The History of England from the Accession of James II, Vol. 4 pdf

The History of England from the Accession of James II, vol The History of England from the Accession of James II, vol The Project Gutenberg Etext of History of England from James II #11 in our series by Thomas Babington Macaulay [Volume 4] Copyright laws are changing all over the world Be sure to check the copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project Gutenberg file Please not remove it Do not change or edit the header without written permission Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file Included is important information about your specific rights and restrictions in how the file may be used You can also find out about how to make a donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved **Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** **eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** *****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** Title: The History of England from the Accession of James II, Vol Author: Thomas Babington Macaulay Release Date: May, 2001 [EBook #2613] [This file was last updated on March 28, 2002] Edition: 11 Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII *** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND *** E-Text created by Martin Adamson martin@grassmarket.freeserve.co.uk Transcriber's note: Footnotes are indicated in the main text by numbers at the appropriate place The footnotes themselves are placed at the end of the text They can be searched for in the format FN 1, FN 2, FN etc Alternatively, if your software allows it the reader can copy footnotes to a second document window The History of England from the Accession of James the Second Volume IV (Chapters XVIII-XXII) CHAPTER XVII by Thomas Babington Macaulay CHAPTER XVII William's Voyage to Holland William's Entrance into the Hague Congress at the Hague William his own Minister for Foreign Affairs William obtains a Toleration for the Waldenses; Vices inherent in the Nature of Coalitions Siege and Fall of Mons William returns to England; Trials of Preston and Ashton Execution of Ashton Preston's Irresolution and Confessions Lenity shown to the Conspirators Dartmouth Turner; Penn Death of George Fox; his Character Interview between Penn and Sidney Preston pardoned Joy of the Jacobites at the Fall of Mons The vacant Sees filled Tillotson Archbishop of Canterbury Conduct of Sancroft Difference between Sancroft and Ken Hatred of Sancroft to the Established Church; he provides for the episcopal Succession among the Nonjurors The new Bishops Sherlock Dean of Saint Paul's Treachery of some of William's Servants Russell Godolphin Marlborough William returns to the Continent The Campaign of 1691 in Flanders The War in Ireland; State of the English Part of Ireland State of the Part of Ireland which was subject to James Dissensions among the Irish at Limerick Return of Tyrconnel to Ireland Arrival of a French Fleet at Limerick; Saint Ruth The English take the Field Fall of Ballymore; Siege and Fall of Athlone Retreat of the Irish Army Saint Ruth determines to fight Battle of Aghrim Fall of Galway Death of Tyrconnel Second Siege of Limerick The Irish desirous to capitulate Negotiations between the Irish Chiefs and the Besiegers The Capitulation of Limerick The Irish Troops required to make their Election between their Country and France- -Most of the Irish Troops volunteer for France Many of the Irish who had volunteered for France desert The last Division of the Irish Army sails from Cork for France State of Ireland after the War ON the eighteenth of January 1691, the King, having been detained some days by adverse winds, went on board at Gravesend Four yachts had been fitted up for him and for his retinue Among his attendants were Norfolk, Ormond, Devonshire, Dorset, Portland, Monmouth, Zulestein, and the Bishop of London Two distinguished admirals, Cloudesley Shovel and George Rooke, commanded the men of war which formed the convoy The passage was tedious and disagreeable During many hours the fleet was becalmed off the Godwin Sands; and it was not till the fifth day that the soundings proved the coast of Holland to be near The sea fog was so thick that no land could be seen; and it was not thought safe for the ships to proceed further in the darkness William, tired out by the voyage, and impatient to be once more in his beloved country, determined to land in an open boat The noblemen who were in his train tried to dissuade him from risking so valuable a life; but, when they found that his mind was made up, they insisted on sharing the danger That danger proved more serious than they had expected It had been supposed that in an hour the party would be on shore But great masses of floating ice impeded the progress of the skiff; the night came on; the fog grew thicker; the waves broke over the King and the courtiers Once the keel struck on a sand bank, and was with great difficulty got off The hardiest mariners showed some signs of uneasiness But William, through the whole night, was as composed as if he had been in the drawingroom at Kensington "For shame," he said to one of the dismayed sailors "are you afraid to die in my company?" A bold Dutch seaman ventured to spring out, and, with great difficulty, swam and scrambled through breakers, ice and mud, to firm ground Here he discharged a musket and lighted a fire as a signal that he was safe None of his fellow passengers, however, thought it prudent to follow his example They lay tossing in sight of the flame which he had kindled, till the first pale light of a January morning showed them that they were close to the island of Goree The King and his Lords, stiff with cold and covered with icicles, gladly landed to warm and rest themselves.1 After reposing some hours in the hut of a peasant, William proceeded to the Hague He was impatiently expected there for, though the fleet which brought him was not visible from the shore, the royal salutes had been heard through the mist, and had apprised the whole coast of his arrival Thousands had assembled at Honslaerdyk to welcome him with applause which came from their hearts and which went to his heart That was one of the few white days of a life, beneficent indeed and glorious, but far from happy After more than two years passed in a strange land, the exile had again set foot on his native soil He heard again the language of his nursery He saw again the scenery and the architecture which were inseparably associated in his mind CHAPTER XVII with the recollections of childhood and the sacred feeling of home; the dreary mounds of sand, shells and weeds, on which the waves of the German Ocean broke; the interminable meadows intersected by trenches; the straight canals; the villas bright with paint and adorned with quaint images and inscriptions He had lived during many weary months among a people who did not love him, who did not understand him, who could never forget that he was a foreigner Those Englishmen who served him most faithfully served him without enthusiasm, without personal attachment, and merely from a sense of public duty In their hearts they were sorry that they had no choice but between an English tyrant and a Dutch deliverer All was now changed William was among a population by which he was adored, as Elizabeth had been adored when she rode through her army at Tilbury, as Charles the Second had been adored when he landed at Dover It is true that the old enemies of the House of Orange had not been inactive during the absence of the Stadtholder There had been, not indeed clamours, but mutterings against him He had, it was said, neglected his native land for his new kingdom Whenever the dignity of the English flag, whenever the prosperity of the English trade was concerned, he forgot that he was a Hollander But, as soon as his well remembered face was again seen, all jealousy, all coldness, was at an end There was not a boor, not a fisherman, not an artisan, in the crowds which lined the road from Honslaerdyk to the Hague, whose heart did not swell with pride at the thought that the first minister of Holland had become a great King, had freed the English, and had conquered the Irish It would have been madness in William to travel from Hampton Court to Westminster without a guard; but in his own land he needed no swords or carbines to defend him "Do not keep the people off;" he cried: "let them come close to me; they are all my good friends." He soon learned that sumptuous preparations were making for his entrance into the Hague At first he murmured and objected He detested, he said, noise and display The necessary cost of the war was quite heavy enough He hoped that his kind fellow townsmen would consider him as a neighbour, born and bred among them, and would not pay him so bad a compliment as to treat him ceremoniously But all his expostulations were vain The Hollanders, simple and parsimonious as their ordinary habits were, had set their hearts on giving their illustrious countryman a reception suited to his dignity and to his merit; and he found it necessary to yield On the day of his triumph the concourse was immense All the wheeled carriages and horses of the province were too few for the multitude of those who flocked to the show Many thousands came sliding or skating along the frozen canals from Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Leyden, Haarlem, Delft At ten in the morning of the twenty-sixth of January, the great bell of the Town House gave the signal Sixteen hundred substantial burghers, well armed, and clad in the finest dresses which were to be found in the recesses of their wardrobes, kept order in the crowded streets Balconies and scaffolds, embowered in evergreens and with tapestry, hid the windows The royal coach, escorted by an army of halberdiers and running footmen, and followed by a long train of splendid equipages, passed under numerous arches rich with carving and painting, amidst incessant shouts of "Long live the King our Stadtholder." The front of the Town House and the whole circuit of the marketplace were in a blaze with brilliant colours Civic crowns, trophies, emblems of arts, of sciences, of commerce and of agriculture, appeared every where In one place William saw portrayed the glorious actions of his ancestors There was the silent prince, the founder of the Batavian commonwealth, passing the Meuse with his warriors There was the more impetuous Maurice leading the charge at Nieuport A little further on, the hero might retrace the eventful story of his own life He was a child at his widowed mother's knee He was at the altar with Diary's hand in his He was landing at Torbay He was swimming through the Boyne There, too, was a boat amidst the ice and the breakers; and above it was most appropriately inscribed, in the majestic language of Rome, the saying of the great Roman, "What dost thou fear? Thou hast Caesar on board." The task of furnishing the Latin mottoes had been intrusted to two men, who, till Bentley appeared, held the highest place among the classical scholars of that age Spanheim, whose knowledge of the Roman medals was unrivalled, imitated, not unsuccessfully, the noble conciseness of those ancient legends which he had assiduously studied; and he was assisted by Graevius, who then filled a chair at Utrecht, and whose just reputation had drawn to that University multitudes of students from every part of Protestant Europe.2 When the night came, fireworks were exhibited on the great tank which washes the walls of the Palace of the Federation That tank was now as hard as marble; and the Dutch boasted that nothing had ever been seen, even on the terrace of Versailles, more brilliant than the effect produced by the innumerable cascades of flame which were reflected in the smooth mirror of ice.3 The English Lords congratulated their master on his immense popularity "Yes," said he; "but I am not the favourite The shouting was nothing to what it would have been if Mary had been with me." CHAPTER XVII A few hours after the triumphal entry, the King attended a sitting of the States General His last appearance among them had been on the day on which he embarked for England He had then, amidst the broken words and loud weeping of those grave Senators, thanked them for the kindness with which they had watched over his childhood, trained his young mind, and supported his authority in his riper years; and he had solemnly commended his beloved wife to their care He now came back among them the King of three kingdoms, the head of the greatest coalition that Europe had seen during a hundred and eighty years; and nothing was heard in the hall but applause and congratulations.4 But this time the streets of the Hague were overflowing with the equipages and retinues of princes and ambassadors who came flocking to the great Congress First appeared the ambitious and ostentatious Frederic, Elector of Brandenburg, who, a few years later, took the title of King of Prussia Then arrived the young Elector of Bavaria, the Regent of Wirtemberg, the Landgraves of Hesse Cassel and Hesse Darmstadt, and a long train of sovereign princes, sprung from the illustrious houses of Brunswick, of Saxony, of Holstein, and of Nassau The Marquess of Gastanaga, Governor of the Spanish Netherlands, repaired to the assembly from the viceregal Court of Brussels Extraordinary ministers had been sent by the Emperor, by the Kings of Spain, Poland, Denmark, and Sweden, and by the Duke of Savoy There was scarcely room in the town and the neighbourhood for the English Lords and gentlemen and the German Counts and Barons whom curiosity or official duty had brought to the place of meeting The grave capital of the most thrifty and industrious of nations was as gay as Venice in the Carnival The walks cut among those noble limes and elms in which the villa of the Princes of Orange is embosomed were gay with the plumes, the stars, the flowing wigs, the embroidered coats and the gold hilted swords of gallants from London, Berlin and Vienna With the nobles were mingled sharpers not less gorgeously attired than they At night the hazard tables were thronged; and the theatre was filled to the roof Princely banquets followed one another in rapid succession The meats were served in gold; and, according to that old Teutonic fashion with which Shakspeare had made his countrymen familiar, as often as any of the great princes proposed a health, the kettle drums and trumpets sounded Some English lords, particularly Devonshire, gave entertainments which vied with those of Sovereigns It was remarked that the German potentates, though generally disposed to be litigious and punctilious about etiquette, associated, on this occasion, in an unceremonious manner, and seemed to have forgotten their passion for genealogical and heraldic controversy The taste for wine, which was then characteristic of their nation, they had not forgotten At the table of the Elector of Brandenburg much mirth was caused by the gravity of the statesmen of Holland, who, sober themselves, confuted out of Grotius and Puffendorf the nonsense stuttered by the tipsy nobles of the Empire One of those nobles swallowed so many bumpers that he tumbled into the turf fire, and was not pulled out till his fine velvet suit had been burned.5 In the midst of all this revelry, business was not neglected A formal meeting of the Congress was held at which William presided In a short and dignified speech, which was speedily circulated throughout Europe, he set forth the necessity of firm union and strenuous exertion The profound respect with which he was heard by that splendid assembly caused bitter mortification to his enemies both in England and in France The German potentates were bitterly reviled for yielding precedence to an upstart Indeed the most illustrious among them paid to him such marks of deference as they would scarcely have deigned to pay to the Imperial Majesty, mingled with the crowd in his antechamber, and at his table behaved as respectfully as any English lord in waiting In one caricature the allied princes were represented as muzzled bears, some with crowns, some with caps of state William had them all in a chain, and was teaching them to dance In another caricature, he appeared taking his ease in an arm chair, with his feet on a cushion, and his hat on his head, while the Electors of Brandenburg and Bavaria, uncovered, occupied small stools on the right and left; the crowd of Landgraves and Sovereign dukes stood at humble distance; and Gastanaga, the unworthy successor of Alva, awaited the orders of the heretic tyrant on bended knee.6 It was soon announced by authority that, before the beginning of summer, two hundred and twenty thousand men would be in the field against France.7 The contingent which each of the allied powers was to furnish was made known Matters about which it would have been inexpedient to put forth any declaration were privately discussed by the King of England with his allies On this occasion, as on every other important occasion CHAPTER XVII during his reign, he was his own minister for foreign affairs It was necessary for the sake of form that he should be attended by a Secretary of State; and Nottingham had therefore followed him to Holland But Nottingham, though, in matters concerning the internal government of England, he enjoyed a large share of his master's confidence, knew little more about the business of the Congress than what he saw in the Gazettes This mode of transacting business would now be thought most unconstitutional; and many writers, applying the standard of their own age to the transactions of a former age, have severely blamed William for acting without the advice of his ministers, and his ministers for submitting to be kept in ignorance of transactions which deeply concerned the honour of the Crown and the welfare of the nation Yet surely the presumption is that what the most honest and honourable men of both parties, Nottingham, for example, among the Tories, and Somers among the Whigs, not only did, but avowed, cannot have been altogether inexcusable; and a very sufficient excuse will without difficulty be found The doctrine that the Sovereign is not responsible is doubtless as old as any part of our constitution The doctrine that his ministers are responsible is also of immemorial antiquity That where there is no responsibility there can be no trustworthy security against maladministration, is a doctrine which, in our age and country, few people will be inclined to dispute From these three propositions it plainly follows that the administration is likely to be best conducted when the Sovereign performs no public act without the concurrence and instrumentality of a minister This argument is perfectly sound But we must remember that arguments are constructed in one way, and governments in another In logic, none but an idiot admits the premises and denies the legitimate conclusion But in practice, we see that great and enlightened communities often persist, generation after generation, in asserting principles, and refusing to act upon those principles It may be doubted whether any real polity that ever existed has exactly corresponded to the pure idea of that polity According to the pure idea of constitutional royalty, the prince reigns and does not govern; and constitutional royalty, as it now exists in England, comes nearer than in any other country to the pure idea Yet it would be a great error to imagine that our princes merely reign and never govern In the seventeenth century, both Whigs and Tories thought it, not only the right, but the duty, of the first magistrate to govern All parties agreed in blaming Charles the Second for not being his own Prime Minister; all parties agreed in praising James for being his own Lord High Admiral; and all parties thought it natural and reasonable that William should be his own Foreign Secretary It may be observed that the ablest and best informed of those who have censured the manner in which the negotiations of that time were conducted are scarcely consistent with themselves For, while they blame William for being his own Ambassador Plenipotentiary at the Hague, they praise him for being his own Commander in Chief in Ireland Yet where is the distinction in principle between the two cases? Surely every reason which can be brought to prove that he violated the constitution, when, by his own sole authority, he made compacts with the Emperor and the Elector of Brandenburg, will equally prove that he violated the constitution, when, by his own sole authority, he ordered one column to plunge into the water at Oldbridge and another to cross the bridge of Slane If the constitution gave him the command of the forces of the State, the constitution gave him also the direction of the foreign relations of the State On what principle then can it be maintained that he was at liberty to exercise the former power without consulting any body, but that he was bound to exercise the latter power in conformity with the advice of a minister? Will it be said that an error in diplomacy is likely to be more injurious to the country than an error in strategy? Surely not It is hardly conceivable that any blunder which William might have made at the Hague could have been more injurious to the public interests than a defeat at the Boyne Or will it be said that there was greater reason for placing confidence in his military than in his diplomatic skill? Surely not In war he showed some great moral and intellectual qualities; but, as a tactician, he did not rank high; and of his many campaigns only two were decidedly successful In the talents of a negotiator, on the other hand, he has never been surpassed Of the interests and the tempers of the continental courts he knew more than all his Privy Council together Some of his ministers were doubtless men of great ability, excellent orators in the House of Lords, and versed in our insular politics But, in the deliberations of the Congress, Caermarthen and Nottingham would have been found as far inferior to him as he would have been found inferior to them in a parliamentary debate on a CHAPTER XVII question purely English The coalition against France was his work He alone had joined together the parts of that great whole; and he alone could keep them together If he had trusted that vast and complicated machine in the hands of any of his subjects, it would instantly have fallen to pieces Some things indeed were to be done which none of his subjects would have ventured to Pope Alexander was really, though not in name, one of the allies; it was of the highest importance to have him for a friend; and yet such was the temper of the English nation that an English minister might well shrink from having any dealings, direct or indirect, with the Vatican The Secretaries of State were glad to leave a matter so delicate and so full of risk to their master, and to be able to protest with truth that not a line to which the most intolerant Protestant could object had ever gone out of their offices It must not be supposed however that William ever forgot that his especial, his hereditary, mission was to protect the Reformed Faith His influence with Roman Catholic princes was constantly and strenuously exerted for the benefit of their Protestant subjects In the spring of 1691, the Waldensian shepherds, long and cruelly persecuted, and weary of their lives, were surprised by glad tidings Those who had been in prison for heresy returned to their homes Children, who had been taken from their parents to be educated by priests, were sent back Congregations, which had hitherto met only by stealth and with extreme peril, now worshipped God without molestation in the face of day Those simple mountaineers probably never knew that their fate had been a subject of discussion at the Hague, and that they owed the happiness of their firesides, and the security of their humble temples to the ascendency which William exercised over the Duke of Savoy.8 No coalition of which history has preserved the memory has had an abler chief than William But even William often contended in vain against those vices which are inherent in the nature of all coalitions No undertaking which requires the hearty and long continued cooperation of many independent states is likely to prosper Jealousies inevitably spring up Disputes engender disputes Every confederate is tempted to throw on others some part of the burden which he ought himself to bear Scarcely one honestly furnishes the promised contingent Scarcely one exactly observes the appointed day But perhaps no coalition that ever existed was in such constant danger of dissolution as the coalition which William had with infinite difficulty formed The long list of potentates, who met in person or by their representatives at the Hague, looked well in the Gazettes The crowd of princely equipages, attended by manycoloured guards and lacqueys, looked well among the lime trees of the Voorhout But the very circumstances which made the Congress more splendid than other congresses made the league weaker than other leagues The more numerous the allies, the more numerous were the dangers which threatened the alliance It was impossible that twenty governments, divided by quarrels about precedence, quarrels about territory, quarrels about trade, quarrels about religion, could long act together in perfect harmony That they acted together during several years in imperfect harmony is to be ascribed to the wisdom, patience and firmness of William The situation of his great enemy was very different The resources of the French monarchy, though certainly not equal to those of England, Holland, the House of Austria, and the Empire of Germany united, were yet very formidable; they were all collected in a central position; they were all under the absolute direction of a single mind Lewis could with two words what William could hardly bring about by two months of negotiation at Berlin, Munich, Brussels, Turin and Vienna Thus France was found equal in effective strength to all the states which were combined against her For in the political, as in the natural world, there may be an equality of momentum between unequal bodies, when the body which is inferior in weight is superior in velocity This was soon signally proved In March the princes and ambassadors who had been assembled at the Hague separated and scarcely had they separated when all their plans were disconcerted by a bold and skilful move of the enemy Lewis was sensible that the meeting of the Congress was likely to produce a great effect on the public mind of Europe That effect he determined to counteract by striking a sudden and terrible blow While his enemies CHAPTER XVII were settling how many troops each of them should furnish, he ordered numerous divisions of his army to march from widely distant points towards Mons, one of the most important, if not the most important, of the fortresses which protected the Spanish Netherlands His purpose was discovered only when it was all but accomplished William, who had retired for a few days to Loo, learned, with surprise and extreme vexation, that cavalry, infantry, artillery, bridges of boats, were fast approaching the fated city by many converging routes A hundred thousand men had been brought together All the implements of war had been largely provided by Louvois, the first of living administrators The command was entrusted to Luxemburg, the first of living generals The scientific operations were directed by Vauban, the first of living engineers That nothing might be wanting which could kindle emulation through all the ranks of a gallant and loyal army, the magnificent King himself had set out from Versailles for the camp Yet William had still some faint hope that it might be possible to raise the siege He flew to the Hague, put all the forces of the States General in motion, and sent pressing messages to the German Princes Within three weeks after he had received the first hint of the danger, he was in the neighbourhood of the besieged city, at the head of near fifty thousand troops of different nations To attack a superior force commanded by such a captain as Luxemburg was a bold, almost a desperate, enterprise Yet William was so sensible that the loss of Mons would be an almost irreparable disaster and disgrace that he made up his mind to run the hazard He was convinced that the event of the siege would determine the policy of the Courts of Stockholm and Copenhagen Those Courts had lately seemed inclined to join the coalition If Mons fell, they would certainly remain neutral; they might possibly become hostile "The risk," he wrote to Heinsius, "is great; yet I am not without hope I will what can be done The issue is in the hands of God." On the very day on which this letter was written Mons fell The siege had been vigorously pressed Lewis himself, though suffering from the gout, had set the example of strenuous exertion His household troops, the finest body of soldiers in Europe, had, under his eye, surpassed themselves The young nobles of his court had tried to attract his notice by exposing themselves to the hottest fire with the same gay alacrity with which they were wont to exhibit their graceful figures at his balls His wounded soldiers were charmed by the benignant courtesy with which he walked among their pallets, assisted while wounds were dressed by the hospital surgeons, and breakfasted on a porringer of the hospital broth While all was obedience and enthusiasm among the besiegers, all was disunion and dismay among the besieged The duty of the French lines was so well performed that no messenger sent by William was able to cross them The garrison did not know that relief was close at hand The burghers were appalled by the prospect of those horrible calamities which befall cities taken by storm Showers of shells and redhot bullets were falling in the streets The town was on fire in ten places at once The peaceful inhabitants derived an unwonted courage from the excess of their fear, and rose on the soldiers Thenceforth resistance was impossible; and a capitulation was concluded The armies then retired into quarters Military operations were suspended during some weeks; Lewis returned in triumph to Versailles; and William paid a short visit to England, where his presence was much needed.9 He found the ministers still employed in tracing out the ramifications of the plot which had been discovered just before his departure Early in January, Preston, Ashton and Elliot had been arraigned at the Old Bailey They claimed the right of severing in their challenges It was therefore necessary to try them separately The audience was numerous and splendid Many peers were present The Lord President and the two Secretaries of State attended in order to prove that the papers produced in Court were the same which Billop had brought to Whitehall A considerable number of judges appeared on the bench; and Holt presided A full report of the proceedings has come down to us, and well deserves to be attentively studied, and to be compared with the reports of other trials which had not long before taken place under the same roof The whole spirit of the tribunal had undergone in a few months a change so complete that it might seem to have been the work of ages Twelve years earlier, unhappy Roman Catholics, accused of wickedness which had never entered into their thoughts, had stood in that dock The witnesses for the Crown had repeated their hideous fictions amidst the applauding hums of the audience The judges had shared, or had pretended to share, the stupid credulity and the savage passions of the populace, had exchanged smiles and compliments with the perjured informers, had roared down the arguments feebly stammered forth by the prisoners, and had not been ashamed, in passing the sentence of death, to make ribald jests on purgatory and the mass As soon as the butchery of Papists was over, the butchery of Whigs had commenced; and the judges had applied themselves to their new CHAPTER XVII work with even more than their old barbarity To these scandals the Revolution had put an end Whoever, after perusing the trials of Ireland and Pickering, of Grove and Berry, of Sidney, Cornish and Alice Lisle, turns to the trials of Preston and Ashton, will be astonished by the contrast The Solicitor General, Somers, conducted the prosecutions with a moderation and humanity of which his predecessors had left him no example "I did never think," he said, "that it was the part of any who were of counsel for the King in cases of this nature to aggravate the crime of the prisoners, or to put false colours on the evidence."10 Holt's conduct was faultless Pollexfen, an older man than Holt or Somers, retained a little, and a little was too much, of the tone of that bad school in which he had been bred But, though he once or twice forgot the austere decorum of his place, he cannot be accused of any violation of substantial justice The prisoners themselves seem to have been surprised by the fairness and gentleness with which they were treated "I would not mislead the jury, I'll assure you," said Holt to Preston, "nor Your Lordship any manner of injury in the world." "No, my Lord;" said Preston; "I see it well enough that Your Lordship would not." "Whatever my fate may be," said Ashton, "I cannot but own that I have had a fair trial for my life." The culprits gained nothing by the moderation of the Solicitor General or by the impartiality of the Court; for the evidence was irresistible The meaning of the papers seized by Billop was so plain that the dullest juryman could not misunderstand it Of those papers part was fully proved to be in Preston's handwriting Part was in Ashton's handwriting but this the counsel for the prosecution had not the means of proving They therefore rested the case against Ashton on the indisputable facts that the treasonable packet had been found in his bosom, and that he had used language which was quite unintelligible except on the supposition that he had a guilty knowledge of the contents.11 Both Preston and Ashton were convicted and sentenced to death Ashton was speedily executed He might have saved his life by making disclosures But though he declared that, if he were spared, he would always be a faithful subject of Their Majesties, he was fully resolved not to give up the names of his accomplices In this resolution he was encouraged by the nonjuring divines who attended him in his cell It was probably by their influence that he was induced to deliver to the Sheriffs on the scaffold a declaration which he had transcribed and signed, but had not, it is to be hoped, composed or attentively considered In this paper he was made to complain of the unfairness of a trial which he had himself in public acknowledged to have been eminently fair He was also made to aver, on the word of a dying man, that he knew nothing of the papers which had been found upon him Unfortunately his declaration, when inspected, proved to be in the same handwriting with one of the most important of those papers He died with manly fortitude.12 Elliot was not brought to trial The evidence against him was not quite so clear as that on which his associates had been convicted; and he was not worth the anger of the government The fate of Preston was long in suspense The Jacobites affected to be confident that the government would not dare to shed his blood He was, they said, a favourite at Versailles, and his death would be followed by a terrible retaliation They scattered about the streets of London papers in which it was asserted that, if any harm befell him, Mountjoy, and all the other Englishmen of quality who were prisoners in France, would be broken on the wheel.13 These absurd threats would not have deferred the execution one day But those who had Preston in their power were not unwilling to spare him on certain conditions He was privy to all the counsels of the disaffected party, and could furnish information of the highest value He was informed that his fate depended on himself The struggle was long and severe Pride, conscience, party spirit, were on one side; the intense love of life on the other He went during a time irresolutely to and fro He listened to his brother Jacobites; and his courage rose He listened to the agents of the government; and his heart sank within him In an evening when he had dined and drunk his claret, he feared nothing He would die like a man, rather than save his neck by an act of baseness But his temper was very different when he woke the next morning, when the courage which he had drawn from wine and company had evaporated, when he was alone with the iron grates and stone walls, and when the thought of the block, the axe and the sawdust rose in his mind During some time he regularly wrote a confession every forenoon when he was sober, and burned it every night when he was merry.14 His nonjuring friends formed a plan for bringing Sancroft to visit the Tower, in the hope, doubtless, that the exhortations of so great a prelate and so great a saint would confirm the wavering virtue of the prisoner.15 CHAPTER XVII Whether this plan would have been successful may be doubted; it was not carried into effect; the fatal hour drew near; and the fortitude of Preston gave way He confessed his guilt, and named Clarendon, Dartmouth, the Bishop of Ely and William Penn, as his accomplices He added a long list of persons against whom he could not himself give evidence, but who, if he could trust to Penn's assurances, were friendly to King James Among these persons were Devonshire and Dorset.16 There is not the slightest reason to believe that either of these great noblemen ever had any dealings, direct or indirect, with Saint Germains It is not, however, necessary to accuse Penn of deliberate falsehood He was credulous and garrulous The Lord Steward and the Lord Chamberlain had shared in the vexation with which their party had observed the leaning of William towards the Tories; and they had probably expressed that vexation unguardedly So weak a man as Penn, wishing to find Jacobites every where, and prone to believe whatever he wished, might easily put an erroneous construction on invectives such as the haughty and irritable Devonshire was but too ready to utter, and on sarcasms such as, in moments of spleen, dropped but too easily from the lips of the keenwitted Dorset Caermarthen, a Tory, and a Tory who had been mercilessly persecuted by the Whigs, was disposed to make the most of this idle hearsay But he received no encouragement from his master, who, of all the great politicians mentioned in history, was the least prone to suspicion When William returned to England, Preston was brought before him, and was commanded to repeat the confession which had already been made to the ministers The King stood behind the Lord President's chair and listened gravely while Clarendon, Dartmouth, Turner and Penn were named But as soon as the prisoner, passing from what he could himself testify, began to repeat the stories which Penn had told him, William touched Caermarthen on the shoulder and said, "My Lord, we have had too much of this."17 This judicious magnanimity had its proper reward Devonshire and Dorset became from that day more zealous than ever in the cause of the master who, in spite of calumny for which their own indiscretion had perhaps furnished some ground, had continued to repose confidence in their loyalty.18 Even those who were undoubtedly criminal were generally treated with great lenity Clarendon lay in the Tower about six months His guilt was fully established; and a party among the Whigs called loudly and importunately for his head But he was saved by the pathetic entreaties of his brother Rochester, by the good offices of the humane and generous Burnet, and by Mary's respect for the memory of her mother The prisoner's confinement was not strict He was allowed to entertain his friends at dinner When at length his health began to suffer from restraint, he was permitted to go into the country under the care of a warder; the warder was soon removed; and Clarendon was informed that, while he led a quiet rural life, he should not be molested.19 The treason of Dartmouth was of no common dye He was an English seaman; and he had laid a plan for betraying Portsmouth to the French, and had offered to take the command of a French squadron against his country It was a serious aggravation of his guilt that he had been one of the very first persons who took the oaths to William and Mary He was arrested and brought to the Council Chamber A narrative of what passed there, written by himself, has been preserved In that narrative he admits that he was treated with great courtesy and delicacy He vehemently asserted his innocence He declared that he had never corresponded with Saint Germains, that he was no favourite there, and that Mary of Modena in particular owed him a grudge "My Lords," he said, "I am an Englishman I always, when the interest of the House of Bourbon was strongest here, shunned the French, both men and women I would lose the last drop of my blood rather than see Portsmouth in the power of foreigners I am not such a fool as to think that King Lewis will conquer us merely for the benefit of King James I am certain that nothing can be truly imputed to me beyond some foolish talk over a bottle." His protestations seem to have produced some effect; for he was at first permitted to remain in the gentle custody of the Black Rod On further inquiry, however, it was determined to send him to the Tower After a confinement of a few weeks he died of apoplexy; but he lived long enough to complete his disgrace by offering his sword to the new government, and by expressing in fervent language his hope that he might, by the goodness of God and of Their Majesties, have an opportunity of showing how much he hated the French.20 Turner ran no serious risk; for the government was most unwilling to send to the scaffold one of the Seven CHAPTER XVII 10 who had signed the memorable petition A warrant was however issued for his apprehension; and his friends had little hope that he would escape; for his nose was such as none who had seen it could forget; and it was to little purpose that he put on a flowing wig and that he suffered his beard to grow The pursuit was probably not very hot; for, after skulking a few weeks in England, he succeeded in crossing the Channel, and remained some time in France.21 A warrant was issued against Penn; and he narrowly escaped the messengers It chanced that, on the day on which they were sent in search of him, he was attending a remarkable ceremony at some distance from his home An event had taken place which a historian, whose object is to record the real life of a nation, ought not to pass unnoticed While London was agitated by the news that a plot had been discovered, George Fox, the founder of the sect of Quakers, died More than forty years had elapsed since Fox had begun to see visions and to cast out devils.22 He was then a youth of pure morals and grave deportment, with a perverse temper, with the education of a labouring man, and with an intellect in the most unhappy of all states, that is to say, too much disordered for liberty, and not sufficiently disordered for Bedlam The circumstances in which he was placed were such as could scarcely fail to bring out in the strongest form the constitutional diseases of his mind At the time when his faculties were ripening, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Independents, Baptists, were striving for mastery, and were, in every corner of the realm, refuting and reviling each other He wandered from congregation to congregation; he heard priests harangue against Puritans; he heard Puritans harangue against priests; and he in vain applied for spiritual direction and consolation to doctors of both parties One jolly old clergyman of the Anglican communion told him to smoke tobacco and sing psalms; another advised him to go and lose some blood.23 The young inquirer turned in disgust from these advisers to the Dissenters, and found them also blind guides.24 After some time he came to the conclusion that no human being was competent to instruct him in divine things, and that the truth had been communicated to him by direct inspiration from heaven He argued that, as the division of languages began at Babel, and as the persecutors of Christ put on the cross an inscription in Latin, Greek and Hebrew, the knowledge of languages, and more especially of Latin, Greek and Hebrew, must be useless to a Christian minister.25 Indeed, he was so far from knowing many languages, that he knew none; nor can the most corrupt passage in Hebrew be more unintelligible to the unlearned than his English often is to the most acute and attentive reader.26 One of the precious truths which were divinely revealed to this new apostle was, that it was falsehood and adulation to use the second person plural instead of the second person singular Another was, that to talk of the month of March was to worship the bloodthirsty god Mars, and that to talk of Monday was to pay idolatrous homage to the moon To say Good morning or Good evening was highly reprehensible, for those phrases evidently imported that God had made bad days and bad nights.27 A Christian was bound to face death itself rather than touch his hat to the greatest of mankind When Fox was challenged to produce any Scriptural authority for this dogma, he cited the passage in which it is written that Shadrach, Meshech and Abednego were thrown into the fiery furnace with their hats on; and, if his own narrative may be trusted, the Chief Justice of England was altogether unable to answer this argument except by crying out, "Take him away, gaoler."28 Fox insisted much on the not less weighty argument that the Turks never show their bare heads to their superiors; and he asked, with great animation, whether those who bore the noble name of Christians ought not to surpass Turks in virtue.29 Bowing he strictly prohibited, and, indeed, seemed to consider it as the effect of Satanical influence; for, as he observed, the woman in the Gospel, while she had a spirit of infirmity, was bowed together, and ceased to bow as soon as Divine power had liberated her from the tyranny of the Evil One.30 His expositions of the sacred writings were of a very peculiar kind Passages, which had been, in the apprehension of all the readers of the Gospels during sixteen centuries, figurative, he construed literally Passages, which no human being before him had ever understood in any other than a literal sense, he construed figuratively Thus, from those rhetorical expressions in which the duty of patience under injuries is enjoined he deduced the doctrine that selfdefence against pirates and assassins is unlawful On the other hand, the plain commands to baptize with water, and to partake of bread and wine in commemoration of the redemption of mankind, he pronounced to be allegorical He long wandered from place to place, teaching this strange theology, shaking like an aspen leaf in his paroxysms of fanatical excitement, forcing his way into churches, which he nicknamed steeple houses Chapter of 331 FN 659 Ibid Bernardi's autobiography is not at all to be trusted FN 660 See his trial FN 661 Fisher's deposition; Knightley's deposition; Cranburne's trial; De la Rue's deposition FN 662 See the trials and depositions FN 663 L'Hermitage, March 3/13 FN 664 See Berwick's Memoirs FN 665 Van Cleverskirke, Feb 25/March 1696 I am confident that no sensible and impartial person, after attentively reading Berwick's narrative of these transactions and comparing it with the narrative in the Life of James (ii 544.) which is taken, word for word, from the Original Memoirs, can doubt that James was accessory to the design of assassination FN 666 L'Hermitage, March Feb 25/March FN 667 My account of these events is taken chiefly from the trials and depositions See also Burnet, ii 165, 166, 167, and Blackmore's True and Impartial History, compiled under the direction of Shrewsbury and Somers, and Boyer's History of King William III., 1703 FN 668 Portland to Lexington, March 3/13 1696; Van Cleverskirke, Feb 25/Mar L'Hermitage, same date FN 669 Commons' Journals, Feb 24 1695 FN 670 England's Enemies Exposed, 1701 FN 671 Commons' Journals, Feb 24 1695/6 FN 672 Ibid Feb 25 1695/6; Van Cleverskirke, Feb 28/March 9; L'Hermitage, of the same date FN 673 According to L'Hermitage, Feb 27/Mar 8,there were two of these fortunate hackney coachmen A shrewd and vigilant hackney coachman indeed was from the nature of his calling, very likely to be successful in this sort of chase The newspapers abound with proofs of the general enthusiasm FN 674 Postman March 1695/6 FN 675 Ibid Feb 29., March 2., March 12., March 14 1695/6 FN 676 Postman, March 12 1696; Vernon to Lexington, March 13; Van Cleverskirke, March 13/23 The proceedings are fully reported in the Collection of State Trials FN 677 Burnet, ii 171.; The Present Disposition of England considered; The answer entitled England's Enemies Exposed, 1701; L'Hermitage, March 17/27 1696 L'Hermitage says, "Charnock a fait des grandes instances pour avoir sa grace, et a offert de tout declarer: mais elle lui a este refusee." FN 678 L'Hermitage, March 17/27 FN 679 This most curious paper is among the Nairne MSS in the Bodleian Library A short, and not perfectly ingenuous abstract of it will be found in the Life of James, ii 555 Why Macpherson, who has printed many Chapter of 332 less interesting documents did not choose to print this document, it is easy to guess I will transcribe two or three important sentences "It may reasonably be presumed that what, in one juncture His Majesty had rejected he might in another accept, when his own and the public good necessarily required it For I could not understand it in such a manner as if he had given a general prohibition that at no time the Prince of Orange should be touched Nobody that believes His Majesty to be lawful King of England can doubt but that in virtue of his commission to levy war against the Prince of Orange and his adherents, the setting upon his person is justifiable, as well by the laws of the land duly interpreted and explained as by the law of God." FN 680 The trials of Friend and Parkyns will be found, excellently reported, among the State Trials FN 681 L'Hermitage, April 3/13 1696 FN 682 Commons' Journals, April 1, 1696; L'Hermitage, April 3/13 1696; Van Cleverskirke, of the same date FN 683 L'Hermitage, April 7/17 1696 The Declaration of the Bishops, Collier's Defence, and Further Defence, and a long legal argument for Cook and Snatt will be found in the Collection of State Trials FN 684 See the Manhunter, 1690 FN 685 State Trials FN 686 The best, indeed the only good, account of these debates is given by L'Hermitage, Feb 28/March 1696 He says, very truly; "La difference n'est qu'une dispute de mots, le droit qu'on a a une chose selon les loix estant aussy bon qu'il puisse estre." FN 687 See the London Gazettes during several weeks; L'Hermitage, March 24/April April 14/24 1696; Postman, April 25 30 FN 688 Journals of the Commons and Lords; L'Hermitage, April 7/17 10/20 1696 FN 689 See the Freeholder's Plea against Stockjobbing Elections of Parliament Men, and the Considerations upon Corrupt Elections of Members to serve in Parliament Both these pamphlets were published in 1701 FN 690 The history of this bill will be found in the Journals of the Commons, and in a very interesting despatch of L'Hermitage, April 14/24 1696 FN 691 The Act is & Will c 31 Its history maybe traced in the Journals FN 692 London Gazette, May 1696 FN 693 Ibid March 12 16 1696; Monthly Mercury for March, 1696 FN 694 The Act provided that the clipped money must be brought in before the fourth of May As the third was a Sunday, the second was practically the last day FN 695 L'Hermitage, May 5/15 1696; London Newsletter, May 4., May In the Newsletter the fourth of May is mentioned as "the day so much taken notice of for the universal concern people had in it." FN 696 London Newsletter, May 21 1696; Old Postmaster, June 25.; L'Hermitage, May 19/29 FN 697 Haynes's Brief Memoirs, Lansdowne MSS 801 Chapter of 333 FN 698 See the petition from Birmingham in the Commons' Journals, Nov 12 1696; and the petition from Leicester, Nov 21 FN 699 "Money exceeding scarce, so that none was paid or received; but all was on trust." Evelyn, May 13 And again, on June 11.: "Want of current money to carry on the smallest concerns, even for daily provisions in the markets." FN 700 L'Hermitage, May 22/June 1; See a Letter of Dryden to Tonson, which Malone, with great probability, supposes to have been written at this time FN 701 L'Hermitage to the States General May 8/18.; Paris Gazette, June 2/12.; Trial and Condemnation of the Land Bank at Exeter Change for murdering the Bank of England at Grocers' Hall, 1696 The Will and the Epitaph will be found in the Trial FN 702 L'Hermitage, June 12/22 1696 FN 703 On this subject see the Short History of the Last Parliament, 1699; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; the newspapers of 1696 passim, and the letters of L'Hermitage passim See also the petition of the Clothiers of Gloucester in the Commons' Journal, Nov 27 1696 Oldmixon, who had been himself a sufferer, writes on this subject with even more than his usual acrimony FN 704 See L'Hermitage, June 12/22, June 23/July, June 30/July 10, Aug 1/11 Aug 28/Sept 1696 The Postman of August 15 mentions the great benefit derived from the Exchequer Bills The Pegasus of Aug 24 says: "The Exchequer Bills more and more obtain with the public; and 'tis no wonder." The Pegasus of Aug 28 says: "They pass as money from hand to hand; 'tis observed that such as cry them down are ill affected to the government." "They are found by experience," says the Postman of the seventh of May following, "to be of extraordinary use to the merchants and traders of the City of London, and all other parts of the kingdom." I will give one specimen of the unmetrical and almost unintelligible doggrel which the Jacobite poets published on this subject:-"Pray, Sir, did you hear of the late proclamation, Of sending paper for payment quite thro' the nation? Yes, Sir, I have: they're your Montague's notes, Tinctured and coloured by your Parliament votes But 'tis plain on the people to be but a toast, They come by the carrier and go by the post." FN 705 Commons' Journals, Nov 25 1696 FN 706 L'Hermitage, June 2/12 1696; Commons' Journals, Nov 25.; Post-man, May 5., June 4., July FN 707 L'Hermitage, July.3/13 10/20 1696; Commons' Journals, Nov 25.; Paris Gazette, June 30., Aug 25.; Old Postmaster, July FN 708 William to Heinsius, July 30 1696; William to Shrewsbury, July 23 30 31 FN 709 Shrewsbury to William, July 28 31., Aug 1696; L'Hermitage, Aug 1/11 FN 710 Shrewsbury to William, Aug 1696; L'Hermitage, Aug 14/24.; London Gazette, Aug 13 FN 711 L'Hermitage, Aug.18/28 1696 Among the records of the Bank is a resolution of the Directors prescribing the very words which Sir John Houblon was to use William's sense of the service done by the Bank on this occasion is expressed in his letter to Shrewsbury, of Aug 24/Sept One of the Directors, in a letter concerning the Bank, printed in 1697, says: "The Directors could not have answered it to their members, had it been for any less occasion than the preservation of the kingdom." Chapter of 334 FN 712 Haynes's Brief Memoires; Lansdowne MSS 801 Montague's friendly letter to Newton, announcing the appointment, has been repeatedly printed It bears date March 19 1695/6 FN 713 I have very great pleasure in quoting the words of Haynes, an able, experienced and practical man, who had been in the habit of transacting business with Newton They have never I believe, been printed "Mr Isaac Newton, public Professor of the Mathematicks in Cambridge, the greatest philosopher, and one of the best men of this age, was, by a great and wise statesman, recommended to the favour of the late King for Warden of the King's Mint and Exchanges, for which he was peculiarly qualified, because of his extraordinary skill in numbers, and his great integrity, by the first of which he could judge correctly of the Mint accounts and transactions as soon as he entered upon his office; and by the latter I mean his integrity he set a standard to the conduct and behaviour of every officer and clerk in the Mint Well had it been for the publick, had he acted a few years sooner in that situation." It is interesting to compare this testimony, borne by a man who thoroughly understood the business of the Mint, with the childish talk of Pope "Sir Isaac Newton," said Pope, "though so deep in algebra and fluxions, could not readily make up a common account; and, whilst he was Master of the Mint, used to get somebody to make up the accounts for him." Some of the statesmen with whom Pope lived might have told him that it is not always from ignorance of arithmetic that persons at the head of great departments leave to clerks the business of casting up pounds, shillings and pence FN 714 "I not love," he wrote to Flamsteed, "to be printed on every occasion, much less to be dunned and teased by foreigners about mathematical things, or to be thought by our own people to be trifling away my time about them, when I am about the King's business." FN 715 Hopton Haynes's Brief Memoires; Lansdowne MSS 801.; the Old Postmaster, July 1696; the Postman May 30., July , September 12 19., October 8,; L'Hermitage's despatches of this summer and autumn, passim FN 716 Paris Gazette, Aug 11 1696 FN 717 On the 7th of August L'Hermitage remarked for the first time that money seemed to be more abundant FN 718 Compare Edmund Bohn's Letter to Carey of the 31st of July 1696 with the Paris Gazette of the same date Bohn's description of the state of Norfolk is coloured, no doubt, by his constitutionally gloomy temper, and by the feeling with which he, not unnaturally, regarded the House of Commons His statistics are not to be trusted; and his predictions were signally falsified But he may be believed as to plain facts which happened in his immediate neighbourhood FN 719 As to Grascombe's character, and the opinion entertained of him by the most estimable Jacobites, see the Life of Kettlewell, part iii., section 55 Lee the compiler of the Life of Kettlewell mentions with just censure some of Grascombe's writings, but makes no allusion to the worst of them, the Account of the Proceedings in the House of Commons in relation to the Recoining of the Clipped Money, and falling the price of Guineas That Grascombe was the author, was proved before a Committee of the House of Commons See the Journals, Nov 3o 1696 FN 720 L'Hermitage, June 12/22., July 7/17 1696 FN 721 See the Answer to Grascombe, entitled Reflections on a Scandalous Libel FN 722 Paris Gazette, Sept 15 1696, FN 723 L'Hermitage, Oct 2/12 1696 Chapter of 335 FN 724 L'Hermitage, July 20/30., Oct 2/12 9/10 1696 FN 725 The Monthly Mercuries; Correspondence between Shrewsbury and Galway; William to Heinsius, July 23 30 1696; Memoir of the Marquess of Leganes FN 726 William to Heinsius, Aug 27/Sept 6, Nov 15/25 Nov 17/27 1696; Prior to Lexington, Nov 17/27; Villiers to Shrewsbury, Nov 13/23 FN 727 My account of the attempt to corrupt Porter is taken from his examination before the House of Commons on Nov 16 1696, and from the following sources: Burnet, ii 183.; L'Hermitage to the States General, May 8/18 12/22 1696; the Postboy, May 9.; the Postman, May 9.; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; London Gazette, Oct 19 1696 FN 728 London Gazette; Narcissus Luttrell; L'Hermitage, June 12/22; Postman, June 11 FN 729 Life of William III 1703; Vernon's evidence given in his place in the House of Commons, Nov 16 1696 FN 730 William to Shrewsbury from Loo, Sept 10 1696 FN 731 Shrewsbury to William, Sept 18 1696 FN 732 William to Shrewsbury, Sept 25 1696 FN 733 London Gazette, Oct 1696; Vernon to Shrewsbury, October Shrewsbury to Portland, Oct 11 FN 734 Vernon to Shrewsbury, Oct 13 1696; Somers to Shrewsbury, Oct 15 FN 735 William to Shrewsbury, Oct 1696 FN 736 Shrewsbury to William, Oct 11 1696 FN 737 Somers to Shrewsbury, Oct 19 1696 FN 738 William to Shrewsbury, Oct 20 1696 FN 739 Vernon to Shrewsbury, Oct 13 15.; Portland to Shrewsbury, Oct, 20, 1696 FN 740 L'Hermitage, July 10/20 1696 FN 741 Lansdowne MS 801 FN 742 I take my account of these proceedings from the Commons' Journals, from the despatches of Van Cleverskirke and L'Hermitage to the States General, and from Vernon's letter to Shrewsbury of the 27th of October 1696 "I don't know," says Vernon "that the House of Commons ever acted with greater concert than they at present." FN 743 Vernon to Shrewsbury, Oct 29 1696; L'Hermitage, Oct 30/Nov L'Hermitage calls Howe Jaques Haut No doubt the Frenchman had always heard Howe spoken of as Jack FN 744 Postman, October 24 1696; L'Hermitage, Oct 23/Nov L'Hermitage says: "On commence deja a ressentir des effets avantageux des promptes et favorables resolutions que la Chambre des Communes prit Chapter of 336 Mardy Le discomte des billets de banque, qui estoit le jour auparavant a 18, est revenu a douze, et les actions ont aussy augmente, aussy bien que les taillis." FN 745 William to Heinsius, Nov 13/23 1696 FN 746 Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick, 1707; Villiers to Shrewsbury Dec 1.11 4/14 1696; Letter of Heinsius quoted by M Sirtema de Grovestins Of this letter I have not a copy FN 747 Vernon to Shrewsbury, Dec 1696 FN 748 Wharton to Shrewsbury, Oct 27 1696 FN 749 Somers to Shrewsbury, Oct 27 31 1696; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Oct 31.; Wharton to Shrewsbury, Nov 10 "I am apt to think," says Wharton, "there never was more management than in bringing that about." FN 750 See for example a poem on the last Treasury day at Kensington, March 1696/7 FN 751 Somers to Shrewsbury, Oct 31 1696; Wharton to Shrewsbury, of the same date FN 752 Somers to Shrewsbury, Nov 1696 The King's unwillingness to see Fenwick is mentioned in Somers's letter of the 15th of October FN 753 Vernon to Shrewsbury, Nov 1696 FN 754 The circumstances of Goodman's flight were ascertained three years later by the Earl of Manchester, when Ambassador at Paris, and by him communicated to Jersey in a letter dated Sept 25/Oct 1699 FN 755 London Gazette Nov 1696; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Nov 3.; Van Cleverskirke and L'Hermitage of the same date FN 756 The account of the events of this day I have taken from the Commons' Journals; the valuable work entitled Proceedings in Parliament against Sir John Fenwick, Bart upon a Bill of Attainder for High Treason, 1696; Vernon's Letter to Shrewsbury, November 1696, and Somers's Letter to Shrewsbury, November From both these letters it is plain that the Whig leaders had much difficulty in obtaining the absolution of Godolphin FN 757 Commons' Journals, Nov 1696 - Vernon to Shrewsbury, Nov 10 The editor of the State Trials is mistaken in supposing that the quotation from Caesar's speech was made in the debate of the 13th FN 758 Commons' Journals, Nov 13 16, 17.; Proceedings against Sir John Fenwick FN 759 A Letter to a Friend in Vindication of the Proceedings against Sir John Fenwick, 1697 FN 760 This incident is mentioned by L'Hermitage FN 761 L'Hermitage tells us that such things took place in these debates FN 762 See the Lords' Journals, Nov 14., Nov 30., Dec 1696 FN 763 Wharton to Shrewsbury, Dec 1696; L'Hermitage, of same date FN 764 L'Hermitage, Dec 4/14 1696; Wharton to Shrewsbury, Dec Chapter of 337 FN 765 Lords' Journals Dec 1696; L'Hermitage, of the same date FN 766 L'Hermitage, Dec 15/25 18/28 1696 FN 767 Ibid Dec 18/28 1696 FN 768 Lords' Journals, Dec 15 1696; L'Hermitage, Dec.18/28; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Dec 15 About the numbers there is a slight difference between Vernon and L'Hermitage I have followed Vernon FN 769 Lords' Journals, Dec 18 1696; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Dec 19.; L'Hermitage, Dec 22/Jan I take the numbers from Vernon FN 770 Lords' Journals, Dec 25 1696; L'Hermitage, Dec 26/Jan In the Vernon Correspondence there is a letter from Vernon to Shrewsbury giving an account of the transactions of this day; but it is erroneously dated Dec 2., and is placed according to that date This is not the only blunder of the kind A letter from Vernon to Shrewsbury, evidently written on the 7th of November 1696, is dated and placed as a letter of the 7th of January 1697 A letter of June 14 1700 is dated and placed as a letter of June 15 1698 The Vernon Correspondence is of great value; but it is so ill edited that it cannot be safely used without much caution, and constant reference to other authorities FN 771 Lords' Journals, Dec 23 1696; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Dec 24; L'Hermitage, Dec 25/Jan FN 772 Vernon to Shrewsbury, Dec, 24 1696 FN 773 Dohna, who knew Monmouth well, describes him thus: "Il avoit de l'esprit infiniment, et meme du plus agreable; mais il y avoir un peu trop de haut et de bas dans son fait Il ne savoit ce que c'etoit que de menager les gens; et il turlupinoit a l'outrance ceux qui ne lui plaisoient pas." FN 774 L'Hermitage, Jan 12/22 1697 FN 775 Lords' Journals, Jan 1696/7; Vernon to Shrewsbury, of the same date; L'Hermitage, Jan 12/22 FN 776 Lords' Journals, Jan 15 1691; Vernon to Shrewsbury, of the same date; L'Hermitage, of the same date FN 777 Postman, Dec 29 31 1696 FN 778 L'Hermitage, Jan 12/22 1697 FN 779 Van Cleverskirke, Jan 12/22 1697; L'Hermitage, Jan 15/25 FN 780 L'Hermitage, Jan 15/25 1697 FN 781 Lords' Journals, Jan 22 26 1696/7; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Jan 26 FN 782 Commons' Journals, Jan 27 169 The entry in the journals, which might easily escape notice, is explained by a letter of L'Hermitage, written Jan 29/Feb FN 783 L'Hermitage, Jan 29/Feb 8; 1697; London Gazette, Feb 1.; Paris Gazette; Vernon to Shrewsbury; Jan 28.; Burnet, ii 193 FN 784 Commons' Journals, December 19 1696; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Nov 28 1696 Chapter of 338 FN 785 Lords' Journals, Jan 23 1696/7; Vernon to Shrewsbury, Jan 23.; L'Hermitage, Jan 26/Feb FN 786 Commons' Journals, Jan 26 1696/7; Vernon to Shrewsbury and Van Cleverskirke to the States General of the same date It is curious that the King and the Lords should have made so strenuous a fight against the Commons in defence of one of the five points of the Peoples Charter FN 787 Commons' Journals, April 1697; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary; L'Hermitage, April 2/12 As L'Hermitage says, "La plupart des membres, lorsqu'ils sont a la campagne, estant bien aises d'estre informez par plus d'un endroit de ce qui se passe, et s'imaginant que la Gazette qui se fait sous la direction d'un des Secretaires d'Etat, ne contiendroit pas autant de choses que fait celle-cy, ne sont pas fichez que d'autres les instruisent." The numbers on the division I take from L'Hermitage They are not to be found in the Journals But the Journals were not then so accurately kept as at present FN 788 Narcissus Luttrell's Diary, June 1691, May 1693 FN 789 Commons' Journals, Dec 30 1696; Postman, July 1696 FN 790 Postman April 22 1696; Narcissus Luttrell's Diary FN 791 London Gazette, April 26 29 1697, FN 792 London Gazette, April 29 1697; L'Hermitage, April 23/May FN 793 London Gazette, April 26 29 1697 L'Hermitage, April 23/May FN 794 What the opinion of the public was we learn from a letter written by L'Hermitage immediately after Godolphin's resignation, Nov 3/13 1696, "Le public tourne plus la veue sur le Sieur Montegu, qui a la seconde charge de la Tresorerie que sur aucun autre." The strange silence of the London Gazette is explained by a letter of Vernon to Shrewsbury, dated May 1697 FN 795 London Gazette, April 22 26: 1697 FN 796 Postman, Jan 26; Mar 11 1696/7; April 1697 FN 797 Ibid Oct 29 1696 FN 798 Howell's State Trials; Postman, Jan 9/19 1696/7 FN 799 See the Protocol of February 10 1697, in the Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick, 1707 FN 800 William to Heinsius, Dec 11/21 1696 There are similar expressions in other letters written by the King about the same time FN 801 See the papers drawn up at Vienna, and dated Sept 16 1696, and March 14 1697 See also the protocol drawn up at the Hague, March 14 1697 These documents will be found in the Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick, 1707 FN 802 Characters of all the three French ministers are given by Saint Simon FN 803 Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick Chapter of 339 FN 804 An engraving and ground plan of the mansion will be found in the Actes et Memoires FN 805 Whoever wishes to be fully informed as to the idle controversies and mummeries in which the Congress wasted its time, may consult the Actes et Memoires FN 806 Saint Simon was certainly as good a judge of men as any of those English grumblers who called Portland a dunce and a boor; Saint Simon too had every opportunity of forming a correct judgment; for he saw Portland in a situation full of difficulties; and Saint Simon says, in one place, "Benting, discret, secret, poli aux autres, fidele a son maitre, adroit en affaires, le servit tres utilement;" in another, "Portland parut avec un eclat personnel, une politesse, un air de monde et de cour, une galanterie et des graces qui surprirent; avec cela, beaucoup de dignite, meme (le hauteur, mais avec discernement et un jugement prompt sans rien de hasarde." Boufflers too extols Portland's good breeding and tact Boufflers to Lewis, July 1697 This letter is in the archives of the French Foreign Office A translation will be found in the valuable collection published by M Grimblot FN 807 Boufflers to Lewis, June 21/July 1697; Lewis to Boufflers, June 22/July 2; Boufflers to Lewis, June 25/July FN 808 Boufflers to Lewis June 28/July 8, June 29/July 1697 FN 809 My account of this negotiation I have taken chiefly from the despatches in the French Foreign Office Translations of those despatches have been published by M Grimblot See also Burnet, ii 200, 201 It has been frequently asserted that William promised to pay Mary of Modena fifty thousand pounds a year Whoever takes the trouble to read the Protocol of Sept 10/20 1697, among the Acts of the Peace of Ryswick, will see that my account is correct Prior evidently understood the protocol as I understand it For he says, in a letter to Lexington of Sept 17 1697, "No is the thing to which the King consents as to Queen Marie's settlements It is fairly giving her what the law allows her The mediator is to dictate this paper to the French, and enter it into his protocol; and so I think we shall come off a bon marche upon that article." It was rumoured at the time (see Boyer's History of King William III 1703) that Portland and Boufflers had agreed on a secret article by which it was stipulated that, after the death of William, the Prince of Wales should succeed to the English throne This fable has often been repeated, but was never believed by men of sense, and can hardly, since the publication of the letters which passed between Lewis and Boufflers, find credit even with the weakest Dalrymple and other writers imagined that they had found in the Life of James (ii 574, 575.) proof that the story of the secret article was true The passage on which they relied was certainly not written by James, nor under his direction; and the authority of those portions of the Life which were not written by him, or under his direction, is but small Moreover, when we examine this passage, we shall find that it not only does not bear out the story of the secret article, but directly contradicts that story The compiler of the Life tells us that, after James had declared that he never would consent to purchase the English throne for his posterity by surrendering his own rights, nothing more was said on the subject Now it is quite certain that James in his Memorial published in March 1697, a Memorial which will be found both in the Life (ii 566,) and in the Acts of the Peace of Ryswick, declared to all Europe that he never would stoop to so low and degenerate an action as to permit the Prince of Orange to reign on condition that the Prince of Wales should succeed It follows, therefore, that nothing can have been said on this subject after March 1697 Nothing therefore, can have been said on this subject in the conferences between Boufflers and Portland, which did not begin till late in June Was there then absolutely no foundation for the story? I believe that there was a foundation; and I have already related the facts on which this superstructure of fiction has been reared It is quite certain that Lewis, in 1693, intimated to the allies through the government of Sweden, his hope that some expedient might be devised which would reconcile the Princes who laid claim to the English crown The expedient at which be Chapter of 340 hinted was, no doubt, that the Prince of Wales should succeed William and Mary It is possible that, as the compiler of the Life of James says, William may have "show'd no great aversness" to this arrangement He had no reason, public or private, for preferring his sister in law to his brother in law, if his brother in law were bred a Protestant But William could nothing without the concurrence of the Parliament; and it is in the highest degree improbable that either he or the Parliament would ever have consented to make the settlement of the English crown a matter of stipulation with France What he would or would not have done, however, we cannot with certainty pronounce For James proved impracticable Lewis consequently gave up all thoughts of effecting a compromise and promised, as we have seen, to recognise William as King of England "without any difficulty, restriction, condition, or reserve." It seems certain that, after this promise, which was made in December 1696, the Prince of Wales was not again mentioned in the negotiations FN 810 Prior MS.; Williamson to Lexington, July 20/30 1697; Williamson to Shrewsbury, July 23/Aug FN 811 The note of the French ministers, dated July 10/20 1697, will be found in the Actes et Memoires FN 812 Monthly Mercuries for August and September, 1697 FN 813 Life of James, ii: 565 FN 814 Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick; Life of James, ii 566 FN 815 James's Protest will be found in his Life, ii 572 FN 816 Actes et Memoires des Negociations de la Paix de Ryswick; Williamson to Lexington, Sept 14/24 1697; Prior MS FN 817 Prior MS FN 818 L'Hermitage, July 20/30; July 27/Aug 6, Aug 24/Sept 3, Aug 27/Sept Aug 31/Sept 10 1697 Postman, Aug 31 FN 819 Van Cleverskirke to the States General, Sept 14/24 1697; L'Hermitage, Sept 14/24; Postscript to the Postman, of the same date; Postman and Postboy of Sept 19/29 Postman of Sept 18/28 FN 820 L'Hermitage, Sept 17/27, Sept 25/Oct 1697 Oct 19/29; Postman, Nov 20 FN 821 L'Hermitage, Sept 21/Oct Nov 2/12 1697; Paris Gazette, Nov 20/30; Postboy, Nov At this time appeared a pasquinade entitled, A Satyr upon the French King, written after the Peace was concluded at Reswick, anno 1697, by a Non-Swearing Parson, and said to be drop'd out of his Pocket at Sam's Coffee House I quote a few of the most decent couplets "Lord! with what monstrous lies and senseless shams Have we been cullied all along at Sam's! Who could have e'er believed, unless in spite Lewis le Grand would turn rank Williamite? Thou that hast look'd so fierce and talk'd so big, In thine old age to dwindle to a Whig! Of Kings distress'd thou art a fine securer Thou mak'st me swear, that am a known nonjuror Were Job alive, and banter'd by such shufflers, He'd outrail Oates, and curse both thee and Boufflers For thee I've lost, if I can rightly scan 'em, Two livings, worth full eightscore pounds per annum, Bonae et legalis Angliae Monetae But now I'm clearly routed by the treaty." FN 822 London Gazettes; Postboy of Nov 18 1697; L'Hermitage, Nov 5/15 FN 823 London Gazette, Nov 18 22 1697; Van Cleverskirke Nov 16/26, 19/29.; L'Hermitage, Nov 16/26; Postboy and Postman, Nov 18 William to Heinsius, Nov 16/26 Information about Project Gutenberg 341 FN 824 Evelyn's Diary, Dec, 1697 The sermon is extant; and I must acknowledge that it deserves Evelyn's censure FN 825 London Gazette, Dec 1697; Postman, Dec 4.; Van Cleverskirke, Dec 2/12; L'Hermitage, Nov 19/29 End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of England from the Accession of James II, Vol 4, by Thomas Babington Macaulay *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND *** This file should be named 4hoej11.txt or 4hoej11.zip Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, 4hoej11.txt VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, 4hoej10a.txt E-Text created by Martin Adamson martin@grassmarket.freeserve.co.uk Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US unless a copyright notice is included Thus, we usually not keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition We are now trying to release all our eBooks one year in advance of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing Please be encouraged to tell us about any error or corrections, even years after the official publication date Please note neither this listing nor its contents are final til midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement The official release date of all Project Gutenberg eBooks is at Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month A preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment and editing by those who wish to so Most people start at our Web sites at: http://gutenberg.net or http://promo.net/pg These Web sites include award-winning information about Project Gutenberg, including how to donate, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter (free!) 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FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS*Ver.02/11/02*END* The History of England from the Accession of James II, vol from http://mc.clintock.com/gutenberg/ ... into the water at Oldbridge and another to cross the bridge of Slane If the constitution gave him the command of the forces of the State, the constitution gave him also the direction of the foreign... Senate House of their country, they saw the statue of their conqueror If they entered, they saw the walls tapestried with the defeats of their fathers At length, after a hundred years of servitude,... twenty leagues off, abandoned the open sea, and retired into the depths of the harbour of Brest The appearance of an English squadron in the estuary of the Shannon had decided the fate of the last