Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation

Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 127 Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation Juhee Lee (Kyung Hee University) Lee, Juhee 2006 Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 12.1 127-148 In this paper, I will discuss the adaptation of interdental fricatives in a loanword context Cross-linguistically, this sound is not common in many languages and, therefore, this fact leads us to substitute certain sounds either [t] or [s] Consequently, we will examine differential substitution in various languages and try to explain how our current analysis can account for the typology of interdental fricatives in loanword adaptations Moreover, we consider that the asymmetric pattern observed in Dutch is due to the prominence level of position and we analyze within the positional markedness ranking Finally, we consider a variety of factors in the most problematic case, Korean, a language in which the adaptation pattern is rather unstable (Kyung Hee University) Keywords: interdental fricatives, loanword, substitution, variation, positional faithfulness, positional markedness, optimality theory Introduction In this paper, the sound on which we focus the bulk of our attention is voiced-voiceless pairs for the dental fricative in English Cross-linguistically, the English interdental fricative is not a common sound If you place the blade of your tongue on either the inside or the edge of the upper teeth, allowing the appropriate narrow gap for friction, you will get the beginning sound of thigh if you not voice, and the sound at the beginning of the thy (Roca and Johnson 1999) Notice that the English spelling system does not distinguish between these two sounds Thus, the phonetic alphabet symbols are [] (the Greek letter “theta”), for the voiceless sound in thigh, and [] (the Old English letter “eth”), for the voiced sound in thy These dental fricatives are uncommon sounds in many languages, which means simply that they not exist in the consonant inventory Therefore, when we adopt an English loanword that contains interdental fricative sounds, we need to change into other sounds that which existed in the  This research was supported by the Kyung Hee University Research Fund in 2005 (KHU20051021) An earlier version of this paper was initially presented for the winter conference (2005-12-03) from the Phonology-Morphology Circle of Korea at Seoul National University of Education and the winter conference (2006-02-06) from the Linguistics Society of Korea at Kyung Hee University I wish to thank Young-Suk Kim, Sang-Cheol Ahn, and Mira Oh for the helpful comments and suggestions I am also grateful to the reviewers for the suggestions and comments Of course all errors are mine 128 Juhee Lee native phonological system In general, they are realized as different types, depending on language Let us first consider the following in Table Table Stops, fricatives and affricates Affricates Palatoalveolar t d s z   t d Glottal f v t d   Larynx Velar p b Alveolar Fricatives Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Voiceless Voiced Dental Manner Stops Labiodental Bilabial Place of articulation Mouth k g   h  As seen above, the nearest sounds derived from dental fricatives are labiodental fricatives, alveolar stops, and alveolar fricatives The pair of interdental fricatives // and // are commonly substituted in L2 by a limited set of alternatives /t/ and /d/, /s/ and /z/ or, less commonly /f/ and /v/1 Typologically, in general, // is turned into either [s] or [t] in loanwords Cross-linguistically, speakers will adopt the unmarked s or t to conform to their own native phonological system Numerous research studies have been conducted regarding phonological theory as it relates to the different aspects of various languages (Menyuk 1968, Schmidt 1977, James 1986, Ioup and Weinberger 1987, Weinberger 1990, Hancin-Bhatt 1994, Paradis and LaCharité 1997, Eckman 1977, Lombardi 2000, Cho and Lee 2001, Lee and Cho 2002, Ahn 2003 and many others) (1) Attested substitutions for English interdentals [t] substitution: Thai, Russian, Hungarian, Serbo-Croatian, Tagalog, Moroccan Arabic, Quebec French, and Xhosa [s] substitution: Japanese, German, Egyptian Arabic, and European French As shown in (1), two different substitutions for the interdental fricatives are observed in various languages Japanese and German replace // with [s], while Thai, Russian, and Hungarian substitute [t] for the same segment In child language, different children produce different substitutes, i.e either [f, v], [s, z], [t, d] The selection may depend on the stage of development Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 129 However, English loanwords in Korean show different behavior characteristics Two different substitution patterns are visible for the interdental fricative // We shall also bring up this issue in section 3.4.2, comparing for the case of French dialectal variation Then we shall move to discuss additional factors such as the Dutch loanword, which is sensitive to syllable position In exploring these issues, I shall employ the concept of Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1993) for the overall analysis of English interdental substitution For that, let me briefly introduce the previous analysis for the immediate section Previous studies As explained earlier, English interdental fricatives cause problems for learners who speak different native languages (French, Russian, Japanese, Spanish, etc.) In the previous literature, Menyuk (1968), following many other observers, reports that /, / are the sounds mastered last and substituted most frequently by English native speakers Menyuk further reports that it is the distinctive features  strident (differentiating /, / from /s, z/) that are the features last mastered by the native speakers of English Eckman (1977), on the other hand, proposes the principle of difficultyrelated-to-markedness in the Markedness Differential Hypothesis (MDH) According to Eckman, the areas of difficulty that a language learner will encounter can be predicted on the basis of a systematic comparison of the grammars of the native language, the target language and the markedness relations stated in universal grammars, such as in: (2) (a) Those areas of the target language, which differ from the native language and are more marked than the native language, will be difficult (b) The relative degree of difficulty of the areas of the target language, which are more marked than the native language, will correspond to the relative degree of markedness (c) Those areas of the target language, which are different from the native language, but are not more marked than the native language, will not be difficult (Eckman 1977: 61) Schmidt (1977) also studies fricatives, in this case the interdentals // and //, for the loanword adaptations in Arabic contexts He argues that some of his Egyptian Arabic subjects have been exposed to Classical Arabic, which itself possesses these fricatives in its repertoire That is, an historical rule 130 Juhee Lee merged these three segments with the stop series /t, d, d/ as presented in (3): (3) Classical Arabic Egyptian colloquial Arabic ‘think’ axi:n tixi:n ‘more’ akar aktar ‘wolf’ ib di:b ‘back’ ahr dahr Words that were then borrowed (or-reborrowed) from the classical into the colloquial lexicon instead underwent a new sound change, merging the interdentals /, / with the sibilants /s, z/ and creating a new emphatic sibilant /z/ as the reflex of // as shown in (4): (4) Classical ‘to act’ ‘to mention’ ‘great’ Arabic maal akar ai:m Egyptian colloquial Arabic massil zakar azi:m’ In contemporary Egyptian Arabic, there are numerous lexical triplets with interdental fricative, sibilant and stop variants, e.g., /a:li/~/sa:lis/~/ta:lit/, ‘third’ For this reason, Schmidt considers the possibility that his subjects’ problems may derive in part from the same kinds of developmental sources that affect the L1 acquisition of these sounds Schmidt also points out that // and // are well documented as ‘the sounds mastered last and substituted most frequently by English native speakers This may explain why L2 learners from virtually all L1 backgrounds have problems with these two sounds In the study of Arabic speakers of English, Schmidt shows how his subjects’ pronunciation of // and // undergoes variations, with transfer of /s/ and /z/ occurring in colloquial but not in formal speech Moreover, Gatbonton (1978) discusses the fact that in the first phase of acquisition, a learner first uses one incorrect phonological form in all contexts, and then later introduces another form, which is used in free variation with the first, while in the second phase, each form is gradually restricted to its own context It is defined as a phonological core approach, for example a common sound [m] is phonological core vs German [x] relatively rare and thus it is called non-core or peripheral Therefore, // and // are non-core and they are subjected to change as core sounds From the aspect of acquisition, Brown (2000) studies the interrelation between speech perception and phonological acquisition from infant to adult Furthermore, Kenstowicz and Kisseberth (1979) also cite evidence that both the French and Serbo-Croatian languages lack the non-strident interdental fricatives  and , and when native speakers of these languages produce English words with these problematic segments in them, /s/ and /z/ are substituted by the French speakers, while /t/ and /d/ are substituted by the Serbo-Croatian speakers Consequently, they conclude that the phonological Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 131 structures of these two languages evidently must treat dental fricatives and stops differently Weinberger (1990) refers to this type of error phenomenon as differential substitution as presented below: Table Differential substitution (data cited from Weinberger 1990) Language Russian  Substitution   t  Substitution   d Japanese   s   z French           z   d/#   s/ # Dutch Hungarian Mandarin Sinhalese German         s t/# s/ # t t/# f/ # t s Reference Weinreich 1968 Kohmoto 1965 Ritchie 1968 Weinreich 1968 James 1984 Altenberg-Vago 1983 Fonda 1984   d   z Michaels 1973 James 1986 In Table 2, the interesting fact is that while their segmental inventories lack interdental fricatives, they all possess both /s/ and /t/ Why is it that some language backgrounds encourage the substitution of /s/ while other encourage /t/? Weinberger suggests that the solution is buried within the structure of each native language According to the universal marking conventions adopted from Chomsky and Halle (1968), the most unmarked continuant is /s/, and it therefore will uniformly replace the English interdental fricative // This will prove in the Japanese case but fail in the Russian as well as the Mandarin and Dutch cases Hence, in the next immediate section, I shall analyze all the different kinds of typological patterns, as presented in Table 2, within Optimality Theory for the theoretical tool Analyses for differential substitution As discussed in the previous section, much work has been done in the literature However, in Rule-Based Theory, it is difficult to explain such substitution in a principled manner Since L1 has no interdental sound, a child cannot acquire a rule changing it either to [t] or [s] Therefore, this is an obvious case of what the L2 acquisition calls transfer Of course, L1 must be crucial in the sense that speakers of different languages use different substitutions In this section, I shall suggest that Optimality Theory allows a solution for our discussion 3.1 [t] substitution 132 Juhee Lee As explained earlier, Thai, Russian, Hungarian, Serbo-Croatian, Tagalog, Moroccan Arabic, Quebec French, and Xhosa are the language type for [t] substitution when they are faced with interdental fricative sounds The realization of [t] is the case of showing that in a more unmarked segment it plays a crucial role for the adaptation In a similar vein, what is fundamental to [t] substitution is the same thing that we see in child phonology That is, the unmarked manner is preferred Let us consider following through by examining Russian data in order to understand this type of adaptation (5) Russian loanwords thing [t]ing thought [t]ought thank [t]ank them [d]em As explained earlier, the adaptation of [t] is the case of the emergence of the unmarked manner, therefore, we need to employ some context-free markedness constraints That is, *Cont and *Stop, which must be ranked lower than the faithfulness constraint, *Ident(Cont), by the emergence of the unmarked ranking as defined in (6) and (7) (6) *Cont: Fricative is not allowed *Stop: Stop is not allowed *:  is not allowed (7) Ident(Cont): Corresponding segments in input and output have identical values for the feature [continuant] With these constraints, the grammar of [t] substitution is as in (8) (8) * >> *Cont >> *Stop >> Ident(cont) //  a  b t c s * *! *Cont * *Stop Ident(cont) * * *! The target sound  is almost impossible for the speakers of other languages and, therefore, * is not violable This inviolable constraint dominates other markedness constraints In the tableau, *Cont is ranked higher than *Stop since stops are less marked than fricatives This is supported by sound system generalizations as well as child phonology in general In L1, children go through a stage where fricatives are absent and are replaced by the stops (Locke 1973, Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 133 Vihman 1996) Moreover, Maddieson (1984) maintains that all languages have stops, but not all languages have fricatives Thus, the ranking of *Cont >> *Stop is universal The faithfulness constraint Ident(cont) is ranked lower in this type of substitution since the unmarked output is determined by the emergence of the unmarked ranking That is, * >> *Cont >> *Stop and, therefore, Ident(cont) does not play an important role for the adaptation of [t].2 However, Lombardi (2000) proposes a different ranking for the case at hand.3 Let us consider the following tableau in (9) (9) * >> Ident(Manner) >> *Cont >> *Stop // a  b t c s * *! Ident(Manner) * * *Cont * *Stop * *! As seen above, in Lombardi (2000), Ident(Manner) is ranked higher than *Cont and *Stop This constraint Ident(Manner) implements stop, cont, and strident as manner features Thus, candidate b has violated Ident(manner), since it changes [cont] to [stop], and candidate c also has violated it by the fact that candidate c changes the value of the [strident] Nonetheless, as shown in (8), markedness constraints *, *Cont, and *Stop are ranked above faithfulness constraint Ident(Manner) by the emergence of the unmarked pattern, which plays a crucial role in loanword adaptation I, therefore, claim that the ranking shown in Lombardi (2000) is not compatible with her proposed unmarked substitution Wenk (1979) performed an experiment that tested the relationship of speech style and overall language proficiency affecting the choice of substitution Wenk suggests the following developmental stages Stage 1: f (Child phonology: often substitute f for ) Stage 2: t Stage 3: s Stage 4:  (target) The scale of Ident(Cont) is not the same as Lombardi’s (2000) Her Ident(Manner) imposes stop, cont, and strident as manner feature Like Ahn (2003), I use the term Ident(cont), which is exactly same constraint Ident(Manner) in his analysis Thus, the overall ranking for [t] substitution in our analysis is the same as Ahn (2003), since he defines Ident(Manner) as indicating [cont] only Let us consider violation mark below //*TH*Cont*StopIdent(Manner) a *!b t**c s*!(Ahn uses *TH instead of *.) Ahn (2003) argues that this is contradictory with her analysis because the unmarked output must be decided by the natural ranking of markedness constraints rather than intervening faithfulness constraint 134 Juhee Lee 3.2 [s] substitution Japanese, German, Egyptian Arabic, and European French are all the type for [s] substitution when they adapt this English // The adaptation of [s] is the case in which the faithfulness constraint is ranked higher than markedness constraints In order to understand the result of our analysis, let us first consider following data in (10) (10) Japanese loanwords a   [s] bath [basu] thank [saku] thirty [sa:ti] death [desu] b   [z] mother [maza:] the [za] smooth [sumu:zu] In Japanese, the English interdentals are realized as [s]/[z] As already seen in section 3.1, the sound substitutions shown in (10) are also accountable by the undominated segmental structure constraints in the form of * and the constraint * must be satisfied at the cost of Ident[cont] Let us consider the following tableau in (11) (11) * >> Ident(cont) >> *Cont >> *Stop // a  b t c s * *! Ident(cont) *Cont * *! *Stop * * In Japanese loanwords, candidate c preserves the feature [cont] so Ident[cont] successfully eliminates candidate b, which has a fatal violation The Ident[cont] is thus ranked above *Cont since the preservation of feature [cont] plays an important role in the case at hand Furthermore, the constraint ranking for *Cont >> *Stop is not intact at all, and that is universal nature (Locke 1973, Vihman 1996, Maddieson 1984) However, Lombardi (2000) proposes a reranking of these markedness constraints Let is consider the following in (12) (12) Lombardi (2000) // a  b t c s * *! Ident(Manner) *Stop * * *! *Cont * * In comparison with (9) in section 3.1, the tableau in (12) reveals that Ident(Manner) does not play any role in her analysis since both candidates b and c have violations for Ident(Manner) I, therefore, propose that her scale of Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 135 the Manner feature does not provide an adequate answer Furthermore, a reranking of markedness constraints, from *Cont >> *Stop to *Stop >> *Cont, is not desirable in this case Ahn (2003), on the other hand, proposes a more elaborate analysis but I deem that the constraint *Strident may not be needed Let us consider the following in (13) (13) Ahn (2003) // a  b t c s * *! Ident(Manner) *Strident *Cont * * * *! *Stop * In (13), Ahn’s (2003) scale of Ident(Manner) is only for [cont] and, therefore, only candidate b has a fatal violation However, I argue that the use of constraint *Strident is redundant Ahn explains that the reason is for the “fallacy of perfection,” since the optimal output violates other constraints such as *Strident However, I contend that the motivation of *Strident is unclear since the use of *Strident incurs the violation Occam’s Razor Without using more constraints, constraint ranking, * >> Ident(cont) >> *Cont >> *Stop, correctly singles out candidate c That is, the simple is better in grammar Moreover, there is no explanation why *Strident dominates *Cont I, therefore, argue the necessity of this constraint *Strident is redundant 3.3 Positional prominence As previously illustrated in Table 2, section 2, there are some languages where the adaptation of interdental fricatives is sensitive to the syllable position Let us recapitulate these cases (14) Positional variation a Dutch   t/#   d/# b Mandarin5   t/#   s/ #   s/ #   f/ # As shown above, Dutch and Mandarin speakers are taking two different kinds of substitution within a language Why they allow both stop and fricative sounds? The stop sound only appears in the word-initial position, while the fricative sound only appears in the word-final position Simply put, they are both sensitive to the position of the syllable Mandarin does not allow the nasal [m], any liquids, or any obstruents in coda position Possible Syllable codas (Broselow et al 1998) a Mandarin: glide, nasal (n, ) b English: glide, liquid, nasal (m, n, ) voiceless obstruent, voiced obstruent 136 Juhee Lee In the literature, James (1984) discusses the matching levels for Dutch His hypothesis for this discrepancy is due to the strong and weak position Let us consider the following in (15): (15) Matching levels for Dutch (James 1986) a Phonological: gross distributional relatedness to a number of C types in the native language b Phonetic place – dental/alveolar e.g.) [t, d, s, z] c Articulatory: tip advancing, raising, etc e.g.) [t, d] James argues that the structural basis of transfer in syllable initial position is articulatory, hence, the dental segment will replace the interdental fricative In word-final position, however, Dutch speakers analyze the problematic segment at the phonetic level, specifically for manner, and replace the interdental fricative with [s] This is because word-final position is considered the “weak” position, and fricatives are presumed to be weaker than stops Interestingly, the appearance of these stops and fricatives is also found in varieties of African-American Vernacular English (hence, AAVE), the interdental fricatives are realized as either alveolar stops or labiodental fricatives, depending upon the location of the fricative in the word Thus, the data shown in (15) is not loanword specific, but rather universal Let us consider the data in (16) (16) Positional variation in AAVE thin [n]  [tn] bath [b]  [bf] this [s]  [ds] brother [brr]  brv] In (16), at the beginning of the word, the interdental fricative // is realized as [t], whereas word-medially or word-finally, the interdental fricative // is realized as [f] For the same pattern, at the beginning of the word, // is realized as [d] while word-medially or word-finally, same sound // is realized as [v] Note that these rules are quite consistent In AAVE, it is ungrammatical to pronounce // as [t] unless it is at the beginning of the word (bath *[bt]), and it is ungrammatical to pronounce // as [f] if it is at the beginning of a word (thin *[fn]) The same holds true of voiced interdental fricatives Although the social marking of English interdental fricatives // and // is well-established in sociolinguistic studies(Labov 1966), their precise role as ethnic marking is still in dispute Nonetheless, there would be no question that perceptually [f, v] are frequently confused with [], [] even for native speakers of English (Hancin-Bhatt 1994) This fact also leads us to understand error patterns in child phonology Let us now turn to the major question of Dutch and Mandarin How we account for their substitution in OT? Lombardi (2000) argues that the Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 137 preference for coda fricatives over coda stops emerges in acquisition, and that can be seen as the result of the emergence of additional markedness effects on stops and fricatives That is, with the context-free markedness constraints *Cont and *Stop, other constraints relevant to the coda are needed (17) Mora[stop] >> *Mora[cont] >> *Mora[son] As seen in (17), with the formulation of markedness hierarchy by Moren (1999), Lombardi uses *Mora[stop] and *Mora[cont] since this ranking of *Mora[stop] >> *Mora[cont] does not affect onsets Therefore, her account of positional variation is shown as below (18) Lombardi (2000) a Coda-fricative /bo/ a bo b bot c bos * *! IdManner *M[stop] * * *! IdManner *M[stop] *M[cont] * *Cont * * *M[cont] *Cont * *! *Stop * * b Onset-stop /in/ a in b sin c tin * *! * * *Stop * Although the tableau above seems to single out the desired candidate, there is a fundamental problem in using a series of *Mora[F] constraints in (17) As mentioned in her paper, Lombardi is also aware of the potential problem of using the *Mora[F] constraint since there are other languages which have no evidence for mora in the coda Thus, this ranking should only be visible in languages where codas are moraic.6 Thus, I argue that the problem of positional prominence in Dutch cannot be solved by positional faithfulness7 (Beckman 1998) For example, the constraint ranking of Ident-Coda[cont] >> Markedness >> Ident[cont] is not working since the [cont] feature value of the coda is not maintained at all Thus, we need to employ other constraints, which have no conflict for the coda status in other languages I, therefore, contend that positional markedness (see Zoll 1998, Ahn 2003, Smith 2002, 2004) constraints will be effective, Ahn (2003) also argues the problem of *mora[F] constraint According to Beckman (1998), there is positional privilege Privileged positions are rootinitial syllables, stressed syllables, syllable onsets, roots and long vowels 138 Juhee Lee instead of using positional faithfulness constraints Let us consider the following in (19) in order to understand our analysis (19) Positional markedness ranking a Fricative for “Weak” position /b/ a b b bt c bs * *! *Coda[stop] *Cont * *! *Stop Ident(cont) *!* * *Stop Ident(cont) * * *! b Stop for “Strong” position /in/ a in b tin c sin * *! *Coda[stop] *Cont * *! In (19), by adapting the positional markedness (Zoll 1998), the positional markedness constraint *Coda[stop] dominates *Cont and *Stop in Dutch since the coda stops are avoided in Dutch Within this ranking, the problem of asymmetric patterns visible in Dutch can be solved in a principled way 3.4 Dialectal variation As we briefly explained in section 1, French shows two different kinds of substitution depending on the region Paradis and LaCharité (1997) report that European French adapts as [s] for the English interdental fricative //, while Quebec French adapts it as [t] Note that both European French and Quebec French have an identical consonant inventory Table French consonant inventory labial stops fricatives nasals liquids glides p/b f/v m coronal +anterior t/d s/z n r, l  anterior dorsal k/g /  j/ w As shown above, the underlying consonant inventory is the same In the literature, however, some generalization is made for this variation in French Brannen (2002) examines differential substitutions of the L2 English voiceless interdental fricative, arguing that the choice is The differences between positional markedness and positional faithfulness: MarkednessFaithfulnessPositional MarkednessPositionalContext-independentPositional FaithfulnessContext-independentPositional Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 139 determined by cross-linguistic differences in the phonetic realization of segments According to Brannen, French listeners perceive [Strident] and [Mellow], features which are non-contrastive in their L1 The feature [Strident] and [Mellow] leads to the differential results for Canadian and European French That is, the feature [cont] of interdental fricatives is preserved as [s]/[z] substitution if [s]/[z] are alveolar (i.e., laminals), whereas if the [s]/[z] are dentals (i.e., apicals), [t]/[d] is realized as the substitution Following Brannen, Peperkamp and Dupoux (2003) assert that the dialectal variation of the substitution in French is a result of perceptual assimilation See their generalization in (20) (20) Analysis from Brannen (2002)/ Peperkamp and Dupoux (2003) English European French Canadian French //, // [s], [z] [t], [d] interdental /t/ laminal /t/ apical However, Quebec vs European French is less clear as Brannen herself admitted in her paper According to Shinohara (cited in Ahn 2003), she contends that both laminal and apical [t] can be heard in Paris among the laminal majority Alternatively, it is also reported that Canadian French speakers are exposed to it in English more than European French speakers are (Gough 1999) If we follow this assumption, for the speakers of Canadian French, the sound [s] is more natural than [t] for dental fricative.9 However, the result is contradictory to the phonological development as proposed by Wenk (1979) Wenk (1979) performed an experiment that tested the relationship of speech style and overall language proficiency affecting the choice of substitution He suggests the phonological developmental stages as follows: (21) stage 1: f(child phonology) < stage 2: t < stage 3: s < stage 4: (target) What is it about the structural organization of the native language that guides these speakers to sometimes concentrate on place features and sometimes concentrate on manner features? For this intra-variation in French, Wenk (1979) argues that schooled French speakers take [s] while unschooled French speakers take [t] This argument also contradicts with the English contact situation in Canada (Gough 1999) On the other hand, Paradis and LaCharité (1997: 423) argue that ‘it is well known that the French are taught to pronounce  as s in school - most of the time by teachers whose first language is French – and that pronouncing it as t is considered to arise from a lack of knowledge of English, while teachers in Quebec– very often also francophone – not pay any particular attention to interdentals.’ This leads to the conclusion that the differential substitution made by French Canadians is a sociolinguistic matter 140 Juhee Lee It seems that there is no clear generalization or answer for this French intra-variation Let us also consider Quebec data in Canada (22) English a) Marx Brother smooth that’s it [] [] / [] []    QF [d] [t] [d] b) right through Smith Thatcher Thrill Thriller Thunderbird [] [] [] [] [] []       [t] [t] [t] [t] [t] [t] The question arises, then, of how we account for this discrepancy in replacing interdental fricatives in French loanwords Paradis and LaCharité (1997) argue that the differential tendency of phoneme substitution in French is due to social factors in adaptation In other words, the selection of one particular strategy over another is due to cultural conventions within the community In a similar vein, Poplack and Sankoff (1984: 130) note that ‘the process of borrowing is carried out in a regular way on the community level and is not a series of random accidents.’ Once a pattern of adaptation becomes conventionalised, phonetic and phonological considerations no longer apply Within Optimality Theory, however, the grammar of Quebec and European French can be explained as constraint ranking, since their choice is either [t] or [s] depending on the region This dialectal variation is regular and accountable via constraint interaction shown in 3.1 and 3.2 That is, the movement of constraint Ident[cont] plays a crucial role in this differential adaptation Let us consider the following in (23) (23) Dialectal differences in loanword adaptation for the case of French Output1 (Dialect1: European French) Input  Grammar Output2 (Dialect2: Quebec French) As seen above, within Optimality Theory, grammar will be determined by constraint interaction Hence, Dialect1 is the result of the ranking * >> Ident(cont) >> *Cont >> *Stop, which is shown by the tableau in (11), while Dialect2 is also the consequence of the ranking, * >> *Cont >> *Stop >> Ident(cont), as in the tableau from (8) These are simply determined by the movement of the faithfulness constraint, that is Ident(cont) Let us recapitulate their differences for the sake of convenience in the following tableau Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 141 (24) Dialectal differences a Dialect1: European French // a  b t c s * *! Ident(cont) *Cont * *Stop *! * * b Dialect2: Quebec French // a  b t c s * *! *Cont * *Stop Ident(cont) * * *! Hence, we have shown that dialectal variation for the case in French loanwords is accountable by the constraint interaction not by rule-based grammar Nevertheless, there is more complex language for the adaptation of interdental fricatives Let us move on to discuss the adaptation pattern in Korean Residual issue: complexity in Korean loanwords The substitution pattern for the interdental fricative in Korean is somewhat arbitrary Let us consider following data (25): (25) a //  [s], [s’], [t], [t’], [th] thrill [sril] three [s’ri] Think Big [s’ikh pik] Thursday Island [s’sdei aillnd] Thin Pizza [s’in phija] thank you [s’khyu/ t’khyu] thanksgiving [s’sgibi/ t’sgibi] Thatcher [tch]10 Marathon [marathon] Aroma Therapy [aroma theraphi] b //  [t], [d] this [tis] with  [wid] As shown above, the adaptation of // is regular since it always takes stop [t] and this adaptation also behaves like a native Korean As is widely known, the voiceless stop becomes a voiced stop between vowels so ‘with’ is pronounced as [wid] and that is nothing special for a loanword 10 Interestingly, the adaptation of [t] and [t’] is only visible with the following vowel [], that is [-high] 142 Juhee Lee Hence, the problem is for the adaptation of // Let us recapitulate some of the data for the sake of convenience (26) The pattern for interdental fricative adaptation in Korean English // [voice, +cont] // [+voice, +cont] Korean [s]: thrill [sril] [s’]/ with variant [t’]: thank you [s’khyu/ t’khyu] [t]: Thatcher [tch] [th]: Marathon [marathon] [t] ([d] in intervocalic position) Pattern irregular regular As shown above, the English voiceless interdental would be replaced by [s] or [s’] in Korean However, with regard to Lombardi’s account, the constraint ranking cannot explain why it is adapted as tense [s’] as opposed to lax [s] Ahn (2003) argues that the case of ‘thrill’ is the only case that is realized as plain [s] and he considers it as a Japanese influence in which language lacks tense consonants However, it is unclear whether this adaptation is through Japanese Thus, in his paper, he argues that there is no [s] realization substituting the English // for the Korean speakers On the contrary, Oh (2003) suggests, following Kim and Curtis (2002), that acoustic duration measurement may play a role in choosing between tense [s’] and lax [s] She assumes that [] behaves similarly to English [s] in that it is adapted as [s’] when it is a singleton, e.g., think [s’ikh], but as [s] in a cluster, e.g., ‘thrill’ [sril] Davis and Cho (2005), however, argue the specific realization of English final /s/ as tense [s’] in Korean, whether at the end of a cluster like ‘dance’ [t’ns’] or alone like ‘gas’ [k’es’], is best understood with respect to Korean phonology where Korean /s/ is realized as tense [s’] when it required to surface with laryngeal features For example, data like ‘three’ [s’ri] is arguing against a phonetic duration view of English /s/ as tense [s’] Duration does not provide answers whether or not being as subphonemic or phonemic Simply, they argue that length based analysis (Kim and Curtis 2002) cannot handle loanword situations Although most of the cases are realized as tense [s’], as seen in (26), there is also intra-variation observed such as [t’khyu] This variant tense [t’] does not occur in many cases but certainly Korean speakers pronounce it both ways To explain this, Lombardi’s account is not able to provide adequate answers In (26), another problematic case is the adaptation of stops which is [t] and [th] The contrast between a lax and a tense stop is visible in our data, but the data is not even sensitive to the syllable structure The case of ‘Thatcher’ is adapted as a plain stop in the initial position, while ‘Marathon’ and ‘Aroma Therapy’ are realized as an aspirated stop [t h] for both syllables initial and middle Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 143 Thus, the pattern is varied, which has nothing to with syllable or word position Like lax [s], the adaptation of [t] is not stable either According to the data, we have, only ‘Thatcher’ has found for plain stop, while tense stop [t’] is variant from tense [s’] However, the adaptation of aspirated stop is rather independent Consequently, these patterns cannot be solved by rule-based grammar since we need to have too many rules to explain the entire adaptation of English voiceless interdental In order to solve this problem, we need to add extra constraints to single out tense fricative and tense stop instead of plain ones For that, we need to employ constraint Ident[stiff v.f] as in (27) (27) Mapping of the English interdentals in Korean (Ahn 2003) a [+stiff vocal folds] b [stiff vocal folds] English // [voice, +cont] // [+voice, +cont] Korean [s’] [+cont] [t] [cont] Ahn (2003) posits constraint [±stiff vocal folds], which differentiates aspirated and tense vs plain ones, we may posit constraint Ident[stiff v.f] to single out desired candidate, and plain [t], for the case of (27b/27b) Let us consider constraint interaction in the tableau below (28) [t] substitution // a  b t c s d s’ * *! Ident[stiff v.f.] *! *Cont * *Stop Ident[cont] * * *! * In (28), for the voiced interdental adaptation, constraint Ident[stiff v.f.] successfully eliminates undesired candidate d This constraint hierarchy works the same in the tableau for the tense [s’] adaptation of English voiceless interdental // Consider the following in (29) 144 Juhee Lee (29) [s’] substitution // a  b t c s d s’ * *! Ident[stiff v.f.] *Cont * *! *! *Stop Ident[cont] * * * * In (29), Ident[stiff v.f.] eliminates candidate b and c, plain consonants, and they incur fatal violations Thus, candidate d remains as optimal output Now let us consider tense [t’] variant for the tense [s’] such as ‘thank you’.11 (30) [t’] variant // * a  b t’ c s d s’ *! Ident [stiff v.f.] Ident [strident] *Cont *Stop Ident [cont] * * * *! * *! * * As seen above, candidate c is a plain consonant and thus it has a fatal violation for the constraint Ident[stiff v.f.] Now we need another constraint, which determines optimal out among candidate b and d To this, I propose Ident [strident] to solve the problem and this ranking tells us why speakers choose tense [t’] instead of [s’] The input // is [strident] while [s] and [s’] are [+strident] and, therefore, they incur violations for the constraint Ident[strident] Thus, Ident[strident] is important in this grammar Finally, let us move on to discuss the aspirated stop for ‘Marathon’ in the following tableau.12 11 Anonymous reviewer pointed out how we account for the case of ‘thrill’ within our grammar This one exceptional case has been a matter of debate as we discussed in this section I deem that a number of factors are involving in the adaptation of loanwords situation and this data tell us that this can be from phonetic, phonological, or sociolinguistic reasons (Ahn (2003) argue that this is through Japanese) from other researchers The issue of [s] should be study further in our analysis and will postpone for the future research 12 Although Ahn (2003) successfully accounts for the adaptation of tense [s’] and lax [t], he does not consider the data for the realization of aspirated [t h] For example, Aroma th[th]erapy and Marath[th]on With his constraint ranking, we are not able to explain the output, which is aspirated stop in the loanword situation Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 145 (31) [th] substitution // * a  b t c s d t’ e s’  f th *! Ident [stiff v.f.] Ident [strident] *Cont *Stop Ident [cont] * * * * * * * *! *! * * *! * As seen above, with constraint ranking so far, grammar cannot differentiate between [t’] and [th] Thus, we need to eliminate candidate, which is not an actual output in the real world For the case at hand, we need to employ another constraint and that must be crucial for eliminating tense [t’] Therefore, I propose Ident[tense] to single out candidate f Let us consider the following tableau *Stop [cont] Ident *! *Cont [tense] Ident [strident] Ident //  a  b t c s d t’ e s’ f th [stiff Ident v.f.] * (32) Total ranking for [th] substitution * * * * * * * *! *! * *! * *! * * As seen above, Ident[tense] plays an important role in obtaining the desired output [th], since this constraint eliminates the possible candidate d, which has a fatal violation Thus, we are able to manage the entire situation in loanword contexts Concluding remark In this paper, I have discussed the typology of interdental fricatives in loanword adaptation The discussion focuses on the adaptation of // and // in various languages, where we could find some generalizations and similar patterns In order to explain these regular or irregular patterns, we have examined various substitution patterns, depending on the phonological systems of each language Some languages are preferring [t] as in 3.1 and some other languages are adapting [s] as discussed in 3.2 In Dutch, on the other hand, this language’s adaptation pattern is due to the prominence level of the position and we analyze the asymmetric pattern within the positional markedness ranking as in (19) 146 Juhee Lee In 3.4, we also examine dialectal variations in French where stop and fricative sounds are adapted depending on its region, respectively Within the optimality theoretic account, we are able to account for both grammars in a principled way In section 4, the most problematic case of Korean, the adaptation patterns are rather unstable To solve the problem of various realizations of stops, [t], [t’], [th] and fricatives, [s], [s’], I propose constraint Ident[strident] and Ident[tense] On these lines of analysis, the adaptation of interdental fricatives is explained in a more principled way REFERENCES AHN, SANG-CHEOL 2003 English interdental substitution English Language and Literature Vol 49 No 5, 981-1004 BECKMAN, JILL 1998 Positional Faithfulness Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst BRANNEN, KATHLEEN 2002 The role of perception in differential substitution Canadian Journal of Linguistics Vol 47, No 1-2, 1-46 BROSELOW, ELLEN., SU-I CHEN, and CHILIN WANG 1998 The emergence of the unmarked in second language phonology Studies in Second Language Acquisition 20, 261-280 Cambridge University Press BROWN, CYNTHIA 2000 Speech perception and phonological acquisition In John Archibald (ed.) 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New Sounds 90: Proceedings of the Amsterdam Symposium under Acquisition of Second Language Speech, 137-179 Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam WENK, B 1979 Articulatory setting and de-fossilization Interlanguage Studies Bulletin 4, 202-20 ZOLL, CHERYL 1998 Positional asymmetries and licensing ROA-282 Juhee Lee Department of Korean Language and Literature Kyung Hee University Hoeki-dong, Dongdaemun-ku, Seoul, 130-701 Korea E-mail: juhee@khu.ac.kr Received: February 28, 2006 Accepted: May 1, 2006 ... Phonology of Loanword and Lexical Stratification in Korean: with Special Reference to English Loanwords in Korean Ph.D thesis, University of Essex _ 2005 Typology of interdental fricatives with reference. .. the Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 137 preference for coda fricatives over coda stops emerges in acquisition, and that can be seen as the result of the... aspirated stop [t h] for both syllables initial and middle Typology of interdental fricatives with reference to loanword adaptation 143 Thus, the pattern is varied, which has nothing to with syllable