Handbook of Organizational Behavior_2 ppt

16 Entrepreneurial Phenomena in a Cross-National Context Urs E. Gattiker Aal6org University, Aalborg, Denmark John Parm Ulhsi The Aarhus School of Business, Aarhus, Denmark 1. Introduction International trade is thriving, and the demand for job creation through the founding of new firms is increasing and becoming a political hot topic. A response by researchers to these devel- opments has resulted in a rise in cross-national studies assessing and comparing attitudes toward technology and how these attitudes relate to the effective use of technology (e.g., Gattiker and Nelligan, 1988; Earley and Stubblebine, 1989). Also, how cross-national differences and similar- ities in management systems may influence the possible success of high-technology start-ups has been investigated (e.g., Goslin et al., 1993). Others have appraised and compared the efforts of countries to keep their workers abreast of new technology-related developments, thereby assuring that workers' skill levels match the requirements of the workplace caused by innovation (e.g., Muszynski and Wolfe, 1989). The literature has primarily focused on these issues in large tirms. For instance, Adler (1998) proposed that having a less rigid bureaucracy and using control as a tool of enablement instead of coercion will help larger firms to remain innovative. Zahra and Garvis (1 998) reported that large U.S. firms exhibiting international corporate entrepreneur- ship show better performance than other large firms do. Some studies have addressed how structural changes in an economy, through mergers and plant closures (e.g., Baldwin and Gorecki, 1990) and the formation of new companies (e.g., Birley and McMillan, 1992), tend to influence national employment levels as well as economic growth. Much of the research investigating the formation of new companies has concentrated on the personal characteristics of entrepreneurs (e.g., see Brockhaus, 1982, for an extensive review of this literature), asking what makes them different from other people. In contrast to this traits approach, the ecological approach (often called the rates approach) focuses on how social, economic, and political conditions may influence variations in the number of foundings The authors would like to thank Woody Clark and Robert Golembiewski for their insightful comments made on an earlier draft of this chapter as well as H. Shawyer for her editorial assistance. The usual disclaimers apply. 389 390 Gattiker and Ulhai over time (Aldrich and Wiedemayer. 1990; Hannon and Freeman, 1977). Such studies investi- gate firm foundings based on the operation of four processes: variation. selection. retention, and diffusion. There is an extensive literature on how variation, retention, and diffusion promote or hinder organizational genesis (e.g., Mitchell, 1989; Singh et al., 1986; Wiewel and Hunter, 1985). This chapter is based on the assumption that all economic activity is embedded in social relations and that social relations can play an important role in influencing the establishment of business relations and the running of a business (Granovetter. 1985). Embeddedness means that between most actors there are two or more types of ties; in addition to, for instance, advice relations, there may be other types of social exchanges or bonds between actors. Several ties between two or more actors mean that the relationship is dynamic and multiplex. The exchange of information is subject to social norms, rules, structures, and so on that are influenced by various other ties within the social network of the individual. Without an appropriate theoretical framework,:k researchers encounter great difficulty in understanding why one country’s small and medium-sized enterprises may have the necessary skills to succeed while another country’s may not. Moreover, interpreting how social networks may affect a new venture’s profitability and growth is also difficult. This chapter attempts to inject some order into the cross-nationaJ debate and how cross-national concerns may affect skills as well as entrepreneurial activity and innovation. In Section I1 the authors selectively review and evaluate the current status of research dealing with cross-national issues relating to firms, and develop a new framework integrating cross-cultural psychological, anthropological, and sociological thought. Section TI1 sketches out how skills, innovation. and entrepreneurship may help in further explaining the founding of new businesses. Section IV discusses what is important for success in the entrepreneurial process, focusing on social networks. Finally, Sec- tion V outlines conclusions and implications for decision makers as well as the most promising directions for future research. II. Cross-National Issues Existing cross-national comparisons indicate numerous differences in the detinition of work (England and Harpaz, 1990), in self-rating of performance compared with supervisory ratings by Taiwanese and U.S. workers (Farh et al., 1991 ), and in organizational cornmitment levels in Japan and the United States (e.g., Luthans et al., 1985; Near, 1989) as well as between the United States and Canada (Cohen and Gattiker, 1992). How managerial hierarchies may differ between U.S. and European high-technology start-ups has also been investigated (e.g Goslin et al., 1993). In addition, conceptual models concerning how cross-national issues affect technol- ogy transfer (e.g., Kedia and Bhagat. 1988) and training effectiveness (e.g., Black and Menden- hall, 1990) have been offered. Although such research and theoretical work provides important insight into these issues. it often fails to explain or account for the behavioral differences between groups of employees. In part, this difficulty is perpetuated by the concept of culture, which can be defined in various ways. Even if the researcher were to choose a well-elaborated concept of culture, its successful application in the field would be constrained by the scarcity of financing. time. and human resources. (Compare Adler, 1982.) Moreover. differences in human and social perceptions and interpretations would make the interpretation of findings difficult (e.g., Baghat and McQuaid, * The term .fi-nnzc.~.ork is used interchangeably with the term r~oclel throughout this chapter. Entrepreneurial Phenomena 391 1982). In this section, a framework that integrates cultural contributions from the fields of organi- zational behavior, psychology. anthropology, and sociology is developed. The objective is to develop a model for cross-national research that takes into consideration budgetary and time constraints. This model allows for a thorough understanding of the differences and similarities reported between samples. A. The Meaning of Culture Any society may be thought of as having a variety of cultural “themes,” rather than being a single and homogenous culture. These themes are composed of various interpretations and heterodoxies of the core culture-in addition to any incursions-that may have developed around the core, as by ethnic groups. Cultural diversity in countries has been increasing due to the globalization of business via, for example, subsidiaries in foreign countries and a more variegated workforce due to the entry of guest workers. immigrants, and refugees. Cross-national studies about individual and organizational phenomena are concerned with the systematic study of the behavior and experience of organizational participants in different cultures. A brief discus- sion of the most pertinent cultural issues is given below. For an extensive review, see also Triandis (1 977). Anthrupology. Most anthropological studies typically contain one or more of the following crdtural cleriwtiws: symbols (including language, architecture, and artifacts), myth, ideational systems (including ideology and values), and ritual (including traditions). While anthropologists and sociologists continue to debate the correct usages and meanings of these concepts, most studies treat them only as motivational factors for individuals and groups (Silverman, 1970). Another important dimension of cross-cultural research has been cultural stability, about which the common view is that less stability encourages cultural diversity and change. Goldstone (1987) suggested that cultural diversity favors innovation. In con- trast. enforcement of a state of orthodoxy, which perpetuates old models, is likely to result in society’s hostility toward innovation and risk taking. A tolerance of pluralism therefore enhances openness toward these two elements. For organiza- tions, this means that cultural instability encourages innovation and adaptation, while orthodoxy reduces tolerance for new ideas and therefore hinders innovation (Perry and Sandholtz, 1988). Sociology and organization theory. Much of organization theory using a sociological framework has paved the way for the “culture-free hypothesis.’’ (See Hickson et al., 1974; Hickson and McMillan, 1981 .) This hypothesis suggests that cultural dif- ferences-or contextual variables-may have little if any effect on such organi- zational structure variables as size, specialization. and formalization (e.g., Miller, 1987). As Meyer and Scott (1983. p. 14) emphasized, however, the role of institu- tional environments, defined as “including the rules and belief systems as well as the relational networks that arise in the broader societal context,” will influence organizational structure and behavior. For instance, Maurice et al. (1980) show that organizational processes develop within an institutional logic that is unique to a society. While structure, specialization, and technology may appear similar across countries, their interpretation and application may therefore differ according to the national context (e.g., Hofstede, 1984). Research indicates that concern about trans- ferability of concepts, models, theories, and frameworks across national boundaries is growing (e.g., Hofstede, 1984; Katz et al., 1999). Cross-national studies on techno- 392 Gattiker and UlhDi logical issues allow for the transcending of limits in one society while establishing the generalizability (or the limitations) of a theory and/or model (Kohn. 1989). Re- searchers try to use inductive logic to understand the similarities and dissimilarities between populations in order to explain different results (Bhaghat and McQuaid, 1982). Ps~clzology. Like sociologists. psychologists have recently questioned the ability of theo- ries and concepts to enable researchers to generalize beyond one context. whether tirln or country. Specifically, most organizational theories and research have origi- nated in North America (i.e., the United States and to a very small extent, Canada). In consequence. cultural issues tend to be addressed primarily from a North Ameri- can point of view, and for better or worse, the approaches propagated there predomi- nate (e.g Moghaddam, 1987). As a result, Europeans who have tried to move to- ward a European social psychology have rejected this North American dominance. This separale development is partly due to European social psychology's greater ernphasis on cooperation and conflict, conformity, philosophy of science. political underpinnings of science. criticisms of science, and racial and ethnic issues (Fisc11 and Daniel. 1982). A dominant North American framework, especially in cross-cultural psychology and man- agement, is that proposed by Triandis and Vassiliou ( 1972). These authors posed the distinction between srhjectilye and objective czrltrwe. and, although researchers have made considerable efforts in applying these concepts in various studies (e.g Pepitone and Triandis. 1987), wide applicability has been difficult. Subjective cul- ture is defined as a group's characteristic way of perceiving its social environment. For example, office workers could differ in their attitudes toward computers based on demographic characteristics such as gender (e.g., Gattiker et al., 1988). Objective culture could be detined as a country's ecology and infrastructure. Accordingly, Canada's Nunavut (Inuit for "our land," which became a territory in April 1999) which covers a fifth of the country's land mass and contains about 23,000 inhabit- ants, does not offer visitors cities with street vendors or cafes due to its climate and low population density. Due to weather conditions in spring (thawing of ice) and fall (freezing). roads through rivers may not be passable. Triandis ( 1977, p. 134) suggested several sets of variables that should help in classifying subjective culture. (See Table l.) A slhjectiw crrlture study can be classified into five groups of variables, and as Table I outlines, objective cra1tlu-e can be measured using two groups of variables. Table 1 Classifying Cultural Variables: Objective and Subjective Culture Subjective culture work) 1. Subsisterice system (methods of exploitation of the ecology to survive; e.g., industrial 2. C~lltuml system (human-made environment) 3. Social system (patterns of interaction; e.g roles) LC. Inter-indivitirtnl system (e.g social behaviors) 5. lmii~idud systenz (e.g perceptions. attitudes, and beliefs) 1. Ecology (e.g , the physical environment. resources, geography, climate, fauna, and Bora) 2. Objective portion of he cl~11u1-d system or irlf,.ustr-ltctut-e (e.g roads, tools, and factories) Objective culture Source: Adapted from Triandls (1977. p 144). Entrepreneurial Phenomena 393 Often cultural moderators are used to interpret findings, such as data from studies assessing attitudes, about the subjective culture-for example, the political system and market (Farh et al., 1991) or formal and/or legal/political support structures for worker participation in firms (Heller et al., 1988, p. 224). Unfortunately, what Triandis calls objective culture is not directly measurable, so its relationship and possible moderating effect on subjective culture cannot be assessed (e.g., formal and/or legal structures for worker participation and their effects upon satisfaction) (Heller et al., 1988, Chap. 5). The reader can thus either accept the interpretation given by the authors or use his or her own. In either case, a comprehensive understanding of “why” and “how” these differences occurred is not possible. This problem is not only prevalent for researchers. Many students attending college away from home write papers dealing with managerial and organizational issues based primarily on U.S grounded models and studies. North American ethnocentrism (i.e., the tendency by scholars to overlook the applicability of their concepts and theories beyond their own country and/or culture) will thus extend into the training of future managers from those learning about manage- rial and organizational issues through North American “tinted glasses.” B. Defining Culture: An Interdisciplinary Approach In summary, the current and widely utilized frameworks for studying cross-national issues tend to operationalize culture by either 1) determining its degrees of stability and orthodoxy or 2) using a temporal continuum to assess subjective culture. In the context ofthis chapter, the authors assume that culture represents both a stability-seeking force and alz individllal/erzvironnzerztul or dynamic dinzension (objective/subjective continuum, using Triandis’s terminology). As Figure 1 reflects 1. The x axis (horizontal) is a continuum that ranges from the micro focus (i.e., the individual) to the macro perspective (i.e., the environment) of a culture. 2. The y axis (vertical) represents the level of stability of the culture ranging from low stability [e.g., approximate subjective (opinions)] to high stability [e.g., innate subjec- tive (cognitive style)]. The left rectangle represents the individual dimension of Figure 1, hence its location is to the left (x axis = micro focus), and the stability of these factors decreases from heredity down to opinions (y axis). For instance. public opinion polls show that the electorate changes support for a government rapidly and frequently, depending upon the latter’s most recent decision. In contrast, people’s beliefs are relatively stable and resistant to change (e.g Rokeach, 1980). This example shows that when we try to comprehend culture from a micro perspective, we must accept that an individual’s opinions are less stable than his or her beliefs. Moreover, while we can generally measure genetic factors such as eyesight and reproductive behavior without any major problem, it is far more difficult to assess opinions comprehensively. It follows that while opinions are upproximute. heredity and genetic factors are innate or givedstable. Changes occur as a result of genetic mutations over generations (Plomin and Neiderhiser. 1992), while a per- son’s political opinions may shift due to the president’s last speech on national TV. The right rectangle in Figure 1 graphically illustrates the environment. At the top of the vertical angle is the natural environment, and at the bottom, the human-made one. Similarly, while the natural parts of the environment, such as topography and climate, are stable over generations and centuries until the next natural disaster, population density and infrastructure, including roads and cities, are continuously changing as the result of human actions and policies. - Heredity and genetics - Cognitive style and abilities - Beliefs - Values - Attitudes - Opinions A C MODERATORS - Myths - Symbols - Rituals - Norms - Ideational systems C ‘L B Gattiker and Ulh0i - Topography - Climate - Population density - Infrastructure - Economic & political system Micro Micro-Macro Continuum Macro Figure 1 Relationship between the micro-macro continuum and the degree of cultural stability. The micro dimension is represented by the individual whose attitudes and opinions are likely to change fre- quently during his or her lifetime (low cultural stability); i.e., what is “cool” and “in” today may be “out“ totnorrow. The macro side represents the natural and human-made environment. While topography may remain stable over thousands of years, a political system can change several times within a century (e.g Germany and Yugoslavia). AI-I-OM? A symbolizes the influence of the natural environment upon the individual. For instance, a change in climate may lead to the survival of only those individuals whose genetic makeup. as the result of favorable mutations over generations, has adapted them for survival. Arrow B symbolizes the bicfirectionnl relationship between the approximate factors, such as the individual’s beliefs, values. attitudes. and opinions, and the human-made environment. as represented by the infrastruc- ture and the economic, legal. and political system of a country. Wuvr C illustrates the intermediary effect of cultural moderators upon the approximate individual factors and the human-tnade environment. For instance. myths and symbols about fertility and manhood may influence how a society values offspring. A positive societal view of fertility will result in an increase in population density if the children survive and become adults. High population density and a political system that provides negative reinforcement for childbearing may help to establish a norm of small families. The People’s Republic of China under Communist leadership has followed this path. thereby making small families (even those without male offspring) more acceptable than in the past. The literature does not support the view that cultural moderators and the natural environment affect innate individual factors. This does not mean that a certain topography and climate may not foster certain myths and symbols, however. For instance. the Inuit language contains various labels for snow. and Inuit fairy tales likewise reflect the importance of snow and ice Slrbcdtrues. Subcultures may develop within a country. For instance, immigrants may live in their own neighborhoods (e.g., Chinatown in San Francisco or Berlin’s Kreuz- berg with primarily Turkish residents). Subcultures can also go beyond traditional social differences, however. Youngsters across race, social status. and/or religious beliefs may form ad-hoc subcultures based on cultural intolerance and uniformity. The latter may define which clothing, music, and linguistic expressions are accept- able for its members, such as being a “rapper” and/or a “skateboard dude.” Certain Entrepreneurial Phenomena 395 groups on the Internet may have developed new subcultures with their own values, beliefs, ideologies, attitudes, and artifacts. For instance, when communicating with each other, German and French individuals may be communicating in a foreign language. How this may affect the content, flow of experience, and evaluation of the process by all parties has not been researched; nevertheless, the increased use of the Internet makes this an important issue. Unfortunately, the authors are not aware of research that has addressed either how language may affect the perceived flow of experience in communication and information systems by an individual or how individuals differ in their evaluations based on language and semantics. Organizational culture. Similar to subcultures, organizations may also develop their own cultures, with rituals and norms that are peculiar to a firm, within a national culture (Isaac, 1993). Various factors may influence and shape organizational culture, such as the physical design of the work environment, organization structure, and manage- ment systems and procedures, as well as selection and promotion decisions (Schein, 1983). Moreover, technology and structure (Pennings and Gresov, 1986). as well as reward systems and organizational rites relating to status and power (e.g., Beyer and Trice, 1987), directly or indirectly affect and shape corporate culture. Kunda (l 992) found that the organization's ideology articulates a system of normative con- trol (p. 91). In general, the literature on organizational culture has contributed very little to the under- standing of the process of culture creation, maintenance, and change. The predominant approach taken by researchers in the field has been to investigate organizational culture simply to enable one to better describe or change the current culture. Moreover, such efforts have often been based on the assumption that the distilled guidelines (i.e., the outcome of such research) are universally applicable. The limitations of such an assumption need to be critically evaluated, however. Specifically, using such findings to develop guidelines for best practices has been criticized (Gattiker, 1998). Diversity of new organizational forms is growing. For example, flat and unbureaucratic, as well as entrepreneurial structures may develop. Additionally, project-based organizational structures and network forms evolve to permit organizational and individual learning. These forms all imply that the faith in finding models. or what is also called "good" theory-which can be applied universally. as suggested by some (e.g., Kohn, 1989)"should be questioned. These theoretical trends point to a fundamentally new conceptualization. Gattiker (1998) suggested that instead of sensing organizations as being in temporary static states, it might be more fruitful to perceive them as an ongoing process. Accordingly, organizing is a continuous and dynamic process whereby ad-hoc adjustments and fixed configurations such as best practices may be an anomaly, and instead continuous fine-tuning may be necessary (Gattiker, 1990). Schein (1983) has pointed out the importance of the entrepreneur in understanding the interrelationship between culture creation and enterprise creation. The implications thereof seem to be that the entrepreneurial enterprise creation process is intimately linked to the process of organizational culture creation. The above suggests that a firm's culture indicates a system of normative control (e.g., the ropes to skip): nevertheless, as outlined in Figure 1, natural and human-made cultures do have some influence upon organizational culture. For instance, an icy climate in the Canadian north, such as the Nunavut territory, will make Friday afternoon pool parties 2 la Silicon Valley un- likely. A more autocratic and hierarchical management structure enables a manager to have a secretary pick up his or her dry cleaning and stay at work longer. In a more participatory and egalitarian work environment, a secretary might first refuse to type some handwritten text be- 396 Gattiker and Ulhoi cause it is private stuff (even though it is not!), and that secretary would probably not even be asked to pick up the boss’s dry cleaning. In summary, researchers as well as professionals dealing with cross-national issues must be aware that I) various methodological and measurement approaches for assessing culture (national and/or firmwide) make comparisons across studies difficult; 2) the unidisciplinary approach to measuring culture (in which psychologists ignore sociologists and vice versa) im- pedes understanding of cross-national issues and phenomena: and 3) ethnocentrism exacerbates the issues raised under points l and 2. The use of an interdisciplinary approach. such as that outlined in Figure l, is a small but important step in the right direction. 111. Entrepreneurship, Innovation, and Culture Increased internationalization of trade and business has made the replicating of research across national boundaries a paramount issue. For instance, free movement of labor augments work- force diversity. Recent data show that the percentage of foreign workers increased from 1986 to 1996 in all OECD member countries. In some instances, every third (Luxembourg) or fifth (Australia and Switzerland) worker is a foreign citizen or foreign-born national (Immigration. Sept. 26, 1998). Not only have cross-national differences gained in importance for success in business, but intracultural differences have also increased with the rising percentage of foreign workers (e.g., almost one in nine of the total workforce in the greater London area is a foreign citizen) (Emp1oyment:A new mix, Sept. 26, 1998). Free movement of capital encourages firms to locate in various countries to increase effi- cient allocation of resources. An entrepreneur may locate in Denmark to obtain government risk capital at low or ‘*zero” cost instead of staying in Singapore, where financial support may be harder to obtain, or vice versa. In spite of cross-cultural differences, (e.g., government financing regulations for new ventures), intracultural differences may also play an important role in how individuals acquire and maintain the skill levels required to be innovative while passing success- fully through the various stages of the entrepreneurship process. (Compare Cox and Nkomo, 1993.) This will be further outlined below. A. Skills A working definition of skills was provided by Adams ( 1987) in a review of human motor skills research. He proposed three defining characteristics: “(l) skills are a wide behavioral domain in which behaviors are assumed to be complex: (2) skills are gradually learned through training; and (3) attaining a goal is dependent upon motor behavior and processes” (Adams. 1987. p. 43). Table 3 provides Adams’ definition of skill, while Table 3 presents a categorization of Table 2 Detining Skills Skills are leamcd beimiol-s required for the achievement of desirable performance levels when doing job-related tasks necessitating the use of technology. while the content and type of skill required for doing a job is in part a relational phetzonmot? (i.e,, how many and what type of people have or do not have the necessary skills). (Compare Gattikcr. 1991; 1992.) General-ope skdls are transferable to another job or organization. while Jit-ln-specIJic skills are usually obtained through on-the-job training and performing job-specific tasks. Firm-speci tic skills should increase productivity with the firm while their transferability is limited. while attaining on-the-job training (Gattiker, 1995) General-type skills are more likely to be obtained in an educational setting than within the firm or Entrepreneurial Phenomena 397 Table 3 Seven Skills Categories Listed in Descending Order of Transferability Transferability of skills to another job and/or organization decreases as follows: Tacit skill5 are acquired through practice and experience and cannot be articulated explicitly; they include the person's knowledge about how to avoid errors and overcome imperfections in the work system, and are tied inseparably to the individual; they cannot be communicated directly to somebody else and are difficult to observe and measure. To basic (reading, writing. and arithmetic). To social (e.g interpersonal skills and the person's ability to organize his or her own efforts and To cotxeptual (including planning, assessing, decision making about task- and people-related To teciuzology (encompasses appropriate use of technology. such as a computer, thereby To rechrzical (physical ability to transform an object or item of information into something To a person's tusk skills (usually job-specific. such as doing the weekly petty cash report). In their longitudinal study, Kohn et al. (1983) found that itttellectual%e.ribilin' is greatest after completing formal education. Generally it tends to decrease during a person's work life due to further specialization and limited exposure to non-work-related subjects. This might suggest that a person 'S nzost innovative phase itz life would be shortly after finishing the formal education and thus early on during one's work life. task performance, and possibly that of his or her peers and subordinates), issues, and judging or assessing tasks done by self or others). preventing breakdowns/accidents). different). Note. The above is adapted from Gattiker ( 1990a, Chap. 12; I990b) and also Gattiker and Wdloughby (1993). In each position, the mdividual acquires additlonal skills through formal and informal ways. Tacit skills wdl change as one's experlence and practice of the various skills increases during his or her worklng life. skills listed in descending order of transferability. (See also Gattiker 1990a, Chap. 12: 1990b.) In this context, tacit skills represent the knowledge of the individual attained through formal and informal education, experience, and life in general. This also applies to craft-based technol- ogy, in which tacit knowledge and experience may play an important part in success. This is in contrast to science-based technology, whereby success relies highly on formal education and explicit knowledge. Knowing and understanding one's need to adjust when working in a different culture is important. The successful adaptation to such an environment, while applying and interpreting verbal and written communication signals appropriately in this new cultural context, however, is a result of one's tacit skills. (Compare Berry et al., 1989.) A narrower definition suggests that tacit skills consist of officially and actually required skills for the job, actually used skills for doing job-related tasks, and skills acquired through preliminary training (e.g., Leplat, 1990). The definition given in Table 3 builds upon Polanyi's work (1962). Studying European firms. Ulhai and colleagues (1996) reported that when major change programs such as integrated environmental management systems are introduced, new skills are required, necessitating extensive additional training for employees. Unfortunately, such training may not be available within the formal education system at that time (Ulhai et al 1996). It may, however, be necessary to differentiate between education and training when trying to understand the interrelationship between acquiring skills through formal education or through on-the-job-training. Majchrzak and Cotton (1 988) suggested that training be defined as an im- provement in a person's technical skills, while education be defined as the improvements accom- plished in a person's understanding and comprehension. Others (e.g., Fossum et al., 1986) follow these lines of reasoning by stressing that training follows formal education and includes a learn- 398 Gattiker and Ulhoi ing component. Continuous learning or lifelong learning in today’s rapidly changing work envi- ronment does, however, suggest that both additional education and training for skills upgrading appear necessary to protect an employee’s employability (e.g., Gattiker, 1994). The above indicates that people have a set of skills that require continuous upgrading to stay abreast of new developments. This may occur through on-the-job training and attending in- house or out-of-house training/seminars and/or courses (e.g university programs taught during evenings and/or weekends) (e.g., Gattiker, 1994). Since Gary Becker’s formulation of human capital theory (1964). economists assume that general training provides workers with skills that are useful in more than one job or firm (e.g., Becker, 1964. p. 19). While general skill training increases the employee’s potential productivity in a competing firm, specific training tends to be on-the-job training, which will presumably increase future productivity for the firm (e.g., Barron et al., 1987). (See Table 2.) This suggests that it is best for an individual to make an effort to secure additional general- type training for maintaining or improving skills. (See Table 3.) Because general-type skills are transferable to another work environment and make a worker more attractive for poaching by another firm. the employee’s bargaining power is also increased. Kohn et al. ( 1983, p. 106) reported that depending upon substantive complexity at work (i.e., the degree to which the work requires thought and independent judgment), a person’s intellectual flexibility (i.e one’s actual intellectual performance in an interview to questions asked to reveal both cognitive problems involving well-known issues and his or her handling of perceptual and projective tests) is al” fected. The research by Kohn et al. (1983) suggests that intellectual flexibility may be highest shortly after completing formal education. It is reduced to some degree depending upon the complexity of one’s work and the length of time one has been in the workforce. Research on discoveries by eminent scientists would suggest (Anderson, 1989) that a person may have the greatest cognitive and creative potential to be innovative early on in one’s career. Nevertheless, while one’s intellectual flexibility may be reduced, general-type skills training can help. (Corn- pare Kohn et al., 1983.) B. Innovation Table 4 provides a definition for the process of innovation. If we assume that an individual may have the greatest level of intellectual flexibility toward the end of one’s formal education, we may wonder how this might affect a person’s potential for innovation and creativity. Before discussing this in more detail, however, some general issues about innovation must be addressed. Voss (1988) argued that the study and literature of innovation as well as the diffusion of innovation could be split into two areas of research and inquiry. One studies the process of innovation, while the other focuses primarily on the diffusion and adoption of innovations (Voss. 1994). While the focus here is primarily on the process of innovation required for launching new firms (having identified ;L market need and trying to satisfy it). subsequent entrepreneurial success does, however. necessitate rapid diffusion and adoption of new technology. Table 3 outlines innovation in more detail and provides a definition. Christensen ( 1998) pointed out that a dominant design may emerge that tends to result in marked shifts of innovation. A particular technological approach will follow the pattern of an S curve, flattening as certain natural limits might apply (e.g., physical limits to magnetic storage of computer data on hard disks). Moreover, discontinuous innovation requires a depar- ture from existing knowledge, so the technology is perceived as being new, and markets may still have to be developed (Gattiher, 1990, Chap. 1). Typically the timeframe here is long-term, with a high risk for failure and a greater potential for substantial returns on investment (McDer- mott, 1998). In this context we are interested in discontinuous as well as continuous innovation [...]... decreased use of leave time improved morale, decreased job-related stress, lower rates of divorce higher levels of marital satisfaction, improved functioning of children, or a better prepared workforce of the future Obviously, measuresof achievement of these different goals are not necessarily correlated with one another Further achievement of some of these goals may preclude achievement of others 3... be the contemporary version of the dirty work of the earlier decades of the century This in part describes the historical context of today’s concern with work organizations’ responses to work-family role conflict issues Over history, there has been a pattern of organizational responses to influxes of waves of new workers These responsesare captured in historians’ concept of welfare capitalism (Brandes,... conditions of employment IV The Increase in Women’s Workforce Participation and Its Impacts What are the origins of the high prevalence of work-family role conflicts that seems evident in contemporary American life? The disobedience leading to the ejection of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden for some explains the social institutions of both work and family In the Book of Genesis, these central foci of. .. maximizing the welfare of children, to cite only three of several possibilities Further, women’s employment is not necessarily an index of desire to abandon or never adopt the roles of housewives, to say nothing of the relationship between employment and attitudes toward parenthood There is more than a touch of irony in viewing formal workforce entry a sign of liberaas tion Over the course of history, different... finds that nearly all of it is written from perspectives that are presumed to be those of employees It is suggested that these perspectives significantly reflect the assumptions and ideologies of scholars who view themselves as advocates of the family, of rights of individuals or of equality for women (cf Kline and Cowan, 1989) Relatively little has been heard from the perspective of work organizations... types of workplace responses to facilitate reduction of work-family role conflicts (Zigler and Frank 1988) Despite its bulk and range, this is neither a comprehensive nor an intellectually satisfying accumulation of knowledge In a rare critique of this literature Kingston (1989) observes that it is theoretical and that it exaggerates the interdependence of the institutional spheres of work and of the... meeting of the Academy of Management, San Diego Calif 17 Work-Family Role Conflict and Employer Responsibility An Organizational Analysis of Workplace Responses to a Social Problem Paul M Roman The University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia Terry C Blum Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, Georgia For the past decade much public attention has been directed to conflicts between the demands of work... levels of the workforce, including some placement in managerial positions Within this context of earlier changes, the influx of women in the 197Os, 1980s, and 1990s into the American workplace involved a mixture of some earlier employment experiences of immigrants and minorities In part, and in contrast to men as a group, women employees offered Role Work- Family Conflict 423 employers a poolof less... environments.and we use organizational and sociological analysis to understand several different categories of organizational behavior vis-&”is work-family role conflicts We also shed light on a neglected set of increasingly important issues for understanding organizations as workplaces Withinthe young field of organizational behavior,little conceptual attention has been given to the provision of “fringe benefits”... In regard to a variety of social problems, time-honored traditions in this country support an abundance of rhetoric and homiletics that emanates from high levels of political and business leadership The facile and ephemeral qualities of most of this verbiage are typically reinforced by the absence of specific mandates policies, or funding support In such acontext, the absenceof a national family policy . studies about individual and organizational phenomena are concerned with the systematic study of the behavior and experience of organizational participants. understanding of the differences and similarities reported between samples. A. The Meaning of Culture Any society may be thought of as having a variety of