minoritized populations ORCID Chayla Haynes Kevin J Bazner http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4256-8628 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-5547-7856 1160 C HAYNES AND K J BAZNER References Association of Critical Collegians (n.d.) 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