Detroit I Do Mind Dying A Study in Urban Revolution by Dan Surkin Marvin Georgakas

DETROIT Q 10 11 12 GROSSE POtNTE COMMUNITIES A rea o f g re a te st d e stru ctio n during the Great Rebellion o f 1967 Ford River Rouge plant S outh End im m ig n t co m m u n ity C obo Hall V eterans M em orial Building Renaissance C enter W a yn e S tate U niversity D e tro it In s titu te o f A rts (D iego Rivera m urals) S o lid a rity House (U A W Headquarters) C hrysler's J e ffe rso n A ssem bly plant Briggs M an u fa c tu rin g C hrysler's M ack Avenue stam ping plant W all o f D ig n ity and St B ernard's C hurch 13 Chrysler com plex, in clu din g Eldon A ve n u e Gear and A xle p la n t and C hrysler Forge 14 Dodge M ain co m p le x 15 A lg ie rs M o te l 16 Shrine o f th e Black M adonna 17 N ew Bethel C hurch 18 Scene o f Rochester S treet M assacre 19 M uslim M osque # 20 Black Star Bookstore and ChinaA lb a n i B o o ksto re 21 From The G round Up B ookstore M o to r City L a b or League Bookstore and O ffice 23 General M o to rs Technical Center a 22 Introduction Detroit is the fifth-largest city in the United States, the major industrial center of the nation’s heartland, the headquarters of the automobile industry which directly or indirectly employs one out of every six Americans In 1972, Lawrence M Carino, Chairman of the Greater Detroit Chamber of Commerce, made the observa­ tion that “ Detroit is the city of problems If they exist, w e’ve probably got them We may not have them exclusively, that’s for sure But we probably had them first , The city has become a living laboratory for the most comprehensive study possible of the American urban condition.” When Detroit burned in July 1967, in the most widespread and costly of hundreds of urban rebellions throughout the United States, the men who rule America knew they had to take immediate action to end the general crisis In Detroit, they formed a self-appointed blue ribbon New Detroit Committee This organization of the city’s ruling elite intended to put an end to urban unrest with a vast building program designed to replace inner city squalor with the sleek new architecture of mod­ ern office buildings, banks, condominiums, hotels, convention attractions, and a host of related enterprises The program was meant to stimulate economic development, create jobs, and provide social stability and confidence for a troubled city The New Detroit Committee was not operating in a social vacuum Already embodied within the process of destructive violence represented by the Great Rebellion of July 1967 was a fresh surge of positive revolutionary energy An attempt to organize the power of the Great Rebellion into a political force capable of restructuring American society began as soon as mini­ mal order had been restored by the National Guard and police Black-owned newspapers and organizations of black industrial Detroit: I Do M ind Dying workers began to present a series of programs and revolutionary visions in sharp contrast to the ideas put forward by the New Detroit Committee The revolutionaries combined the experience of the black liberation struggle with the radical tradition within the labor movement to speak of a society in which the interests of workers and their families would become the new foundation of all social organization Even as the New Detroit Committee began to put its plans into action, black workers unleashed a social movement of their own which soon forced a series of organization­ al, ideological, cultural, political, and economic confrontations with established wealth and power The New Detroit Committee represented forces that were the social antithesis of the movement led by black revolutionaries Its personnel were headed by Henry Ford II, Chairman of the Ford Motor Company; James Roche, Chairman of the General Motors Corporation; Lynn Townsend, Chairman of Chrysler Corporation; Walker Cisler, Chairman of Detroit Edison (Detroit’s power and light utility); Joseph L Hudson, Chairman of the J L Hudson Company (Detroit’s largest department store chain); Stanley J Winkelman, President of Winkelman Stores, Inc (another major retail chain); William G McClintock, Vice-President of the Na­ tional Bank of Detroit; William M Day, Vice-President of Michigan Bell; and Ralph McElvcnny, President of Michigan Consolidated Gas Company Other members included Max Fisher, Chairman of Marathon Oil and Chairman of the United Foundation (Detroit’s united charities fund); Dr William Keast, President of Wayne State University; Dr Norman Drachler, a retired Superintendent of the Detroit Public Schools; Walter Reuther, President of the United Auto Workers; Robert Holmes, Vice-President of the Teamsters Union; and a number of local political figures The committee was organized in such a way that it was able to bypass openly the elected government and to finance its projects directly from corporate and foundation coffers Over fifty million dollars were immediately earmarked by some fifty Detroit firms for a massive waterfront rebuilding plan which led to the formation of a separate organization called Detroit Re­ Introduction naissance Two hundred million dollars in short-term mortgage loans were arranged for Detroit Renaissance by a group of thirtyeight banks led by the National Bank of Detroit This loan was designed to have a second phase beginning in 1977 when the financing would shift to the Ford Motor Credit Company and four insurance companies (Aetna Life and Casualty, Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States, John Hancock Mutual Life Insurance Co., and Travelers Insurance Co.) An enthusiastic Governor Milliken described Detroit Renaissance as “ a mon­ ument to the vision of a few men and the faith of m any.” The rebuilding of the center of Detroit proposed by the New Detroit Committee would mean that eventually the blacks, Appalachians, and students who inhabited the area between the riverfront commercial center and the Wayne State University area would be removed to make room for a revitalized core city repopulated by middle- and upper-class representatives of the city’s various racial and ethnic groups Stopgap anti-poverty pro­ grams were to be used as a short-term solution to street violence as a new class of black politicians and businessmen were given a wid­ er role in running the city These individuals would take places in corporate boardrooms, on union executive boards, and in what­ ever elective offices their “ bloc” vote could carry them to The police, desegregated and strengthened, were to be a front-line force against “ extremists of the right and left’ ’ who sought to upset the new dynamism The New Detroit Committee, for all its financial and political clout, represented little more than a recycling of pre-1967 Detroit It sought to deal with the basic contradictions and problems which had produced the Great Rebellion with what amounted to a showcase public relations program In the first six years of the New Detroit Committee’s existence the quality of life in the city deteriorated to a new low The industrial workers who made up over 35 percent of the population were the hardest hit They found that the New Detroit meant working longer and faster and paying higher taxes in exchange for diminishing city services and for wage gains more than outpaced by inflation “ Runaway” Detroit: I Do M ind Dying factories, new managerial demands, and a declining automotive industry made the very existence of many of their jobs areal issue Union leaders, humiliated time and again by corporate managers pursuing higher productivity and higher profits, found themselves fighting their own membership as vigorously and as often as they fought the company Black workers continued to hold the most arduous, dangerous, and unhealthy jobs Their moves toward job improvement, union office, and shop floor reform were resisted by the company, the union, and even their fellow workers The black population also bore much of the burden of curtailed public services, especially the nearly nonexistent public transit and a school system on the verge of bankruptcy Thousands of homes in the city proper were deserted as a result of corruption in public and private lending institutions, making a mockery of the multimillion dollar towers of Detroit Renaissance The grievances of “ in­ visible” minorities such as white Appalachians and the city’s growing Arab population remained largely unheard and un­ resolved Established ethnic groups such as the Polish-Americans and ltalian-Americans worried increasingly about jobs, property values, and personal safety The police department resisted desegregation of its ranks, created secret elite units, and organized to win direct political power in city government The organized state violence and the unorganized street violence of 1967 became more and more institutionalized Motor City became Murder City, leading the nation and perhaps the world in homicides and crimes of violence In 1973 the number of homicide victims in Detroit was triple the death toll on all sides in the civil disturbances that took place in Northern Ireland during the same year Head-in-the-sand reformers talked glibly of gun control while literally millions of guns were sold to Detroiters of every race and class who sought protection from social chaos In the pages that follow we have attempted to relate the history of the Detroit struggle from 1967 to 1974, taking the activities of urban revolutionaries as our point of departure We begin with a small core of black revolutionaries who began their political work in this period by publishing a newspaper and organizing in the Introduction factories and then led a series of activities which inspired other insurgent forces within the city and beyond More than anywhere else in the United States, the movement led by black workers defined its goal in terms of real power— the power to control the economy, which meant trying to control the shop floor at the point of production The Detroit revolutionaries did not get sidetracked into a narrow struggle against the police per se or with one aspect of power such as control of education The movement attempted to integrate within itself all the dissident threads of the rebellious sixties in order to create a network of insurgent power comparable to the network of established power This movement, clearly in conflict with the wealth, power, and interests represented by the New Detroit Committee, generated an amazing sequence of separate but interlocked confrontations in the factories, in the polling booths, in the courts, in the streets, in the media, in the schools, and in the union halls What clearly differentiated the Detroit experience from other major social movements of the sixties and early seventies was its thoroughly working-class character We have tried to ascertain exactly what this movement by working people meant in terms of the mass culture and the quality of life found in the factories, schools, and neighborhoods of the city of Detroit Without minimizing the enormous tensions within the working class, tensions between blacks and whites, between men and women, and between competing ideologies and strategies, we have attempted to determine, from primary sources, what those in­ volved in the struggle accomplished and what they had to say about their ultimate goals At various moments in this effort by working people to gain control of their own lives, different individuals and organizations became more important than others Our purpose has been to follow the motion of the class which supported them rather than to trace particular destinies or to speculate on the possible future importance of specific individuals, ideologies, or organizations We have used original interview material extensively Most of these interviews were conducted in the summer of 1972 All of Detroit: I Do M ind Dying them were recorded on tape, and the majority were recorded in the privacy of the homes of the people being interviewed Usually, the person interviewed responded at length to a few introductory questions and then answered in more detail specific questions arising from the general discussion We also had access to the personal papers of several important participants and to numerous plant bulletins, organizational memos, newspapers, and similar documents In the pages which follow, when reproducing those materials, we have not tampered with the original in any way; this means that some typographical errors, unusual spellings, and grammatical mistakes have been reproduced We believe this approach is necessary to preserve the unique flavor and tone of the language Likewise, when quoting speeches, we have retained slang expressions and awkward constructions in the original without using brackets and other devices to make the speech patterns conform to more standard conventions Our account concludes on what may seem to be a pessimistic note That is not our intent and our conclusion is not a pessimistic one Nothing fundamental has changed in Detroit because the forces that controlled the city prior to 1967 still control the city and the nation The strategies and tactics that guided their actions prior to 1967 remain more or less unaltered Neither the ruling elite nor the workers have been able to revive the Motor City But hundreds of thousands of people have begun to question basic assumptions about the organization and purpose of their lives and about the institutions that control them They have begun to accumulate valuable skills and experiences necessary to challenge those in­ stitutions and to create substitute or parallel structures of power Increasingly, groups of white workers have begun to voice the complaints and pursue the objectives that black workers began to voice and pursue in the late 1960s Ideas once limited to Marxists, youth counterculturalists, and wom en’s liberation groups can now be found on the shop floor in myriad demands and actions for a humane way of life The capitalist work ethic has been discredited Men and women no longer wish to spend forty to fifty years performing dull, monotonous, and uncreative work They see that Introduction the productive system which deforms their lives for a profit of which they have less and less of a share is also one that destroys the air they breathe, wastes the natural resources of the planet, and literally injures or disables one out of ten workers each year Their rebellion is expressed in extraordinary absenteeism, particularly on Mondays and Fridays, in chronic lateness, in the open use of drugs, in pooT workmanship, in Tepeated demands foT earlier retirement, in sabotage, and in the wildcat strike At the same time, many members of the working class, especially young whites unable to find well-paying jobs, have found a solution to their employment woes by volunteering for the police and armed forces White workers who can accept racial cooperation on the shop floor often remain hostile to similar cooperation in matters of housing, schooling, health care, and a whole range of social issues Whether internal divisions will thwart the development of united class action is a question that remains to be answered The decade of the sixties with its assassinations, protests, riots, war, and violence has given birth to a decade that is deceptively quiet on the surface, while the forces of change move even more certainly toward the taproots of American society Popular doubt about the ability of the dominant class to govern effectively has become increasingly widespread in the wake of the energy crisis, corruption in the highest elective office, and malicious corporate intrigues The system no longer produces what was once touted as the ‘‘highest standard of living on earth ’' The people of the city of Detroit have been dealrhg with the crisis of power in a dramatic fashion, sometimes emphasizing race and sometimes emphasizing class, sometimes seized by fear and sometimes with vision This book is about their experiences, a history of the contemporary United States in microcosm, an exemplary case of a social condi­ tion and conflicting social visions which stretch from one end of America to the other James Johnson— A Prologue On July 15, 1970, one o f those midsummer days when the most important thing in town is the baseball game, a black auto worker named James Johnson entered the Eldon Avenue Gear and Axle plant of Chrysler Corporation with an M -i carbine hidden in the pant leg of his overalls The factory had been the scene of a series o f bitter wildcat strikes for most o f the year, apd during a two-week period one fem ale and one male worker had been killed from on-the-job accidents The noise, oil pools, and defective ma­ chinery that characterized the plant were all around Johnson when he spotted one of the foremen who had been involved in his dismissal earlier that day He took out his carbine, and before he was finished shooting, one black foreman, one white foreman, and one white job setter lay dead on the factory floor Few of the Eldon workers knew much about James Johnson He was not identified with the militants of the Eldon Avenue Revolutionary Union M ovem ent (ELRUM ), the Wildcat group, or the Safety Committee James Johnson didn’t even go to union meetings He was one o f those thousands of anonymous workers who spoke little and laughed less He did not drink in the bars near the factory, and he was not a ladies’ man James Johnson was a Bible reader, and his biggest source of pride was the small house he hyj.s buying for himself and his sister Opposite page: James Johnson on his way to arraignment in Recorder's Court The 54-Hour Week 237 industry C onsum ers worried about the shortage of gasoline quit buying large, low-m ileage cars like Pontiacs and Oldsm obiles Sales of those lines fell by over 50 percent, and Detroit autom akers began to retool to produce sm aller, more economical cars G M ’s announcem ent that it would produce a m ini-Cadillac was the clearest sign that the industry was serious about decreasing car size The auto industry had long depended on high-priced accessories, more powerful engines, and sheer size to maxim ize profits Its new tactic was to make money on expensive safety features and anti-pollution devices, using the energy crisis and concern for ecology to keep attention away from prices The long-term effects of the new em phasis on small cars seemed unlikely to include any basic change in industry profit patterns The im mediate effect on auto w orkers, how ever, was disastrous During most of 1974, official unem ploym ent in M ichigan ran to more than 10 percent In towns like Flint and Pontiac, where large-car production dom inated, the unem ploym ent rate was con­ siderably higher and the hardship greater Unem ploym ent benefits alleviated some econom ic suffering; but galloping inflation, the prospect of being perm anently without work, and the fact that thousands of workers were not eligible for various benefits cast a cloud of gloom over auto workers Speed-up and the 54-hour week rem ained the order of the day, in spite of the cutbacks More profits could still be made by working few er and fewer workers harder and longer than by any other method Physically, Detroit has acquired freshness and vitality Acres of slums have been razed, and steel-and-glass apartments— angular and lonely in the vacated land­ scape— have sprung up in their place In the central business district, hard by the Detroit River, severely 238 Detroit: I Do Mind Dying rectangular skyscrapers— none of them more than five years old— jostle uncomfortably with the gilded behe­ moths of another age National Observer, July 15, 1963 Detroit had not changed m uch since the Great Rebellion W ildcat sum m er had brought together white and black w orkers, the skilled and the unskilled, com m unists and anti-com m unists, but the mayoral election, street violence, and job insecurity had fed the old antagonism s with fresh fuel The bleak Detroit winter hit with its usual cacophony of whining engines as the city ended 1973 by establishing several all-tim e records Hom icides reached a historic peak; car production reached a historic peak; and the earnings of G eneral M otors reached a historic peak W orkers worried about wholesale layoffs just as the prices of fuel, food, and other necessities also reached all-tim e peaks The Cotillion C lub, an organization of the black elite, gave its 1973 awards to Judge George C rockett, Attorney Kenneth C ockrel, and Judge Damon Keith; yet all the basic problem s facing black Am erica festered as lethally as ever Carefully picking its way through the D etroit reality, the U.S New s & W orld Report of Decem ber 10 was enraptured by the latest plans for building a new D etroit, plans which, like the old plans for a new D etroit, concentrated on buildings, professional classes, and a narrow strip of waterfront The heart of the new program was a $500 million Renaissance C enter with hotels, luxury apartm ents, office buildings, and quality entertainm ent facilities to be built on the riverfront, directly to the east of W oodw ard Avenue The showpiece of the center was to be a 70-story glass-encased hotel with 1500 room s Four 30-story office tow ers with banks as m ajor ground-floor tenants would share the com plex with the hotel C ontributions for the center included $6 million from Ford, $6 million from G M , $1.5 m illion from C hrysler, $500,000 from Am erican M otors, and smaller The 54-Hour Week 239 contributions from over thirty Detroit firms The hotel, offices, and projected apartm ent dwellings were to be serviced by a variety of shops, restaurants, and retail stores Robert H astings, a leading city architect, spoke of “ recycling” Am erican cities and was quoted in the magazine article as saying: “ Detroit has always been thought of as a vibrant, can-do place If you want to get som ething done, take this m arvelous collection of technical people this city has Take the people and point them The problem is to point them This is what Henry Ford has d o n e ” The enthusiasm of men like Hastings was sim ilar to the en­ thusiasm that swept m ost Am erican cities during the days of the New Frontier In 1964, three years before the G reat R ebellion, the Detroit Com m unity Action Program had announced a total assault on poverty: “ The overall objective in Detroit is to develop pro­ gram s which will assist people in becom ing self-sufficient and socially responsible citizens, generate participation in com m unity life and the problem s of others, and build into the lives of the im poverished the skills and aspirations necessary for useful and rewarding liv es.” the grayness and the grit, the dirty funky, hardheavy city, home of greasecake hands and the baddest right hook you've ever seen detroit b p Flanigan, “ Freeway S eries/1" At 12:01 a m , January 1, 1974, Detroit recorded its first hom icide of the year Gerald H Johnson, 46, was killed while 240 ( Detroit: I Do Mind Dying standing on a corner, by a bullet fired by som eone celebrating the New Year with the Detroit custom of firing a gun Two more hom icides were recorded before the sun cam e up Karl Bestm an, 73, was shot and killed by robbers as he wiped snow off the windshield of his car The body of the third victim , Johnnie Harper, 25, was found in an east-side apartm ent after her neighbors reported hearing gunfire Along the darkened streets of the city, the squad cars of the Detroit Police D epartm ent passed the 2500 abandoned homes and 5000 em pty houses taken over by the Federal Housing A dm in­ istration, whose program to halt urban decay and abandonm ent had becom e mired in corruption and discredited by questionable decision-m aking The squad cars passed superm arkets whose huge glass windows had been bricked over ever since the Great Rebel­ lion and whose entrances had been sealed off by metal posts to prevent people from stealing shopping carts The G oodyear sign by the Ford-C hrysler interchange had already begun to crank out the new y ear’s car production During their lunch break the next day, many Detroit workers discussed a new , black-owned professional football team to be called the Detroit W heels It was to replace the Detroit Lions, which had moved to Pontiac to be nearer the suburban audience Later that afternoon, there was an accident at the Eldon Avenue Gear and Axle plant A week later, M ayor Colem an Young made a glittering populist debut at an inaugural ball attended by 15,000 people Diana Ross came back hom e from Hollywood to be the featured entertainer, and the national m edia spotlighted M ayor Young as he said, “ I issue a warning now to all dope pushers, ripoff artists, and m uggers It is time to leave Detroit Hit the ro ad !" A photo in the N ew York Times showed a concerned M ayor listening to Leonard W oodcock, President of the UAW , whisper in his ear as a beaming Henry Ford II spoke from a m icrophone-studded podium about Renaissance Center The rebels and revolutionaries you have read about in this book The 54-Hour Week 241 were not involved in the inaugural M ost of them were now in their late twenties and early thirties They continued to pursue their own vision of a new Detroit Index A bernath y, Rev R alph, 191 A bsenteeism , 7, 234 A ccidents on the jo b , 9, 103-4, 107-8, 111 See also Safety violations Ad H oc, 70 94, 149, 150, 193 A dlem an, M ike, 111 A F L (A m erican F ederation of L abor), 185 A F L -C IO (A m erican F ederation of L abor-C ongress o f Industrial O rganizations), 39, 214, 215 Al F atah , 63, 64 A lbee, E dw ard, 133 A ldrich, D an, 68 A lgiers M otel incident, 183-84, 202, 207, 217 A linsky, Saul, 91 A m en, A lan, 77, 78 A m en, K aren, 77 A m en, K atherine, 77 A m en, R on, 77 A m erican Civil L iberties U nion, 64, 215 A m erican Jew ish C om m ittee, % A m erican L egion, 21 A m erican M otors C o rpo ratio n, 238 A nti-Sem itism , 40, 42, 63-64, 70-71, 74, 76, 186 A ppalachian w orkers, 4, 37, 187, 188 A rab w orkers, 4, 37-38; and D R U M , 50; in 1973 w ildcat strikes, 228; problem s faced by, 76-81 A rabic C om m unity C en ter for E conom ic and Social Services, 78 A m ow , H arriet, 151 A rtists' W orkshop, 154 A shlock, Irw in, 110, 112, 113 A sw ad, B arbara, 78 A tw ell, H elen O kdi, 77 A ugust, R onald, 183-84, 188 A utom ation, 101-2, 104, 124-25 See also N iggerm ation B ailey, F L ee, 197 B aker, G eneral G ordon, 23, 113, 115, 146, 152; B E D C and, 97; Black S tar P roductions’ activities and, 147; in C om m unist L eague, 178, 179; 242 creation o f BW C and, 162; E L R U M 's appro ach sanctioned by, 121; F orm an com pared w ith, 174; in League o f R evolutionary Black W orkers, 84-86; and m aking of Finally G ot the News, 138, 141; M ay 1968 w ildcat strike and, 24-27; Sim s on , 177 B annon, Jam es, 203 B araka, Im am u (L e Roi Jon es), 17, 133, 134 B attle, B uddy, 43 B auer, G eorge, 117, 118 B eckett, Sam uel, 133 B E D C (B lack E conom ic D evelopm ent C onference), 94-99, 152, 160, 162, 173; and distribution o f Finully G ot the News, 147; organizers of, 164-66 Bell, E d, 196, 223 B ennett, H arry , 187 B ethune, M ark, 206 Bird, S tew art, 137, 138, 139, 143 B ishop, R achel, 144, 171 Black A rt C onference, 146 Black L ake (educational and recreational center), 40-41 Black Legion, 65, 186, 188 Black Manifesto (1969) 94-98 Black m iddle class and the L eague, 149 Black M uslim s, 22 Black nationalism , 17, 25, 70, 85, 92, 113, 121, 123, 162, 163, 167, 172, 176 Black P anth er Party See B P P Black police officers: attitudes of, com pared w ith those o f w hite police officers, 190; num ber of, 189 Black S tar B ookstore, 82, 152 Black S tar P roductions, 144-49, 163, 175 Black S tar Publishing, 98, 167, 171 Black S tudent U nited F ro n t, 92 Black U nited F ro n t, 68, 69 , Black w orkers: fight U A W (1941), 189; jo b s held by, 4, 35,49; m ovem ent organized by, 4-6 (see Irn ltx specific organizations; for exam ple: D R U M , League of R evolutionary Black W orkers); in 1968 w ildcat strikes, 46-47; in 1973 w ildcat strikes, 228-33; num ber o f (late 1960s), 34-35; in U A W m em bership, 40 B luestone, Irving, 231 B’nai B’rith, 79 Boggs, Jam es, 18, 44, 95 Bond, Julian, 94, 1% B orys, M argaret, 212, 214 Boyd, Joh n P ercy, 206 B oyd, Rev M alcolm , 133 B oyias, N ick, 58 B P P (B lack P anther P arty), 57, 61 91, 95, 136, 165, 228; in F inally G o t the N e w s, 145; problem s faced by, 160; support for, 143, 155; tension betw een the L eague and, 147 Bradford, R obert, 206 B reakthrough, 21-22, 64, 92 Brickley, Jam es H , 194 Briggs M anufacturing C orporation, 29, 232-33 B roadside Press, 133 B rooks, C harles, 47 B rooks, G w endolyn, 134 B row n, H R ap, 15, 165 B row n, H ayw ard, 206-8, 216, 220 B row n, Joh n, 185 B um s, Eddie “ G u ita r," 129 B urroughs, W illiam , 73 B utch (union em ployee), 113 BW C (B lack W orkers C ongress), 159-81, 205 215 C A D R U M (R U M group in C adillac factory), 85 C ahalan, W illiam L „ 67, 204, 205, 207, 208 C antor, E dith C arroll, 133 C apital investm ents, post-W orld W ar II fluctuations in, 29 C apital study group, 23 C arino, L aw rence M , I C arm ichael, Stokely, 165, 1% C arp en ter, Scott, 184 C arter, Jo e L , 130 C a rter, L arry, 228, 230 C avanagh, Jerom e, 43, 69, 190, 192, 223 C ham bers, Paul, 23 C handler, A lonzo, 112, 114 C havez, C esar, 40, 80 C hina-A lbania B ookstore, 152, 178 C h rysler C orporation, 23-27, 33-39; contributions of, to R enaissance C en ter, 238; deal m ade betw een also 243 U A W and, K M Ji U R U from 96; Johnson sm d f 199; and m aking of N ew s I3N, rim 102-21, 123; I M N t ^ against, 24-27, 46*47 strikes against, 17V,! 235; open letter to, ))•! organization by the I * poor corporate record i South E nd, 57, 6 ;1work for*# m , 34-39, 79 C IO (C ongress of Industrial O rganizations), 213 C isler, W alker, C lark, H arry, 65 C leage, Rev A lbert, 146 C leaver, E ldridge, 145 C o bo H all I, 191-92, 195, 207 C obo H all II, 192-93, 195 207 C ockrel, K enneth, 62, 63, 113, 130, 238; as attorney, 10-11,63, 102, 198-201, 206-7, 216; in B E D C , 93, 97; Black S tar P roductions’ activities and, 147; and creation of B W C , 161-64, 172, 174-75, 181; disbarm ent proceedings against, 196-97; D ow dell and, 147; on E L R U M , 122; in League of R evolutionary Black W orkers, 84, 88-91, 93; and m aking of Finally G o t the N e w s, 136, 139, 143; and 1973 m ayoral election, 223-25; and R avitz’s election, 211, 213, 214, 216, 217, 220-22; S T R E S S attacked by, 205 C ockrel, Sye, 89 C ohen, Sam , 132 C olista, Philip, 102 C olom bo, R obert, 10, I I , 1% 198 C om m unism S e e M arxism -Leninism C om m unist L eague, 164, 178-81, 215, 229 C om m unist P arty, 22, 40, 69, 99, 119, 120, 163, 177, 215 C om m unity C ouncil (D earborn), 77-78 C om m unity R elations C om m ission, 70, 192, 195, 1% , 205 C om m unity R elations Sub-C om m ittee (D etro it Police D epartm ent), 189 C om pulsory overtim e, 31, 33, 234, 236 C oncept E ast (theatre group), 133 C o nyers, Joh n, 94 C ook, C arla, 169 C ooper, C arl, 183-84 C O R E (C ongress o f Racial E quality), 19 C oughlin, F ath er C harles E , 186 244 D etroit: I D o M ind D ying C o untercultu re, 16,91, 153-55 C ro ck ett G eorge, 63, 66-70, 195, 238 C zapski, M ichael, 66-67 D aifullah, N agi, 80, 81 D arrow , C larence, 183, 186 D avis A ngela, 120, 163 D avis, R ennie, 151 D ay, W illiam M , D e la C ruz, Juan, 80 D el Rio, Jam es, 67, 69 D ellinger, D ave, 151 D em ocratic P arty, 36, 93, 214 D ennis, Sam , 192 D ePugh, G eorge, 137 D etroit A thletic C lub, 64 D etroit Bar A ssociation, 214, 222 D etroit B oard of E ducation, 91, 93 D etroit C om m ission on Com m unity R elations, 70, 192, 195, 1% , 205 D etroit C om m unity A ction Program , 239 D etroit G eneral H ospital, 17, 58 D etroit Institute of A rts, 100, 101, 134 D etroit O lym pic C om m ittee, 19 D etroit O rganizing C om m ittee, 94 ,9 9, 149 D etroit Police D epartm ent, 37, 48, 51, 182-208, 213, 216, 224-25, 240 D etro it R enaissance, 2-4, 238-39 D odd, T hom as, 99 D ouglas, E m ory, 143 D ouglass, F rederick, 185 D ow dell, G lanton , 23, 145-46 D P O A (D etro it Police O fficers A ssociation), 10, 66, 68-70, 92, 217; and N ew Bethel incident, 68-69; and S T R E S S , 191, 192, 194-95 D rachler, N orm an, D R U M (D odge R evolutionary U nion M ovem ent), 28-51, 53, 61, 66, 75, 190; articles on, 52, 57, 58; B E D C and, 96, 97; BW C and, 166; E L R U M com pared w ith, 106-7; in Finally G o t the N e w s, 136, 141; form ation o f the L eague and, 91; form ed, 24-25; goals of, 44, 45, 74; m anipulation of established m edia rejected by, 73-74; and N ew Bethel incident, 68; problem s of A rab com m unity and, 79, 81; South E nd controlled by, 51, 54-55, 59, 63; successes of, 83, 85-86, 159-60; w ildcat strikes and, 229-31; wom en in, 171 D R U M 11 (D odge T ruck plant organization), 85 D ubofsky, M elvin, 180 D uB ois, W E B , 26, 148 E astland, Jam es, 99 E da, E ugene, 135 E ducation, political, 87-88, 91, 152 E dw ards, E ric, 115 E dw ards, Jam es, 106, 112, 114, 116-18 E dw ards, N elson Jack , 40 E ldon Safety C om m ittee, 9, 111-14, 117-18, 235 E ldon W ildcat 9, 114, 119, 122 E L R U M (E ldon A venue R evolutionary U nion M ovem ent), 9-10, 28, 85, 109, 161, 175; form ed, 106; shortcom ings of, 121-23; T aylor on, 112-17, 119, 120; w ildcat strikes led by, 106-7, 230; w om en in, 122, 171 Equitable Life A ssurance Society of the U nited S tates, Evans, Jam es, 193 F actory occupation (1937), 106 F anon , F rantz, 167, 168 F anon-F orm anism , 168 Felicia, Joh n, 111 Finally G o t the N e w s (film ), 129, 132, 134, 136-48, 167 Fisher, M ax, 64 Flanigan, b p., 155-56, 213, 239 F onda, Jan e, 147 F ord, H enry, 31, 42, 105, 134, 187, 188 239 F ord, H enry, II, 2, 224, 240 F ord M otor C om pany: contributions of, to R enaissance C enter, 238; deal m ade betw een U A W and, 30-32; decentralized operations of, 35; 1941 strike against, 42; 1973 contract negotiated w ith, 235; organizing by the League at, 85; w orkforce of, 34, 78-79 F ord M otor C redit C om pany, Form an, Jam es, 158, 159: in B E D C , 95, 96 99; BW C and, 162-69, 171-76 Form anism , 168, 174, 175, 178 F orshee, D urw ood, 206 F ranklin, A retha, 131 Franklin, R ev C L , 66, 67, 69, 131 F rantz F anon Institutes, 167 168 F raser, D oug, 228-31 F raser (car m anufacturer), 29 F reedom N ow Party, 17, 19, 146 F reem an, R alph, 77, 78 Froines, Joh n, 151 F rom T he G ro und U p, 151-52, 207, 215, 218 From T he G ro und U p B ookstore, 152 F R U M (R U M group at F ord R iver Rouge com plex), 28, 85 In dex G aidi, B rother (M ilton H enry), 67, 198 G arv ey , M arcus, 134 G aye, M arvin, 131 G elber, Jack , 133 G eneral M otors S ee G M G eneral strike, 83, 179 G en et, Jean , 133 G erm an C om m unist P arty, 147 G essn er, Peter, 136-38, 143 G ilbreth, W illiam , 230-31 G ill, F rank, 53 G insberg, Allen, 73 G iovanni, N ikki, 134 G laberm an, M artin, 18, 19 G lessing, R obert J , 72 G lo tta, R on, 11, 111, 216, 232 G M (G eneral M otors C orporation): annual num ber of grievances at, 33; contributions of, to R enaissance C en ter, 238; deal m ade betw een U A W and, 30-32; decentralized operations of, 35; m anufacture of small cars by, 237; niggerm ation at, 124-27; 1956 capital investm ents of, 29; 1973 contract negotiated w ith, 235; organizing by the League at, 85; size of, 106; U A W recognized by (1937), 106; w orkforce of, 35 G M T echnical C enter, 39, 44 G od frey, Joseph, 126 G ordon, L ou, 221 G o rd y , B erry, 130 G reat Rebellion (1967), 24, 37, 59, 67, 183, 237, 239; background of, 185-88; center of, 15; effects of, 1-3, 14, 15, 189; IC V as response to, 16, 20, 21; police officers’ opinion of, 190 G re ater D etro it C ham ber o f C om m erce, G re ater D etroit H om e-O w ners C ouncil, 194 G reen back-L abor P arty, 185 G rib b s, R om an, 205, 208 G rievance procedures, 32-33: for safety grievances, 109-10 G rifi'en, B etty, 171 G riffin, R obert, 23 G riffin, R ufus, 23, 146 G ro p p i, F ath er Jam es E , 17 G uardians, 93 G u ev ara, C he, 18 H ailey, Pat, 130 H alpern, Sheldon, 198 H am lin, M ike, 23-24, 62, 66, 149-50, 165, 200; as adviser to Black Student U nited F ro nt, 92, 93; in 245 B E D C , 95, 97, 98; and Black S tar P ro ductions’ activities, 147; and creation of BW C, 161-64, 167, 171-73, 175, 177; in League of R evolutionary Black W orkers, 84, 86-88, 91; and m aking o f Finally G o t the N e w s, 136; w riting for So u th End, 55-56 H ankins, A lthea, 224 H ankins, Paula, 147, 171, 175 H ayden, T om , 150, 151 H eaney, Jam es, 194 H enderson, H enry, 204 H enry, M ilton (B rother G aidi), 67, 198 H erm an, Jam es, 192 H erold, R ichard, 204 H ersey, Joh n, 184, 188 H ibbit, A lfred, 196-98 H icks, G regory 175 H itler, A dolf, 34, 42, 63 Hoffm an, A bbie, 73, 151 H olsey, F red, 106, 175, 200 H ood, R ev N icholas, 194 H ooker, John L ee, 130 H R U M (R U M group of health w orkers), 83 H ubbard, O rville (M ayor of D earborn), 76-77 H udson, Joseph L , 2, 29 H ughes, A rt, 103 I BA (International Black A ppeal; previously U nited Black A ppeal), 96-99, 176, 178 IC V (Inner C ity Voice; new spaper), 15-27,54, 55, 61, 87, 112, 190 IF C O (Interreligious F oundation for C om m unity O rganizations), 94, 96, 99 International Socialists, 120, 230 Italian-A m erican w orkers, Italian C om m unist P arty, 145 Ivory, M arcellius, 40 1WW (Industrial W orkers of the W orld; W obblies), 44, 179, 180 Jab ara, A bdeen, 75, 78 Jacobs, Jim , 149-50 Jam es, C L R , 18 Jam es, D ennis, 196 JA R U M (R U M group at Jefferson A venue plant), 85 Jenkins, B obo, 130 John Birch S ociety, 21 John H ancock M utual Life Insurance C o , Joh ns, W esley, 121 Joh nson, C G ,, 153 246 D etroit: I D o M ind D yin g Johnson, C harles " M a o ," 55, 172 Joh nson, G erald H , 239 Joh nson, H aynes, 33, 126 Joh nson, Jam es, 8-12, 102-3, 117, 119, 216, 236 Jon es, H elen, 98-99, 167, 169 Jon es, L.e Roi (Im am u B araka), 17, 133, 134 Jo y ce, F ran k , 70, 150-51, 214, 215 Jury selection, 198-99 K aiser (car m anufacturer), 29 K aiim oto, E rnie, 152, 163, 176 K apanow ski, G ary, 233 K east, W illiam, 2, 58-60, 63, 71, 190 K eith, D am on, 236, 238 K elly, Pete, 39, 44, 230 K ennedy, John F , 37 K ennedy, R obert F , 37, 78 K enyatta, M uham m ad, 169 K ing, M artin L uth er, J r., 40, 43, 135, 195 K irkland, E ddie, 130 K K K (K u Klux K lan), 37, 186 K night, E theridge, 134 K nights of L abor, 185 KolchefF, N ick, 77 K otz, N ick, 33, 126 L abor D efense C oalition, 205 L abor R elations C om m ittee (C hrysler), 109 L ateness, League of R evolutionary Black W orkers, 9, 82-99, 101, 109, 112, 115, 152, 190; anti-repression strategy of, 200; Black Star Productions and, 144, 147-48; B P P and, 147; BW C and, 159-67, 169-72, 175-78, 180-81; C ockrel supported by, 214; counterculture and, 155; Film m ade by, 132, 136-39, 143; gap betw een R U M s and, 121;/C L and, 19; m em bers of, w orking on South End, 57; 1973 m ayoral election and, 223, 224; opinion of, on Sam s, 200; R av itz's bid for judgeship and, 216; w hite progressive organizations and, 149-50 L ee, D on , 134 Lenin, V I., 72, 109 Levine, Philip, 144 L ew is, Fulton, J r., 44-45 L ew is, Sidney, 161 L ichtm an, R ene, 137, 138, 143 Lincoln, A braham , 34 L iska E d 47 L obsinger, D onald, 22, 64, 92, 220 L ogan, R ose, 104 L ovesto ne, Jay, 215 L uxem burg, R osa, 147 M cC lintock, W illiam G , M cJennet, A nthony, 230 M cK ee, R ob, 112, 114 M cK innon, F rank, 109-11, 115, 117, 120, 123 M adar, O lga, 40 M aher, Joseph E ,, 196-98 M alcolm X , 18, 63, 134, 135, 145, 160 M ao T se-tung, 177, 178 M arch, Ron, 24, 48-50, 139, 200 M artin, R onald, 205 M A R U M (R U M group at M ack A venue plant), 28, 85 M arx, K arl, 18, 109 M arxism -L eninism , 71-72, 168, 177, 178, 179 M ason, Phillip, 192 M azey, Em il, 40, 41, 43-44, 79, 215, 231, 233 M C L L (M o to r C ity L abor League; previously M otor C ity L abor C oalition), 11, 108, 115, 119, 121, 124; form ed, 150-52; publications of, 134; R avitz’s bid for judgeship and, 214-15 M eany, G eorge, 39, 215 M edical C om m ittee on H um an Rights, 93 M edina, H arold, 69 M edvecky, N ick, 56-58, 63, 71-72, 75, 144 M errelli, G eorge, 50, 116, 120 M E R U M (R U M group at M ound Road Engine plant), 85 M ichigan B ar A ssociation, 70, 88 M ichigan Civil Rights C om m ission, 195, 205 M ichigan D epartm ent o f L abor, 102 M ichigan N ational G u ard , 1, 15, 188 M ichigan Suprem e C o u rt, 218, 219 M illiken, W illiam , 3, 68-70 M ilner, R on, 133 M iriani, Louis, 43 M ogk, Joh n, 223 M oore, H ow ard, 196 M orris, G eorge B., Jr., 33, 126 M orrison, Jim , 136-37 M otow n R ecords, 130-31 M uham m ad, E lijah, 22, 129, 135 M urphy, Sheila, 70, 150, 193, 201-2, 215 N A A C P (N ational A ssociation for the A dvancem ent o f C olored People), 206 N A C (N egro A ction C om m ittee), 19 Index 247 N ader, R alph, 125, 219 H o t the N e w s , 142; during U r o l N ash (car m anufacturer), 29 R ebellion I 155; H 'V and 16 20, N ational A ssociation of League infiltrated by, 160: In New M anufacturers, 39 Bethel incident, 9, 66-68; In »trik* N ational Bank o f D etroit, situations, 47, 66, 90; N ational Black L abor Strike F und, % unem ploym enl forcing while N ational C om m ittee to C om bat w orkers to jo in S e e a l s o DPOA F ascism , 228 Polish-A m erican workers, 4, 36-3? N ational C onference for N ew Pollard, A uburey, 183-84 Politics, 165 Pollard, C haney, 184 N ational Institute o f O ccupational Pow ell, Adam C layton, 135 Safety and H ealth, 105 Production, 1973 automobile, 238 N ational L abor U nion, 185 Productivity: hourly 124; 1946 and N ational L aw yers G uild, 94, 1% 1970, 101 N ational W elfare Rights O rganization, Profits: G M (1973), 238; post-World 96 W ar II fluctuations in, 29; speed-up N evels, L arry, 93, 175, 224, 225 and increased 104, 231 N ew B ethel incident and case, 10, 11, P rogressive L abor P arty, 119, 230 66-70, 181, 195-99, 204, 207, 213 P rogressive w hites, the League and, N ew D etro it C om m ittee, 1-3, 5, 64, 149-51: R avitz’s campaign and, 70, 190, 195 214-15 N ew U niversity C onference, 171 P S IU P (Italian Sociulist P arty of N ew ark riot (1967), 187 P roletarian U nity), 61 N E W R U M (R U M group at D etroit N e w s), 83 Race riot (1943), 187 N ew sreel (film -m akers group), 136-39, Racism : boycotts to fight, 46; BW C 143-44, 200 and, 160; in D etroit Police N ichols, Joh n, 201, 205, 206, 208; D epartm ent, 190-94; history of, in M ack stam ping plant w ildcat strike D etroit, 185-87; indifference to, 54; and, 231; in 1973 m ayoral election, institutional, 35-36, 64; U A W and, 222, 224, 225 40, 41-44, 47, 112 N iggerm ation, 101-27 Radical E ducation P roject, 99 N ixon, Richard M , 236 Rallis, Jerri, 77 N un n, G u y , 45 R A M (R evolutionary A ction M ovem ent), 17, 23, 160 O ’H air, Joh n, 206 R am sey, C arolyn, 146, 175 O 'H a , M ichael 196 R andall, D udley, 133, 148 O ne-String Sam , 130 R avitz, Justin , 10, 150, 210; as O tis, Sheldon, 1% , 197 attorney for H ibbit, 198; as attorney O vertim e, com pulsory, 31, 33, 234, for Sinclair, 155; disbarm ent 236 proceedings against, 1%; asju d g e, O vshinsky, H arvey, 72-73 11,211-25; S T R E S S attacked by, 205 Packard (car m anufacturer), 29 R avitz, M el, 223 Paille, R obert, 183-84 R eese, D ella, 131 Paragon Steel (corporation), 85 Republican P arty, 185 Parsell, C arl, 66, 191, 194, 195 R esist (anti-w ar organization), 171 P A S C C (P aren ts and Students for R etirem ent, 234-35 C om m unity C ontrol), 91-93 R euther, W alter, 2, 40 43, 54 118 People A gainst Racism , 70, 94, 149, R ichardson, E lroy, 110, 113, 118 150 R ivera, D iego, 100, 101, 134, 135, 217 People’s T ribune, 68 R izzo, Frank, 208 Perlm an, F redy, 98-99, 167 RN A (R epublic o f N ew A frica), 10, P eterson, R aym ond, 203, 207 6 Philo, H arry, 89, 196, 197 R oche, Jam es, 2, 29 Police: desegregation of, 3, 4; D etroit R ochester Street M assacre, 204-3, Police D epartm ent, 37, 48, 51, 207, 217 182-208, 213, 216, 224-25; D R U M R ogers, W illiam , 236 harassed by, 47-49, 51; in Finally R oosevelt, Franklin D 34 248 D etroit: I D o M ind D ying R oselyn (singer), 130 R oss, D iana, 131, 240 R oss, D oc, 130 R othschild, E m m a, 125 Rubin, Jerry , 151 R U M s (R evolutionary U nion M ovem ents), 51, 92, 120, 132, 170; C om m unist League and, 179; creation of BW C and, 161; in F inally G o t the N e w s 142; gap betw een the L eague and, 121; spread of, 74-75, 85-86; w riters of, com pared w ith Form an, 174 See also D R U M ; E L R U M R ussell, Jack , 152 R ussell, M ichelle, 152, 171, 175 S abotage, Safety grievances, T aylor on, 109-10 Safety on the jo b , 11, 12, 101-5, 109-13, 115-20 Safety violations; at C h rysler (1970; 1971), 101; grievance procedures to rem edy, 32-33; leading to refusal to w ork, 111-12 S ee also A ccidents on the job St B ernard s C hurch, 128, 129, 135 S am s, G eorge, 200 Sanchez, Sonia, 134 Saroyan, W illiam , 133 S chactm an, M ax, 215 S cott, Jerom e, 229, 230 Scott, Joh n, 110-13 S D S (Students for a D em ocratic Society), 40, 54, 99, 151, 153, 177 Seale, B obby, 200 Senak, D avid, 183-84 Serrin, W illiam , 29, 32, 40, 41 Sheffield, H orace, 43 S herm an, Jan n ette, 34, 105 S hop S tew ards’ C om m ittee (C hrysler), 109 S horter, Isaac, 228-30 Sim s, Jord an , 44, 106, 230; on B aker, 177; defeats M cK innon, 123; E L R U M ’s attitude tow ard, 122; reputation of, 109; and safety problem s, 110-12, 115, 118 Sinclair, Joh n, 91, 154-55, 215 Sirhan, Sirhan, 78 S N C C (Student N on-V iolent C oordinating C om m ittee), 17, 19, 95, 165, 166, 224 Socialist W orkers P arty, 19, 120, 223 Solidarity C om m ittee for the League, 146 S ostre, M artin, 145 S outh E nd (D earborn), 76-79 (new spaper), 52, 53, 55-60, 62-66, 68-72, 74-75, 87, 190 S outh E n d R evolutionary U nion M ovem ent, 75 S outh V ietnam ese N ational L iberation F ro nt, 61 S outhern L and Bank, 95 S park (radical organization), 37 Spearm an, T ed , 175 S peed-up, 237; niggerm ation and, 101-27; 1968 w ildcat strike concerning, 46-48; system atization of, 30-31 S preen, Joh ann es F , 69 Stalin, Joseph, 177, 178 S tate of E m ergency C om m ittee, 205 S tevenson, D enise, 101 S T R E S S (Stop the R obberies, Enjoy Safe S treets), 182-208, 213, 216, 224-25 Strike: general, 83, 179; in 1941, 42; in 1970, 31-32, 124-25; in 1972, 124-25; in 1973, 227, 234; against U A W (1971), 41 S ee also W ildcat strikes Sullivan, Joseph, 196 S utherland, D onald, 147 S w eet, O ssian, 135, 183, 186 Sou th E n d T ab o r, D errick, 194 T ay lo r, Joh n, 108-21, 229, 230, 232 T em ple, F red, 183-84 T hom as Bill, 174 T hom as, D anny, 76 T hom as, J C „ 110, 118 T hom pson, F aye, 130 T hom pson, G ary, 103, 104, 111, 116, 119 T hom pson, R ussell, 116 T horn to n, C larence, 111, 117 T ojo , H ideki, 34 T oussaint L ’O uv erture, Pierre D om inique, 18 T ow nsend, Lynn, T rav elers Insurance C o , T revellick, R ichard, 185 T rip p, L uke, 61, 152, 178; in B E D C , 95; Black S tar P ro ductions’ activities and, 147; creation o f BW C and, 162; D ow dell and, 147; in League o f R evolutionary Black W orkers, 84, 90-91; police repression and, 200; w riting for S ou th E nd 52, 55-56, 58, 75 T U L C (T rad e U nion L eadership C onference), 42-43, 190 T u rn er, M abel, 171 Index U A W (U nited A uto W orkers), 21-22, 115, 189; A! F atah article and, 64, 66; archives of, at W ayne State U niversity, 54; black w orkers fight (1941), 187; C h rysler recognizes (1937), 106; conservatism of, 40-43, 45; D R U M opposes, 46-50; funds for 1BA and, 97; jo b discrim ination and, 35-36, 39; Johnson affair and, 10-11; M ack stam ping plant wildcat strike and, 230-31; negotiates term ination agreem ent for Briggs w orkers, 232-33; and N ew Bethel incident, 70; 1973 contract negotiated by, 234-36; 1973 m ayoral election and, 223, 224; 1973 strike led by, 227, 234; post-W orld W ar II deal m ade by 30-33; problem s of A rab com m unity and, 79, 80; and racism , 40-42, 47 112; and safety on the jo b , 11, 12, 102, 103, 105, 119; S T R E S S attacked by, 206; supports R avitz’s bid for judgeship, 214 U H U R U , 17, 19.23, 172 U nem ploym ent: in 1972, 212; in 1974, 237 U N IC O M (com m unity organization), 93, 175 U nited Farm W orkers, 80-81 U nited N ational C aucus, 39, 44, 123, 230 U nstabled C offeehouse (theatre group), 133 U P R U M (R U M group of U nited Parcel Service w orkers), 83 U rban A lliance, 214 U tter, Lloyd, 102 V eterans M em orial incident, 193-95, 207 W ages, 105-6, 234 W ahls, M yron, 196 W alker, Bill, 135 W all of D ignity, 134-36 W allace, G eorge, 37, 142, 192-94 W A M (W orkers A ction M ovem ent), 230 W ashboard W illie, 130 W ashington, B ooker T , 148 W atson, E dna, 93, 171 W atson, Joh n, 50, 61-62, 132, 150; in B E D C , 95, 97; Black Star Productions and, 144-47, 149; characteristics of, 19-20; on control of m eans of production, 46; and creation of BW C, 161-64, 166, 167, 170, 172-75; as editor of South E nd, 249 55-60, 63-66, 71-75; on ex ten t o f on-the-job accidents, 107; in League o f R evolutionary Black W orkers, 84, 87-88, 91, 93; and m aking of Finally G o t the N e w s, 136-39; and N ew Bethel incident, 70; and publication o f 1C V , 22 W atts riot (1964), 187 W ayne C ounty induction C enter, 19 W ayne S tate F und, 64 W ayne S tate U niversity, 53-55, 58-60, 71 ,7 W C O (W est C entral O rganization), 91 ,9 , [46, 150 W eaver, Jo e , 65, 70 W eber, Joh n, 135 W einer, L ee, 151 W ells, M ary, 131 W hite P anther P arty, 155 W hite w orkers: effects of black workers* m ovem ent on , 6-7; E L R U M a n d , 117; in G reat R ebellion, 188; in 1968 w ildcat strikes, 46-48; in 1973 wildcat strikes, 228, 230; Sim s and, 1)2-13 W idick, B J., 43-44 W ieske R ichard, 124 W ildcat (group), 106 W ildcat (new sletter), 9, 114, 119, 122 W ildcat strikes, 7; in 1968, 24-27, 46-48, 66; in 1969, 106; in 1970, 9, 110-11; in 1973, 179,227-31,233, 235; to oppose safety violations, 111-13, 116-20, 235 W illiam s, John, 61; in B E D C , 95; and BW C, 162, 175, 178; in League of R evolutionary Black W orkers, 84, 90-91, 93; police repression and, 200 W illiam s, M am ie, 104 W illiam s, R obert (exile in C hina), 18, 143, 178 W illiam s, R obert (L eague leader), 178 W illiam s, T enn essee, 133 W ilson, C huck, 175 W inkelm an, S tanley J , W olfe, Sidney, 34, 105 W olverine Bar A ssociation, 1% W om en: BW C and, 160, 170-72; in E L R U M , 122, 171; in M C L L , 151; in U A W , 40 W oodcock, L eonard, 39, 40, 54, 79, 224, 233, 240 W oolsey, T om , 227-28 W ooten, C h uck, 49; in B E D C 95; and Black S tar P roductions’ activities, 147; E L R U M 's approach sanctioned by, 121; in League o f R evolutionary Black W orkers, 84, 250 D etroit: / D o M ind D ying W ooten, C huck (continued) 85; loses jo b , 161; and m aking of Finally G o t the N e w s, 139; and on-the-job safety, 113, 115; police repression and, 200 W ork ers’ control, 46, 49, 160; D R U M dem ands for, 44; general strike to achieve, 83 W orkforce; at F ord, 34, 78-79; genera) com position of, 38-39; num ber of A rab w orkers in (1973), 78; percentage o f national, em ployed in auto industry, 1, 30 W orking conditions S ee A ccidents on the job; Safety on the jo b ; Safety violations; Speed-up W orkm an’s com pensation, 108 W orobec, R ichard, 66-67 Y oung, C olem an, 69, 192, 222, 240 Y oung Socialist A lliance, 57 Y ousseff, Z akhour, 78 Z iolkow ski, M ichael, 203 Z w erdling, A be, 93 ... people in the inner city had personal contact with International problems were given a sharp local focus by IC V 's advocacy of massive black participation in the national anti-war March on Washington... that one never sees the end or the beginning of but merely fits into a slot and stays there, swearing and bleeding, run­ ning and stumbling, trying to maintain a steadily in? ? creasing pace Adding... unions were begin­ ning to organize that they had to be militant and aggressive And they adopted a vernacular vocabulary that was militaristic, 34 Detroit ; / £>« M ind Dying aggressive, and inculcated