The Pueblo Reforms: Spanish Imperial Strategies & Negotiating Control in New Mexico A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Paul M Rellstab December 2013 © 2013 Paul M Rellstab All Rights Reserved This thesis titled The Pueblo Reforms: Spanish Imperial Strategies & Negotiating Control in New Mexico by PAUL M RELLSTAB has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Mariana L Dantas Associate Professor of History Robert Frank Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ABSTRACT RELLSTAB, PAUL M., M.A., December 2013, History The Pueblo Reforms: Spanish Imperial Strategies & Negotiating Control in New Mexico Director of Thesis: Mariana L Dantas “The Pueblo Reforms” investigates Spanish and Pueblo interactions in New Mexico from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-eighteenth centuries Building off the historiography on Spanish early modern imperial policies, the thesis places New Mexico within the historical context of Spanish imperial expansion in the Americas and efforts to control native populations As the Spanish attempted to expand to areas beyond Mexico City, mendicant orders became their strongest allies: by converting natives, Franciscan missionaries promised to transform Indians into productive vassals of the Crown Unlike areas with centralized Spanish authority, New Mexico did not count on a significant civil and military Spanish presence The Church, represented by Franciscan missionaries, thus became the most stable institutional presence the Crown could promote However, similar to other regions of the empire, the trajectory of Spanish control in New Mexico was subject to local exigencies and actors, particularly the Pueblo Indians When the Pueblos revolted in 1680 and removed a Spanish presence for twelve years, they signaled to the Crown that a new institutional presence would be required to reestablish Spanish control New Mexico was thereafter viewed as a military outpost and the Crown shifted its position towards the Pueblos to emphasize political and military agreements that afforded the Pueblos more autonomy in cultural and religious customs Thus, local events in New Mexico, such as jurisdictional disputes between Franciscans and civil officials, missionary violence against the Pueblos, drought, famine, the threat of foreign European intrusion, and raids from Apaches were as influential as royal policy in determining the shift of New Mexico from a missionary colony to a military outpost In memory of my grandmother, Opal Sparr ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I must express my gratitude to my advisor, Dr Mariana Dantas Her persistence, guidance, and advice have been instrumental throughout my time at Ohio University and, in particular, as I researched and wrote for this work Her commitment to helping me improve all facets of the thesis—from issues of historiography, research, language, and writing—has made me a better historian I cannot thank her enough for her dedication to me I would also like to extend my thanks to Dr Michele Clouse and Dr Jessica Roney for their contributions in the classroom, providing frank advice during my proposal defense, and for their time and efforts for agreeing to be on my committee In addition, Dr Steven Cote and Dr Tatiana Seijas offered advice, help with sources, and words of encouragement I am grateful for all of it To my fellow friends and grad students: Jeremy Kohler, Luiza Oliveira, Cherita King, Scott Foreman, Carolyn Crowner, and Christa Gould, thank you for providing support, laughs, and conversation as we travelled the path together Lastly, I would like to offer my sincere and warm thanks to my family and Erika Goodrow Thank you for your support, love, care, and warm meals as I sat researching and typing for hours on end I love you all TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract………………………………………………………………………………3 Dedication……………………………………………………………………………5 Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………6 Introduction………………………………………………………………………… Chapter 1: Early Spanish Expeditions and Extending Spanish Control…………… 23 Chapter 2: A Delicate Balance of Power: Contests of Franciscan Authority ……… 58 Chapter 3: A New Strategy: Civil Authorities and Accommodation of the Pueblos…84 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………106 Works Cited………………………………………………………………………… 111 Introduction When Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca returned to Mexico City in 1536 after wandering in the lands north of New Spain for eight years, he wrote an account which provided extensive demographic and descriptive information on the Indians he encountered His account, which gave Christian-like qualities to the native populations and told of potential material wealth, provoked both conquistadors and missionaries to explore the lands.1 Secular colonial agents, hoping to reproduce Cortés’ conquest of the Aztec Empire, promised to supply the Crown with vast material wealth Missionaries, conversely, promised to transform the native populations into temporal and spiritual vassals of the Crown The crown weighed proposals based on who would better meet the needs of the King: the Hispanicization, Christianization, and financial exploitation of the Indians.2 Despite the immense wealth the King gained from armed conquest, the Crown distrusted the increasing powers of the conquistadors Initially, conquistadors received the majority of exploration contracts as most expeditions were self-funded, posing little to no cost to the royal coffers As a reward for their efforts, the Crown awarded Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca: His Account, His Life, and the expedition of Pánfilo de Naráez, eds and trans Rolena Adorno and Patrick Charles Pautz (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999), 231, 263 Those jockeying for the expedition were Hernán Cortés, Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán, Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza, Pedro de Alvarado, and Hernando de Soto See “General Introduction” in Documents of the Coronado Expedition, 1539-1542, eds and trans Richard Flint and Shirley Cushing Flint (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 2005), 1; Herbert Bolton, “The Mission as a Frontier Institution in the SpanishAmerican Colonies” American Historical Review 23, no (1917): 43 conquistadors with an encomienda.3 The encomienda was a tribute institution through which Spaniards received the right to demand tribute of the Indians, mostly in the form of labor In return, the Spaniards were obligated to offer the Indians protection and religious instruction.4 Gradually, the King began to fear that the encomienda gave too much authority to non-royal figures In an attempt to assert the power of the Crown over all secular colonial agents, the King decreed that the encomienda would not be passed in perpetuity to the encomendero’s heirs but would rather revert to the Crown upon the former’s death.5 While the Crown enacted policies to undermine the power of encomenderos, mendicant orders questioned lay Spaniard’s ability to promote the Christianization of the Indians Friars such as Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas argued in the 1540s and 1550s that secular Spanish agents were not meeting the goals of the Crown by failing to Hispanicize and Christianize the native populations Indeed, in territories north of New Spain, the armed expeditions by Nuño de Guzmán in New Galicia and Francisco Vásquez de Coronado in Tierra Nueva (Northern New Spain) failed to bring native populations under Spanish control The shortcomings of these and other secular efforts helped mendicant orders to successfully form an alliance with the Crown by asserting that a mission system under the control of friars would better serve the temporal and spiritual goals of Spain Lesley Byrd Simpson, The Encomienda in New Spain: The Beginning of Spanish Mexico (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), xiii, 64 Compilation of Colonial Spanish Terms and Document Related Phrases, eds., Ophelia Marquez and Lillian Ramos Navarro Wold (Midway City: SHHAR Press, 1998), 22 Simpson, The Encomienda in New Spain, ix-10; The New Laws for the Government of the Indies and for the Preservation of the Indians, 1542-43, trans Henry Stevens, reprint of the facsimile edition in London 1893 (Amsterdam: N Israel, 1968), xvi 10 Convinced by these arguments, the Crown gave jurisdiction over the Indians of Northern New Spain to the Order of the Friars Minor, the Franciscans.6 Although the Franciscans had been given royal authority to explore the lands above el rio del norte (Rio Grande) and preside over the Indians, settlers and civil agents were a necessary addition to these expeditions to protect the missionaries from Indian rebellion All able-bodied men who settled were also expected to act as a militia if the situation demanded they provide military service to the king The civil agents who were called on to protect and support the friars in their spiritual endeavors, however, did not always share the Franciscans' goals Juan de Oñate, for example, who was chosen to lead one of these expeditions in 1598, focused on gaining material wealth through armed conquest Consequently, Franciscans and settlers—whose interests generally lay in the Christianization of the Indians and the labor exploitation of the natives, respectively— aligned their interests to depose the abusive Oñate When Oñate was removed from his post, the Crown affirmed that civil agents were to act as a support for the missionary enterprise; civil authorities would serve the main purpose of protecting the friars.7 After their success in removing Oñate, the Franciscans became the predominant power in what they called Nueva Mejico, entitled to exercise spiritual and political Lewis Hanke, All Mankind is One: A Study of the Disputation Between Bartolomé de Las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious Capacity of the American Indians (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), 120-122; Ida Altman, The War for Mexico’s West: Indians and Spaniards in New Galicia, 1524-1550 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010), 24-56; “The Viceroy’s Instructions to Fray Marcos de Niza, November 1538” in Documents of the Coronado Expedition, 1539-1542, eds and trans Richard Flint and Shirley Cushing Flint (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 2005), 59-60 “Conviction of Oñate and His Captains, 1614” in Don Juan de Oñate: Colonizer of New Mexico, 15951628, eds George P Hammond and Agapito Rey, vol (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1953), 1109-1113 105 negotiating a mutually beneficial relationship, the Spaniards and Pueblos engaged in over a century of accommodation Franciscans had discovered in the 1680 and 1696 Pueblo Revolts that the effectiveness of the missions relied on armed protection by colonial authorities and Pueblo acceptance of the missionary’s presence As a consequence, the Franciscans had to negotiate with both groups to reestablish a missionary presence after the revolts The Franciscans tolerated Indian dances and rituals Missionaries relegated extirpation campaigns to civil officials and stayed out of governmental affairs The result of these negotiations was a lessening of Franciscan dominance and their subordination to royally appointed civil authorities and secular clergy In conjunction with Franciscan acquiescence to civil authorities the crown shifted its imperial strategy in New Mexico towards defense and accommodation A stable Spanish presence in New Mexico could only occur through a military force and a reliance on Pueblo auxiliaries French intrusion from Louisiana and the Plains, as well as Apache and Comanche raids, remolded New Mexico into a military outpost for the protection of the interior provinces This new imperial strategy for New Mexico required the subordination of Franciscans to civil authorities The State in New Mexico had become dominant vis-à-vis the Church 106 Conclusion The three centuries of shifting power relations in New Mexico clearly show that presence of either Spanish Church or State institutions were the result of the confluence between royal policy and local actors The local actors most instrumental in determining the direction of royal policy in New Mexico were the Pueblo Indians As mendicant orders and secular colonial agents vied to settle Tierra Nueva, interactions with the Indians showed who could best meet native needs and bring them under Spanish influence The Coronado expedition, which failed to bring the Pueblos into the Spanish domain, meant the general failure of armed expeditions Similarly, when Governor Oñate was under trial, testimony from natives and Franciscans—who acted as the voice of the Indians—contributed to his removal from office The Pueblos found the missions a better alternative to their needs than a protracted, armed conflict Continued Franciscan dominance in New Mexico was obtained through Pueblo acceptance of the missionary program As long as the Pueblos continued to fulfill their spiritual and temporal duties on the missions, the Franciscans were able to maintain a veneer of authority However, when the missionaries were unable to provide for the Pueblos, the Indians found Franciscan repression of native practices unacceptable Ultimately, the Pueblos rejected Franciscan claims to power through a massive revolt in 1680 With the rejection of Franciscan authority, the mission system could not prevail as the predominant Spanish institution 107 As the Crown began to shift its imperial strategy for outlying areas, the nature in which the Spanish interacted with the Pueblos shifted to policies of conciliation The Spanish needed the Pueblos to act as auxiliaries to protect Spanish interests In exchange for their armed assistance, the Pueblos negotiated autonomy in religious, political, and cultural matters At the same time, the Franciscans agreed to lessen their spiritual zealousness in relation to native practices and lightened their demands for labor and material assistance from the Pueblo Indians The result of these negotiations was, on one hand, the secularization of Spanish institutions and, on the other, the establishment of a relatively peaceful era of Spanish and Pueblo interactions Therefore, although Spanish imperial strategies for expansion shifted from an emphasis on conversion to a focus on political and pragmatic concerns, the success of both strategies rested on their ability to establish a mutually beneficial relationship with the Pueblos The changing strategies in New Mexico is illustrative of the wider pattern of reform instituted in the eighteenth century by the Bourbon Crown For example, Bourbon policy—which was steeped in Enlightenment thought—sought conciliation with Indians through trade, military alliances, and conversion By accommodating native groups, Spaniards hoped to make Indians more economically productive and Hispanicized while also protecting Spanish political interests For example, in 1786 civil authorities offered Indians, such as the Comanche, gifts, military alliances, and fair trade policies The result of these new policies, according to David Weber, was the creation of an “era of economic and demographic expansion for northern New Spain.”271 However, 271 David Weber, Bárbaros: Spaniards and Their Savages in the Age of Enlightenment (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), 193 108 effectiveness of Crown policy in these regions ultimately relied on local actors Only when Indians found Spanish presence useful for their own ends and when local officials found peace imperative to their own interests could a working relationship occur.272 Bourbon emphasis on secular institutions and pragmatic conciliation when engaging with native populations underscored a larger theme of the subordination of the Church to the State During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the missions were one of the mainstays of imperial expansion strategies The missions served the purpose of extending and holding Spanish control.273 By the eighteenth century, however, the missions could not maintain a stable Spanish presence alone Since the Church could not perform its ecclesiastical and political tasks, the King attempted to establish supremacy of royal power The King asserted authority over the Church by controlling the Indians on one hand and removing the privileges given to the Church on the other More specifically, the Crown rescinded ecclesiastical immunity from secular courts and their exemption from taxation.274 Moreover, the Bourbons also began secularizing mendicant missions and replacing them with diocesan clergy By reducing the power of the Church in the Americas as well as in Spain, the Crown began a process of secularization that gave preeminence to royal officials and civil institutions.275 272 Ibid., 1-9 273 Bolton, “Mission as a Frontier Institution,” 47 274 N M Farriss, Crown and Clergy in Colonial Mexico 1759-1821: The Crisis of Ecclesiastical Privilege (London: Athlone Press, 1968), 9-11; Elizabeth Howard West, “Right of Asylum in New Mexico in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries” New Mexico Historical Review 41, no (1966): 115-153 275 Matthew O’Hara, A Flock Divided: Race, Religion, and Politics in Mexico, 1749-1857 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 30-31; Lucia Kinnaird and Lawrence Kinnaird, “Secularization of Four New Mexico Missions” New Mexico Historical Review 54, no (1979): 35-41 109 Although the process of secularization through the Bourbon Reforms was royally instituted, local actors ultimately enforced, hastened, or resisted new policies For example, the Pueblo Indians became influential actors in secularizing Spanish institutions in New Mexico The Pueblo Revolt in 1680 began the process of secularization While Spanish strategies for imperial expansion during the seventeenth century relied primarily on the missions, the Pueblos communicated through a revolt in 1680 that Franciscan authority could no longer meet their needs With the Franciscans unable to maintain control, the Crown sought a new ally with which to foster royal interests The second Pueblo Revolt in 1696 also brought about a change in local and imperial policy that reshaped the power structure in New Mexico The revolt affirmed a rejection of Franciscan impositions on native practices Moreover, when missionaries sent letters to the custos refusing to go to the missions, they tacitly admitted that they did not have the power to keep the Pueblos under Spanish control When custos Vargas decided to limit obventions and only receive alms every three years, the Franciscans in effect acquiesced to Pueblo demands After Vargas subdued the rebellion, secular colonial leaders and Pueblos negotiated the terms of their economic, political, and cultural interaction into a mutually beneficial political relationship Ultimately, by the start of the eighteenth century, the Church in New Mexico was clearly subordinate to the State Franciscans in New Mexico continued to run the missions, but became more tolerant of native practices previously not allowed Realizing that they were in a position of weakness, the missionaries deferred to civil officials in enforcing religious orthodoxy among the Pueblos Moreover, while the friars in the 110 seventeenth century had been able to remove secular colonial agents who challenged their authority, the friars no longer legitimately contested the governor’s power Franciscans in New Mexico were in a position of inferiority vis-à-vis the State The rejection of Franciscan authority by the Pueblo Indians, then, caused the Crown to enact policies that ultimately shaped a broader process of secularization 111 Works Cited Primary Sources Aiton, Arthur S., and Agapito Rey “Coronado’s Testimony in the Viceroy Mendoza Residencia,” New Mexico Historical Review 12 (1937): 310-315 Benavides, Fray Alonso de Benavides’ 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Thesis and Dissertation Services ! ... Arts and Sciences ABSTRACT RELLSTAB, PAUL M., M.A., December 2 013, History The Pueblo Reforms: Spanish Imperial Strategies & Negotiating Control in New Mexico Director of Thesis: Mariana L Dantas... 2002), 93-4 13 to Christianity.”12 The Pueblos found that the Franciscan god had failed to meet their needs and, consequently, sought to eradicate all vestiges of missionary power .13 Pueblo rejection... Coronado and Oñate’s father, Don Cristobal Oñate, were apparently friends and exchanged gifts, or perhaps even bribes, for favors Perhaps Juan de Oñate heard tales from his father about Coronado,