Review study of vietnamese diaspora in germany

A Review Study on Vietnamese Diaspora in Germany Trần Thị Minh Faculty of Vietnamese Studies, Hanoi National University of Education Email: ttminhvs@gmail.com Abstract English: About 160,000 individuals with a Vietnamese backgrounds living in Germany with various reasons of migration, the Vietnamese group is considered a “visible minority” and socio-culturally “distant” from so-called native Germans The two contrasting stereotypes of Vietnamese migrants prevailed in the German public imagination as the cigarette smuggler and the elite migration with over achievement in education are only two puzzle pieces of a whole puzzle The Vietnamese people in this host country have to struggle with both stigmatization and compliment The present paper aims to introduce the conducted research related to Vietnamese diaspora in Germany to give an overview about this group, and to provide more information for doing more research, and developing particular social, cultural and economic policies for this group Vietnamese: Với khoảng 160.000 người sinh sống Đức với nhiều lí khác nhau, cộng đồng người Việt coi “dân tộc thiểu số khác biệt rõ ràng” văn hóa-xã hội so với người Đức xứ Hai tranh đối lập người Việt xuất phổ biến phương tiện truyền thơng Đức hình ảnh người buôn thuốc lậu người nhập cư ưu tú với thành công vượt trội học tập Người Việt đất nước phải đối mặt với kì thị ca ngợi Nhưng hai mảnh ghép tồn tranh người Việt Bài báo này, thế, muốn giới thiệu nghiên cứu liên quan đến người Việt Đức nhằm đưa nhìn tổng qt nhóm người này, nhằm cung cấp thêm thông tin cho việc tiến hành nghiên cứu việc xây dựng sách văn hóa, xã hội, kinh tế cụ thể dành cho kiều bào Đức Keywords: Vietnamese in Germany, Diaspora, stereotype, elite migration, stigmatization Introduction The effects of globalization can be observed in our multicultural world, especially in Europe and Northern America Since the 1950s, Vietnamese people have immigrated to Germany [15] Because of various reasons of migration, there are currently 163,000 individuals with a Vietnamese background living in Germany [8; 13] In Saxony (Germany), with 8,1%, Vietnamese comprises the largest migrant group [27; 83] The Vietnamese group is considered “visible minority” and socio-culturally “distant” from so-called native Germans [27; 83] Research on Vietnamese in Germany, therefore, is necessary for developing social, economic and cultural policies for host country, i.e., Germany In addition, Vietnamese communities abroad are always considered as important communities of Vietnam Vietnamese government has also developed language, cultural, and economic policies for these communities For example, an annual training course in reference to improving Vietnamese teaching skills for Vietnamese teachers abroad has been hold by the Department of Oversea Vietnamese and the Ministry of Education and Training since 2013 Moreover, on 06 January 2017, the project “Enhancing the effects of Vietnamese teaching and learning of oversea Vietnamese” was approved by Prime Minister of Socialist Republic of Vietnam These events show that the Vietnamese government has an interest in language and cultural maintenance of Vietnamese diaspora Studies on Vietnamese diaspora worldwide, therefore, are needed to contribute more understanding about these communities for developing policies from home country, i.e., Vietnam Vietnamese in Germany is also a community which is needed to be studied from different perspectives because of their various migration reasons and their life stories A review study on conducted investigations related to these communities is essential to give an overview for researcher to develop future studies The first objective of the present paper, therefore, is to introduce the conducted research related to Vietnamese diaspora living in Germany The second aim is to draw some possible trends of future research on diaspora communities which can be applied for studying Vietnamese diaspora in Germany, and in other host countries The term “Vietnamese diaspora” (Việt kiều/ Người Việt hải ngoại) The concept diaspora is developed to distinguish with “stabilized minority” [12; 7] such as French in Canada Ďurovič [12; 7] stated that: “Diaspora consist of dispersed groups of compatriots, who settled in the new country most often according to the needs of local industry” Additionally, people from the same neighborhood, village or region are not seen as the new settlements The terms diaspora and diaspora language are, therefore, quite strictly used for the new immigrants Based on the definition of Clifford [11; 255] about diaspora “displaced people who feel (maintain, revive, invent) a connection with a prior home”, BenMoshe et al [2; 113] state that the concept of diaspora differs from the concept of immigrant which only refer to relocation from a country of origin Việt kiều/ Người Việt hải ngoại (overseas Vietnamese or Vietnamese diaspora) refers to Vietnamese people living outside Vietnam in other countries and territories Since mid-1970s, Vietnamese people have immigrated abroad significantly [13; 1] because of range reasons such as economical and ideational purposes: work, study, marriage, political reasons [10, 22] According to the State Committee of Vietnamese in foreign countries, there are currently about million Vietnamese nationals living, working and studying in over 100 countries and territories; the largest number of Vietnamese immigrants (80%) live in developed countries [22; 29] They can be considered new migration, and therefore, the term “diaspora” can be used for this group Vietnamese diaspora in Germany Vietnamese migrants in Germany is represented by many different reasons for migration such as education, job opportunity, political view Therefore, this diaspora community might be described by the term “super diversity” [28; 86] Past Vietnamese migration flows include the “Moritzburgers”- school children aged between 10 and 14 in 1955-1956, students, boat people, contract workers, family reunification, asylum seekers, and illegal migration [15] Present Vietnamese migration flows consist of two main groups, family reunification and training purposes [15:11] To some extent, until the reunification of North and South Vietnam in April 1975, only a few hundred Vietnamese lived in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) [30] Most of them came from the upper social strata of South and North Vietnam respectively and had come to study or train in one of the two German states Most of the Vietnamese who studied in the GDR returned to Vietnam on completion of their degree, whereas Vietnamese students in the FRG were granted asylum and generally integrated successfully into West German society Two major groups of Vietnamese migrants who arrived in Germany after 1975 were the boat or contingent refugees who arrived in the FRG between 1975 and about 1986, and the contract workers who were employed in the GDR as of about 1980 [29] Contingent refugees (well-known as ‘boat people’) are refugees accepted within the context of humanitarian aid activities Under the provisions of the law of 22 July 1982 they were granted a right of abode in the Federal Republic of Germany without first undergoing the standard procedure to be recognized as refugees They have the legal status of refugees as laid out in the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees Since 1991 they have been granted an unlimited residence permit; from 1979 to 1990 they were first granted a five-year residence authorization; after this period they could apply for an unlimited residence authorization [5; 157] The contract employees or contract workers arrived to the GDR on the basis of an agreement entered into by the government of the GDR and the government of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam relating to the temporary employment and training of Vietnamese workers in industrial enterprises in the GDR, dated 11 April 1980 Current major Vietnamese groups migrating to Germany because of the purposes of family reunification and training [15; 11] also contribute the stable number of Vietnamese migrant population in Germany between arriving and returning In addition, many Vietnamese living now in Vietnam have studied or worked in Germany Number of Vietnamese-German Friendship Association is about 7,000 individuals [15; 6] These returning immigrants are familiar with cultural practices in both countries, Vietnam and Germany, and hence feel connected to both countries [24] They also bring the innovative models to home country, and therefore, it is evident that the so-called “brain drain” phenomenon does not always occur when people leave their home country According to GIZ [15; 13], 163,000 individuals with a Vietnamese background are currently living in Germany Of this total, 104,000 individuals are first-generation migrants The rest of population (61,000 individuals) without migration experience can be second and third-generation immigrants About 35% population of the second and third generation still obtain Vietnamese national passports or Vietnamese nationality [15] There are little information about the second and third generation of Vietnamese diaspora in Germany [3, 6] The second and the third generation which have grown up in Germany from birth and have been experienced complete the German education system often distances itself from Vietnamese community [21] Contrastingly, first and a half generation who came to Germany after acquired Vietnamese quite well, often continue to contact with the Vietnamese community Therefore, they can use both German and Vietnamese fluently [21] However, social, cultural and religious organizations of Vietnamese diaspora in Germany are facing the lack of young people [15; 18] One important aim of many Vietnamese migrant association is maintenance of Vietnamese language and culture by offering Vietnamese language courses, traditional dance classes, and festivities Over time, the more contact with language and culture of the host country, the less attention, these school students have [15; 19] Over the last few years, studies on Vietnamese diaspora in Germany began to be taken consideration because of the diversity of this diaspora group and the educational success of children Section will be introduce current studies on Vietnamese diaspora in Germany in detail Studies on Vietnamese diaspora in Germany In the last decades of the 20 th century, publications and scholarly works about Vietnamese migrants in Germany have concentrated on the integration efforts, for example, effects of social programs for Vietnamese refugees migrating to West Germany in the 1980s (see review in Bui [8; 11]) Bui [8] with an ethnographic research observed Vietnamese people, questioned them, and wrote about them from a position of financial and social privilege Bui’s research [8] is considered an envisioning Vietnamese migrants living in Germany in the 1990s from different perspectives, for example, German media, German people, and Vietnamese immigrants Firstly, she looked at three popular ethnographic corpus that describe Vietnamese diasporas in Germany such as newspaper articles in the mainstream press, a booklet and an exhibit presented by Vietnamese ethnic organizations [8; 19] Secondly, the difference of “the former contract worker” and “former refugee” was discussed Lastly, so-called Chinese and Asian snack bars or restaurants run by Vietnamese were viewed as a strategy of this community to interact with native people and to represent themselves in a positive light to a German audience The image of Vietnamese people in German media principally covered by the black market for cigarettes and Vietnamese criminal gangs created an ethnic stigma for Vietnamese migrants in Berlin particularly, and in eastern Germany in general [8; 70] For example, in The Vietnamese immigrants who were not represented in the media had felt lost face for years: “pictures of Vietnamese in local and national periodicals usually depicted them with their faces obscured by shadow, a hat, a hand, or a black anonymity mark, or worse, as a mug shot or a corpse covered by a sheet” [8; 70] It might be the cause, that many Vietnamese minor characters in contemporary German fiction prevail “faceless” [14; 58] In the other hand, Bui [8] looked at the other representation of Vietnamese refugees in Münster in a booklet This booklet with the title 10 Jahre (ten years) was created to memorize the ten-year anniversary of the refugees’ arrival The stories in this booklet imply that there is the different Vietnamese people from this group in East Germany They made a great effort at integration and also tried to help the people in a similar situation Another Vietnamese migrant group consisted of contract workers who came to Germany according to an agreement between the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and German government [8; 116] The analysis of posters exhibited in Marzahn proposed that former contract workers also separated from the Vietnamese cigarette vendors and gang groups Their difficulties in the new life in German, for example, eating the German cuisine, struggling to stay in Germany, and the discrimination Other issues were introduced in Bui’s study dealing with crossing border from East Germany to West Germany of Vietnamese people in the fall of Berlin wall and Chinese or Asian restaurants of Vietnamese entrepreneurs Back to the integration issue of Vietnamese migrants living in Germany, it is necessary to focus on the difference of various Vietnamese migrant groups which is partially mentioned in Bui’s research The integration is, therefore, still a favorable topic of studies on Vietnamese diaspora in Germany The integration enclosing the maintenance of heritage culture through organizing heritage language courses, cultural activities, and meeting points for communities has been considered important for people with migration background [6] GIZ [15; 6] reported that there have been recently little attention about Vietnamese migrant organizations in Germany Research on the integration of these organizations in developmentrelated activities in Vietnamese have not comprehensively taken consideration The organizations or cooperation of Vietnamese diaspora in Germany well studied are principally related to religion For example, Hüwelmeier [18] observed the lower class Vietnamese women Christians to see the perspective of those women to the religious organizations which they participated Those Vietnamese Pentecostal female believers in Germany involved criticizing religious authority They made a “complete break with the past” as a new born Christians In another scholarly work, Hüwelmeier [19] briefly introduced the religious life of different Vietnamese groups, for example, contract workers tend to believe in Buddhist, and more boat refugees attend to Christian churches Beuchling and Cong [4] introduced the continuation of the Buddhist life in Germany of Vietnamese diaspora A pagoda run by Vietnamese nuns in Hamburg was used to describe contemporary historical backgrounds, religious practice and everyday life in a Buddhist monastery The general view of the corporation between Vietnamese diaspora was also studied by Cahyandari [9] By observing and interviewing five participants in both families of refuges and contract workers, four of them belong to the second generation, one of them belongs to first generation, and he stated that the migrants tend to create their home image by sharing a mutual sameness, for example, gathering in karaoke night or celebrating their traditional festivals However, the second generation found that they hardly meet their Vietnamese community Research on transnational perspective and transnational networks have been also given attention The transnationality of Vietnamese diaspora in Germany were viewed by Schmiz [26] as a resource His study focused on the social and economic strategies of Vietnamese migrants in Berlin The economic activities of Vietnamese enterprises comprises dealing with transnationality in diverse contexts were analyzed: the economic and social inclusion of Vietnamese migrants in the German context, the relation with the development of home country, and development of transnational communities and habitats Ha Kien Nghi [16] emphasized the advantages of borderless identity to art work In a scholarly work in 2014, Hüwelmeier continued to find the transnational networks of Vietnamese diaspora in Germany through transferring money to Vietnam, and also donating for religious organizations in Germany where they practiced their religion and belief Two contrasting stereotypes of the Vietnamese diaspora prevailed in the German as the cigarette smuggler and the educational achievement minority were supplemented by the analysis of German contemporary literature and film of Fachinger [14] The portrait of Vietnamese diaspora was characterized by a “mask of their identity behind a Chinese or Asian one” [14; 55] The Vietnamese women, in some literature works, were portrayed as vulnerable people in the global economy and the transnational world Whereas Vietnamese diaspora image in mainstream German media continues to be illustrated as subaltern, some literature works and films satirized these stereotypes from a transnational and diaspora perspective [14; 55] However, the lack of inside information prevailed by novelists and filmmakers in Vietnamese diaspora community makes the dominant image of this group is still that of “displaced outsider” [14; 50] As briefly mentioned above, one of stereotypes of Vietnamese migrants in German public eye is the Vietnamese as “good migrants” [14; 50] or “elitemigration” [20], whose children are over-achievers Academic achievement/ educational success so-called “schulischer Erfolg” [3] in German is one of the prominent characteristics of VietnameseGerman children and adolescents, although their heritage language, history and culture were not strongly observed in West Germany in comparison with other migrant groups, for example, Turkish The existence of discrimination could not obstruct the success of this group It was explained by cultural orientation [3] which implied in parents’ aspiration and sharing information between members in the community and the help of family members Often it was not the parents who were able to support the children directly, but other caregivers such as relatives or friends of the family, who had already been living longer in Germany, studying or had already studied [3; 283] The success of this group was illustrated by more than half number of children in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and about 63% children in Thüringen, average about 53% Vietnamese children visit a gymnasium, a gifted school in German educational system [17; 7] In the second generation, the number of employee in manual works tends to decreased, whereas the number of academics, scientist, and technicians increases [1; 40] The Vietnamese adolescents who belong to the 1,5 generation (entered Germany before or during their early teens) often choose business administration, media and communication, and tourist in relation to Vietnam Additionally, fashion, graphics, and art are often chosen, if the adolescents is able to convince their parents (Tückermann answered in [16; 176]) These people are viewed as big enrichment for German society and also for Vietnamese community in Germany (Pham Thi Hoai answered in an interview in [16; 176]) The success of Vietnamese children and adolescents in the school which was portrayed in media as “Musterschüler” (model students) [16; 177] was explained by the influence of Confucian tradition that desire the next generation to gain better education The Vietnamese children and adolescents also found that learning is very important They might feel uncomfortable at the beginning, however get acquaintance to “lieber was gelernt hat anstatt rauszugehen” (prefer to learn instead of to go out) [16; 177] and “ich hasse es, wenn ich Lücken im Kopf habe” (I hate that I have gaps in my head) [16; 177] Another aspect as modes of behavior in social interaction of Vietnamese-German children and adolescents was also mentioned in Beuchling’s study [3] The attitude of students with Vietnamese migrant background were assessed by majority population (i.e., German) positive or at least not negative Their ingressiveness, great willingness, and cooperativeness were originated from the particular forms of social behavior in Vietnamese refugee communities and families, for example, the avoidance of physical violence, affective control Vietnamese parents required their children the respect and politeness towards teachers and staff authority because “cheeky”, “aggressive”, or “obtrusive” behaviors could express a bad impression of the family [3; 288] Like the interest of researcher in other host countries where Vietnamese immigrants, the identity of Vietnamese-German children and adolescents has been investigated since the last years of the 20th century In 1998, Nguyễn Thị Minh Đài [25] attempted to describe the problems of identity development of Vietnamese children and adolescents in Germany Through analysis of family communication and interview, the situation of Vietnamese immigrant groups was described: status, the reasons for leaving, language ability, and attitude towards new society The relationship between socialization and identity development of children and adolescents were defined by examining social situation and their private life, socialization and individual life, language and communication, issues of acculturation and assimilation, coping with cultural change, importance of school and peer-group relationships The factors such as age of arrive, family education (i.e., mother-child-dyads) strongly influences on the attitude towards home culture [25] For example, children who were born in host country (i.e., Germany) or arrived before the age of 4, often found that they belong to a mix culture Other children (Tinh and Thien) who arrived Germany at eight or nine found difficult to identify themselves as foreigner or Vietnamese They said they felt comfortable in both cultures, and liked speaking both languages However, there were also other children (Vuong, Tung, Lam) who arrived Germany at the same age felt out of space in the host country Therefore, they wanted to come back to Vietnam Family was a protected area where “old identity” was kept In terms of the 1,5 generation, Pham Thi Hoai (in the interview in [16]) said that the question on identity of this generation occurred at the beginning of their new life in new destination She viewed that as a great chance than disadvantage of being “homeless” or obtaining many “homelands” [16; 176] Another important factor of the development of identity is peer-group-relations These relations of Vietnamese-German children and adolescents in the study of Nguyễn Thị Minh Đài (1998) were also very different Some of them (Tung, Lam, Ba Nha) did not have neither Vietnamese nor German friends because they wanted to avoid aggressive and also they had to accept parents’ rule Someone as Vuong has many German friends, however it was not a real friendship as he had in Vietnam He spoke with his German friends only unimportant topic Therefore, they were for him not right friends who can share emotion and thought [16; 183] Other children and adolescents like Van, Thang, Thien who had German friends, thought the friendship with German people is very important, because they can help them to master German language and to solve school problems Thao who was born in Germany did not have any difficulties with German peers She could understand her friends very well and they trusted secrets, talked about everything, helped each other and understood each other [16; 184] The relation between Vietnamese youths in the second generation was mentioned in Beth/Tuckermann [6] and an interview in Ha Kien Nghi [16], for example, the conflict between Northern and Southern Vietnam or Eastern and Western Germany in the second generation The second generation of Vietnamese immigrants differ from each other by status of their parents as students, as Boat People or as contract workers They were distinguished by the place of birth, in Bundes Republic Deutschland or in Vietnam These difference between children and adolescent Vietnamese groups lead to different view on this conflict: Someone found that all Vietnamese are nice; someone had friends in both groups, however for them boat people are considered German because they speak with each other only in German, and Northern Vietnamese still live in Vietnamese style; others has only friends in their own group, although the history is for them as a dream through their parents’ stories [6] It is said that, a trauma is often transmitted in three generations [16; 174] However, as mentioned and described above, there is also a controversy and emotional discussion about the different histories between different members of the second generation Because they have little contact with the other Vietnamese groups, they have also different view with the first generation Pham Thi Hoai, an Vietnamese author in literature, stated that for all Vietnamese children who was born and grown up in Germany, the conflict did not exist [16; 171] The separation between different groups was not really serious, it could be considered the own terrain of each group In Germany, there was an unplanted geographical division of Vietnamese migrant groups: Vietnamese contract workers in Eastern Germany, and Vietnamese Boat People in Western Germany Focusing on the second generation of Vietnamese-German communities, in 2008, Uta Beth and Anja Tuckermann edited a book with the title “Heimat ist da, wo man verstanden wird Junge VietnamesInnen in Deutschland” to provide life stories of Vietnamese youths in Germany The identity of these people were identified by various forms of question: To which country you gravitate? What is home? In 2014, based on the previous research of Beuchling [3], Hegele developed a questionnaire, and also conducted the form of narrative interview to understand different stories of Vietnamese-German adolescents All three participants of his interview were aged 17 and 18, in grade 12, and neither in the “boat people” group nor in the contract worker group With regard to cultural identity, if in Beuchling’s study, about 80% Vietnamese in the first generation found that they are “Vietnamese” In the next generations, there were a shift of perception of cultural identity Interestingly, however, in the third generation, about 20-30% diaspora Vietnamese identified themselves as “Vietnamese”, even though their Vietnamese language was very deficit and the contact with other Vietnamese and visit the home country were also very limited However, “adapting” to a particular culture is a process that occurs more or less automatically and unconsciously and often manifest itself on an emotional level, as does the alienation from the culture of origin [6; 290] In Hegel study, most of participants found that they were more German than Vietnamese Vietnamese culture presents in their life perhaps only in Vietnamese foods [17; 10] However, the cultural identity regarding the country of origin probably unconsciously seems to be much more powerful than those the participants thought It was evident by keeping the Vietnamese passports to feel they are not “strangers” when entering Vietnam [17; 11] Regarding religion, Vietnamese groups in Hegel’s study (2014), the finding showed that there were a distance between these adolescents with their traditional religion, Buddist As mentioned above, there were a small portion of Christian in Vietnam and also respectively in Vietnamese diaspora community in Germany The Buddist become increasing in this community, and play an important role in their lives, especially for the first generation However, the second generation in the study of Hegel [17] said that they either were baptized or identified themselves as a Christ The relationship between children and parents also have investigated Beth/ Tuckermann [6] asked how young people live and what their parents expect and require them? What are generations actually able to give and want to give each other? The finding showed that the educational style of traditional Vietnamese family is very different with modern German educational style The philosophy of education of many Vietnamese families is “yêu cho roi cho vọt, ghét cho cho bùi” (Spare the rod and spoil the child – If you love the children, you take the beating If you hate them, you give them a sweet words) Therefore, it is not surprising when there are conflict between the different Vietnamese generations In addition, many Vietnamese parents often work about 14 hours, therefore, they not know what happen in the school The language barrier also prevent them to understand what occurs with their children Some participants of the study of Beth and Tuckermann [6] expressed that the love is often not expressed between parents and children Sometimes the adolescents felt that they not have chance to express their opinion, even though their parents get wrong Pham Thi Hoai as a mother of a Vietnamese-German adolescents had a different view about the conflict between parents and children She said that it is very positive, because parents can learn from the children However, her case is might be a special case in the Vietnamese communities in Germany, because she is an author in modern literature who has open view about the life and the culture, whereas most of other parents gain a lower educational grade One important aim of many Vietnamese migrant association is maintenance of Vietnamese language and culture by offering Vietnamese language courses, traditional dance classes, and festivities Over time, the more contact with language and culture of the host country, the less attention, these school students have [15; 19] In reality, most of heritage speakers of second generation have not received a formal education of the heritage language [23] However, it is evident that culture and language of the home country (i.e., Vietnamese) might be always stored somewhere in mind and heart of migrant adolescents A strong evidence is the appearance of a series of trilingual music video of Vietnamese-German adolescents regarding the concept of identity and nation of Dao Viet Phuong on Youtube Research on Vietnamese as heritage language from acquisition, practices and ideology are needed to emerge from “the silence to the voice” [7; 1] as the situation of other heritage languages over the worlds Recent years, a set of continuously longitudinal study in Hamburg on Vietnamese immigrated students (1,5 and nd generation) in comparison with different immigrated group, Turkish and Russian, such as LiPS in 2009-2013 (LiMA Panel Study), HeBe 2013-2015 (Herkunf und Bildungserfolg) and KiBis 2014-2015 (Mehrsprachige Kinder auf dem Weg zur Bildungssprache) were conducted to investigate the use of the language acquisition and the educational achievement Some results of these projects show that Turkish mother are twice as likely to use their heritage language in communication with their children as are Vietnamese mothers [27] Mothers with a low proficiency in German tend to use heritage language with their children However, there is no strong evidence for the hypothesis that mothers with close ethnic community social networks will be more likely to show heritage language use with child (HLUC) than mothers with mixed networks Concerning mother’s strategic instrumentally rational expectations towards HLUC for their children educational achivement, there is only small positive effect on HLUC of the expectation for leaving Germany There is also no evidence that mothers with high educational aspiration to be less likely to show HLUC than mothers with low educational desires Interestingly, the findings show that mothers with high expectations of the instrumentality of education have more positive attitude with HLUC than those mothers with low expectations of the instrumentality of education This also supports to the argument that educationally oriented immigrant parents invest in their children’s bilingualism as resource for structural assimilation, which opposes to the traditional assimilation theory [27:90] With regard to mothers‘ HLUC for situational pragmatism, the results are in line with the hypothesis that mothers whose communication with partner and close friends is exclusively in the heritage language are more likely to show HLUC than the mothers who use language in the multilingual communication The results of this study also indentify that the mothers who are closer with their heritage culture are more likely to show HLUC than the mothers who not The number of books also in the heritage language effect on the HLUC About 35 percent higher probability for HLUC belongs to the mothers who have high number of books than mothers who have fewer books in heritage language Research on Vietnamese as heritage language in reference to accularation, identity, and cognition are becoming an interest topic in recent years This issue will be reviewed in more detail in another paper Conclusion The two contrasting stereotypes of Vietnamese migrants prevailed in the German public imagination as the cigarette smuggler [8] and the elite migration with over achievement in education [29] are only two puzzle pieces of a whole puzzle The social, economic, and religious ties among Vietnamese in Germany continue to be characterized by various levels of diversity because of divergent political attitudes, legal status, class, education, gender, family background, region of origin, and religion [14; 92] Therefore, different topics related to Vietnamese diaspora group in Germany have been also studied, such as, self-identification, networks, religion, heritage language maintenance, and transnational perspective However, this immigrant group still needs to be studied more to help not only German but also Vietnamese in home country and own Vietnamese diaspora to know the whole puzzle, for example, the Vietnamese media in Germany, the new German media about Vietnamese, the Vietnamese language as heritage language with technological development, and the art works of Vietnamese diaspora in this country REFERENCES [1] Baumann, Martin 2000 Migration-Religion-Integration: Buddhistische Vietnamesen und hinduistische Tamilen in Deutschland Marburg [2] Ben-Moshe et al 2016 The Vietnamese diaspora in Australia: identity and transnational behaviour Diaspora studies 9:2 112-127 [3] Beuchling, Olaf 2003 Vom Boosflüchtling zum Bundesbürger: Migration, Intergration und schulischer Erfolg in einer Vietnamesischen Exilgemeinschaft Münster: Waxman [4] Beuchling, Olaf 2011 Vietnamese refugees in Western, Central, and Northern Europe since the 1970s: the examples of France, Great Britain, and Germany In: Klaus et al The Encyclopedia of Migration and Minorities in Europe From the 17 th Century to the Present Cambridge: Cambridge University Press [5] Beuchling, Olaf & Công, Văn Tuấn 2013 Vom Mekong an die Elbe Buddhistisches Klosterleben in der vietnamesischen Diaspora, Hamburg [6] Beth, Uta und Anja Tuckermann 2008 Heimat ist da, wo man verstanden wird Junge VietnamesInnen in Deutschland, Berlin [7] Boon, Erin & Polinsky, Maria 2014 From Silence to Voice: Empowering Heritage Language Speakers in the 21 Century Informes del Observatorio / Observatorio’s Reports 002 [8] Bùi, Pipo 2003 Envisioning Vietnamese Migrants in Germany: Ethnic Stigma, Immigrant Origin Narratives and Partial Masking Münster: LIT Verlag [9] Cahyandari, Gita A 2015 Cooperation Culture amongst Vietnamese Migrants in Freiburg, Germany Academic.edu [10] Chan, Yuk Wan 2012 Chinese and Vietnamese diaspora: Revisited boat people New York: Routledge [11] Clifford, James 1997 Routes: Travel and translation in the late twentieth century Cambridge, MA: Havard University Press [12] Ďurovič, Lubomir 1988 (Ed.) Diaspora languages in Western Europe: papers from the workshops “Language minorities – children’s language in diaspora” held on July 22nd, 1987 at the International Congress for the Study of Child Language in Lund, Sweden SLavica Lundensia 12 Lunds universitet, Slaviska Institutionen [13] Đào, Mục Đích 2012 Characteristics of Phonetics and Lexis of the Vietnamese language in Australia PhD Thesis, School of Languages and Comparatives Cultural Studies The University of Queensland [14] Fachinger, Petra, 2013 Narratives of Transnational Divide: The Vietnamese in Contemporary German Literature and Film In Fuechtner, Veronika & Rhiel, Mary: Imagining Germany Imagining Asia: Essays in Asian-German Studies Boydell & Brewer, Camden House, 50-63 [15] GIZ – Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (2015): Die vietnamesische Diaspora in Deutschland https://www.giz.de/fachexpertise/downloads/giz2016-de-diasporastudie-vietnam.pdf [16] Hà, Kiên Nghị 2012 Asiatische Deutsche: Vietnamesische Diaspora and Beyond Berlin/ Hamburg: Assoziation A [17] Hegele, Simon 2014 Die Lebenwelt von Junglichen vietnamesischer Herkunft in der zweiten Generation unter der besonderen Berücksichtigung der Schüler am Goethe Gymnasium Germersheim [18] Hüwelmeier, Gertrud, 2010 Female believers on the move: Vietnamese Pentecostal Networks in Germany In Bonifacio, Glenda L A & Angeles, Vivienne: Gender, Religion and Migration: Pathways of Intergration Laham, Maryland: Lexingtons Books 115-131 [19] Hüwelmeier, Gertrud 2014 Transnational Vietnamese – Germany and beyond In: Sylvia Hahn / Stan Nadel (eds.): Asian Migrants in Europe Transcultural Connections 81-94 [20] König, Katharina 2014 Spracheinstellungen und Identitätskonstruktion Eine geprächsanalytische Untersuchung sprachbiographischer Interviews mit DeutschVietnamesen Berlin: de Gruyter [21] Lê, Diễm Quỳnh 2010 Die vietnamesische Community in München Bachelor thesis in the faculty of Social science of Hochschule München (unpublished) [22] Ministry of Foreign Affair Vietnam 2012 Review of Vietnamese migration abroad Hanoi: AND Company [23] Montrul, Silvina 2016 The acquisition of heritage language Cambridge: Cambridge University Press [24] Nguyen, Phuong Dan und Stefan Canham 2011 Die deutschen Vietnamesen, Berlin [25] Nguyễn Thị Minh Đài 1998 Identitätsprobleme vietnamesischer Kinder und Jugendlicher in deutschen Köln u.a.: Böhlau [26] Schmiz, Antonie 2011 Transnationalität als Ressource?: Netzwerke Vietnamesischer Migrantinnen und Migranten zwischen Berlin und Vietnam, Bielefeld [27] Schnoor et al 2017 Heritage language among Turkish and Vietnamese mothers in Germany In Peukert/Gogolin: Dynamics of linguistic diversity Amsterdam: John Benjamins B.V 75-98 [28] Vertovec, Steven 2010 Towards Post-Multiculturalism? Changing Communities, Conditions and Contexts of Diversity, in: International Social Science Journal 61 (199): S 83– 95 [29] Wolf, Bernd 2007 Die vietnamesische Diaspora in Deutschland Struktur und Kooperationspotenzial mit Schwerpunkt auf Berlin und Hessen Frankfurt, GTZ  ... eating the German cuisine, struggling to stay in Germany, and the discrimination Other issues were introduced in Bui’s study dealing with crossing border from East Germany to West Germany of Vietnamese. .. on Vietnamese diaspora in Germany in detail Studies on Vietnamese diaspora in Germany In the last decades of the 20 th century, publications and scholarly works about Vietnamese migrants in Germany. .. organizations of Vietnamese diaspora in Germany are facing the lack of young people [15; 18] One important aim of many Vietnamese migrant association is maintenance of Vietnamese language and culture by offering