Tài liệu hạn chế xem trước, để xem đầy đủ mời bạn chọn Tải xuống
1
/ 417 trang
THÔNG TIN TÀI LIỆU
Nội dung
16
Entrepreneurial Phenomena in
a
Cross-National Context
Urs
E.
Gattiker
Aal6org University, Aalborg, Denmark
John
Parm
Ulhsi
The Aarhus
School
of
Business, Aarhus, Denmark
1.
Introduction
International trade is thriving, and the demand for job creation through the founding of new
firms is increasing and becoming a political hot topic.
A
response by researchers to these devel-
opments has resulted
in
a rise
in
cross-national studies assessing and comparing attitudes toward
technology and how these attitudes relate to the effective use of technology (e.g., Gattiker and
Nelligan, 1988; Earley and Stubblebine, 1989). Also, how cross-national differences and similar-
ities
in
management systems may influence the possible success of high-technology start-ups
has been investigated (e.g., Goslin et al., 1993). Others have appraised and compared the efforts
of countries to keep their workers abreast of new technology-related developments, thereby
assuring that workers' skill levels match the requirements
of
the workplace caused by innovation
(e.g., Muszynski and Wolfe, 1989). The literature has primarily focused on these issues
in
large
tirms. For instance, Adler (1998) proposed that having a less rigid bureaucracy and using control
as a tool
of
enablement instead of coercion will help larger firms to remain innovative. Zahra
and Garvis
(1
998) reported that large
U.S.
firms exhibiting international corporate entrepreneur-
ship show better performance than other large firms do.
Some studies have addressed
how
structural changes
in
an economy, through mergers and
plant closures (e.g., Baldwin and Gorecki, 1990) and the formation of new companies (e.g.,
Birley and McMillan, 1992), tend
to
influence national employment levels
as
well as economic
growth. Much of the research investigating the formation of new companies has concentrated
on the personal characteristics of entrepreneurs (e.g., see Brockhaus, 1982, for an extensive
review of this literature), asking what makes them different from other people. In contrast
to
this traits approach, the ecological approach (often called the rates approach) focuses on how
social, economic, and political conditions may influence variations
in
the number of foundings
The authors would like
to
thank Woody Clark and Robert Golembiewski for their insightful comments
made
on
an earlier draft of this chapter as well as
H.
Shawyer for her editorial assistance. The
usual
disclaimers apply.
389
390
Gattiker and Ulhai
over time (Aldrich and Wiedemayer. 1990; Hannon
and
Freeman, 1977). Such studies investi-
gate
firm
foundings based on the operation of four processes: variation. selection. retention, and
diffusion.
There is an extensive literature on how variation, retention, and diffusion promote or
hinder organizational genesis (e.g., Mitchell, 1989; Singh et al., 1986; Wiewel and Hunter,
1985). This chapter is based on the assumption that all economic activity is embedded
in
social
relations and that social relations can play an important role
in
influencing the establishment
of business relations and the running of a business (Granovetter. 1985). Embeddedness means
that between most actors there are two or more types of ties;
in
addition to, for instance, advice
relations, there may be other types of social exchanges or bonds between actors. Several ties
between two or more actors mean that the relationship is dynamic and multiplex. The exchange
of information is subject to social norms, rules, structures, and
so
on that are influenced by
various other ties within the social network of the individual.
Without an appropriate theoretical framework,:k researchers encounter great difficulty
in
understanding why one country’s small and medium-sized enterprises may have the necessary
skills to succeed while another country’s may not. Moreover, interpreting how social networks
may affect
a
new venture’s profitability and growth is also difficult. This chapter attempts to
inject some order into the cross-nationaJ debate and how cross-national concerns may affect
skills as well as entrepreneurial activity and innovation. In Section I1 the authors selectively
review and evaluate the current status of research dealing with cross-national issues relating to
firms, and develop
a
new framework integrating cross-cultural psychological, anthropological,
and sociological thought. Section
TI1
sketches out how skills, innovation. and entrepreneurship
may help
in
further explaining the founding of new businesses. Section IV discusses what is
important for success
in
the entrepreneurial process, focusing on social networks. Finally, Sec-
tion V outlines conclusions and implications for decision makers as well as the most promising
directions for future research.
II.
Cross-National
Issues
Existing cross-national comparisons indicate numerous differences
in
the detinition of work
(England and Harpaz, 1990),
in
self-rating of performance compared with supervisory ratings
by Taiwanese and
U.S.
workers (Farh et
al.,
1991
),
and
in
organizational cornmitment levels
in
Japan and the United States (e.g., Luthans et al., 1985; Near, 1989) as well as between the
United States and Canada (Cohen and Gattiker, 1992).
How
managerial hierarchies may differ
between U.S. and European high-technology start-ups has also been investigated (e.g Goslin
et
al.,
1993). In addition, conceptual models concerning how cross-national issues affect technol-
ogy transfer (e.g., Kedia and Bhagat.
1988)
and training effectiveness (e.g., Black and Menden-
hall, 1990) have been offered.
Although such research and theoretical work provides important insight into these issues.
it
often fails to explain or account for the behavioral differences between groups of employees.
In part, this difficulty is perpetuated by the concept of culture, which can be defined
in
various
ways. Even if the researcher were to choose a well-elaborated concept of culture, its successful
application
in
the field would be constrained by the scarcity of financing. time. and human
resources. (Compare Adler,
1982.)
Moreover. differences
in
human and social perceptions and
interpretations would make the interpretation of findings difficult (e.g., Baghat and McQuaid,
*
The
term
.fi-nnzc.~.ork
is used interchangeably
with
the term
r~oclel
throughout
this
chapter.
Entrepreneurial Phenomena
391
1982). In this section, a framework that integrates cultural contributions from the fields of organi-
zational behavior, psychology. anthropology, and sociology is developed. The objective is to
develop
a
model for cross-national research that takes into consideration budgetary and time
constraints. This model allows for a thorough understanding of the differences and similarities
reported between samples.
A.
The
Meaning
of
Culture
Any society may be thought of as having a variety of cultural “themes,” rather than being
a single and homogenous culture. These themes are composed of various interpretations and
heterodoxies of the core culture-in addition to any incursions-that may have developed
around the core, as
by
ethnic groups. Cultural diversity
in
countries has been increasing due to
the globalization of business via, for example, subsidiaries
in
foreign countries and
a
more
variegated workforce due to the entry of guest workers. immigrants, and refugees. Cross-national
studies about individual and organizational phenomena are concerned with the systematic study
of the behavior and experience oforganizational participants
in
different cultures.
A
brief discus-
sion
of
the most pertinent cultural issues is given below. For an extensive review, see also
Triandis
(1
977).
Anthrupology.
Most anthropological studies typically contain one or more of the following
crdtural cleriwtiws:
symbols
(including language, architecture, and artifacts),
myth,
ideational systems
(including ideology and values), and
ritual
(including traditions).
While anthropologists and sociologists continue to debate the correct usages and
meanings of these concepts, most studies treat them only as motivational factors
for individuals and groups (Silverman, 1970).
Another important dimension of cross-cultural research has been cultural stability, about
which the common view is that less stability encourages cultural diversity and
change. Goldstone (1987) suggested that cultural diversity favors innovation.
In
con-
trast. enforcement of
a
state of orthodoxy, which perpetuates
old
models, is likely
to result
in
society’s hostility toward innovation and risk taking.
A
tolerance of
pluralism therefore enhances openness toward these two elements. For organiza-
tions, this means that cultural instability encourages innovation and adaptation,
while orthodoxy reduces tolerance for new ideas and therefore hinders innovation
(Perry
and
Sandholtz, 1988).
Sociology and organization theory.
Much of organization theory using a sociological
framework has paved the way for the “culture-free hypothesis.’’ (See Hickson et
al., 1974; Hickson and McMillan, 1981
.)
This hypothesis suggests that cultural dif-
ferences-or contextual variables-may have little if any effect on such organi-
zational structure variables as size, specialization. and formalization (e.g., Miller,
1987).
As
Meyer and Scott (1983.
p.
14) emphasized, however, the role of institu-
tional environments, defined as “including the rules and belief systems as well as
the relational networks that arise
in
the broader societal context,” will influence
organizational structure and behavior. For instance, Maurice et al. (1980) show that
organizational processes develop within an institutional logic that is unique to a
society. While structure, specialization, and technology may appear similar across
countries, their interpretation and application may therefore differ according to the
national context (e.g., Hofstede, 1984). Research indicates that concern about trans-
ferability of concepts, models, theories, and frameworks across national boundaries
is
growing (e.g., Hofstede, 1984; Katz et al., 1999). Cross-national studies on techno-
392
Gattiker
and
UlhDi
logical issues allow for the transcending
of
limits
in
one society while establishing
the generalizability (or the limitations) of a theory and/or model (Kohn. 1989). Re-
searchers try to use inductive logic to understand the similarities and dissimilarities
between populations
in
order to explain different results (Bhaghat and McQuaid,
1982).
Ps~clzology.
Like sociologists. psychologists have recently questioned the ability of theo-
ries and concepts to enable researchers to generalize beyond one context. whether
tirln or country. Specifically, most organizational theories and research have origi-
nated
in
North America (i.e., the United States and to a very small extent, Canada).
In consequence. cultural issues tend to be addressed primarily from a North Ameri-
can point
of
view, and for better or worse, the approaches propagated there predomi-
nate (e.g Moghaddam, 1987). As
a
result, Europeans who have tried to move to-
ward
a
European social psychology have rejected this North American dominance.
This separale development is partly due to European social psychology's greater
ernphasis on cooperation and conflict, conformity, philosophy of science. political
underpinnings of science. criticisms of science, and racial and ethnic issues (Fisc11
and Daniel. 1982).
A dominant North American framework, especially
in
cross-cultural psychology and man-
agement, is that proposed
by
Triandis and Vassiliou
(
1972). These authors posed
the distinction between
srhjectilye
and
objective
czrltrwe.
and, although researchers
have made considerable efforts
in
applying these concepts
in
various studies (e.g
Pepitone and Triandis. 1987), wide applicability
has
been difficult. Subjective cul-
ture is defined
as
a group's characteristic way of perceiving its social environment.
For example, office workers could differ in their attitudes toward computers based
on demographic characteristics such as gender (e.g., Gattiker et
al.,
1988). Objective
culture could be detined
as
a country's ecology and infrastructure. Accordingly,
Canada's Nunavut (Inuit
for
"our
land," which became a territory
in
April 1999)
which covers
a
fifth
of the country's land mass and contains about
23,000
inhabit-
ants, does not offer visitors cities with street vendors or cafes due to its climate and
low population density.
Due
to
weather conditions
in
spring (thawing of ice) and
fall
(freezing). roads through rivers may not be passable.
Triandis
(
1977, p.
134)
suggested several sets of variables that should help
in
classifying
subjective culture. (See Table
l.)
A
slhjectiw
crrlture
study can be classified into five groups
of variables, and as Table
I
outlines,
objective
cra1tlu-e
can be measured using two groups of
variables.
Table
1
Classifying Cultural Variables: Objective and Subjective Culture
Subjective culture
work)
1.
Subsisterice
system
(methods
of
exploitation
of
the ecology to survive;
e.g.,
industrial
2.
C~lltuml system
(human-made environment)
3.
Social system
(patterns of interaction; e.g roles)
LC.
Inter-indivitirtnl system
(e.g social behaviors)
5.
lmii~idud
systenz
(e.g perceptions. attitudes, and beliefs)
1.
Ecology
(e.g
,
the physical environment. resources, geography, climate, fauna, and Bora)
2.
Objective portion
of
he
cl~11u1-d system
or
irlf,.ustr-ltctut-e
(e.g roads, tools,
and
factories)
Objective culture
Source:
Adapted
from
Triandls
(1977.
p
144).
Entrepreneurial Phenomena
393
Often cultural moderators are used to interpret findings, such as data from studies assessing
attitudes, about the subjective culture-for example, the political system and market (Farh et
al., 1991) or formal and/or legal/political support structures for worker participation
in
firms
(Heller et al., 1988, p.
224). Unfortunately, what Triandis calls objective culture is not directly
measurable,
so
its relationship and possible moderating effect on subjective culture cannot be
assessed (e.g., formal and/or legal structures for worker participation and their effects upon
satisfaction) (Heller et al., 1988, Chap.
5).
The reader can thus either accept the interpretation
given by the authors or use his or her own. In either case, a comprehensive understanding of
“why” and “how” these differences occurred is not possible.
This problem is not only prevalent for researchers. Many students attending college away
from home write papers dealing with managerial and organizational issues based primarily on
U.S grounded models and studies. North American ethnocentrism (i.e., the tendency by scholars
to overlook the applicability of their concepts and theories beyond their own country and/or
culture) will thus extend into the training of future managers from those learning about manage-
rial and organizational issues through North American “tinted glasses.”
B.
Defining Culture: An Interdisciplinary Approach
In summary, the current and widely utilized frameworks for studying cross-national issues tend
to operationalize culture by either 1) determining its degrees of stability and orthodoxy or
2)
using a temporal continuum
to
assess subjective culture. In the context ofthis chapter, the authors
assume that
culture represents both a stability-seeking force and alz
individllal/erzvironnzerztul
or
dynamic dinzension
(objective/subjective continuum, using Triandis’s terminology).
As
Figure
1
reflects
1.
The
x
axis (horizontal) is a continuum that ranges from the micro focus (i.e., the
individual)
to
the macro perspective (i.e., the environment) of
a
culture.
2. The
y
axis (vertical) represents the level of stability of the culture ranging from
low
stability [e.g., approximate subjective (opinions)] to high stability [e.g., innate subjec-
tive (cognitive style)].
The left rectangle represents the individual dimension
of
Figure
1,
hence its location is
to
the
left
(x
axis
=
micro focus), and the stability of these factors decreases from heredity down
to
opinions (y axis). For instance. public opinion polls show that the electorate changes support
for a government rapidly and frequently, depending upon the latter’s most recent decision. In
contrast, people’s beliefs are relatively stable and resistant to change (e.g Rokeach,
1980).
This
example shows that when we try to comprehend culture from a micro perspective, we must
accept that an individual’s opinions are less stable than his or her beliefs. Moreover, while we
can generally measure genetic factors such as eyesight and reproductive behavior without any
major problem,
it
is far more difficult to assess opinions comprehensively. It follows that while
opinions are
upproximute.
heredity and genetic factors are
innate
or givedstable. Changes occur
as a result of genetic mutations over generations (Plomin and Neiderhiser. 1992), while a per-
son’s political opinions may shift due to the president’s last speech on national TV.
The right rectangle
in
Figure
1
graphically illustrates the environment. At the top of the
vertical angle is the natural environment, and at the bottom, the human-made one. Similarly,
while the natural parts of the environment, such as topography and climate, are stable over
generations and centuries until the next natural disaster, population density and infrastructure,
including roads and cities, are continuously changing as the result of human actions and policies.
-
Heredity and genetics
-
Cognitive style
and abilities
-
Beliefs
-
Values
-
Attitudes
-
Opinions
A
C
MODERATORS
-
Myths
-
Symbols
-
Rituals
-
Norms
-
Ideational
systems
C
‘L
B
Gattiker
and
Ulh0i
-
Topography
-
Climate
-
Population density
-
Infrastructure
-
Economic
&
political
system
Micro
Micro-Macro
Continuum
Macro
Figure
1
Relationship between the micro-macro continuum and the degree of cultural stability. The
micro dimension is represented by the individual whose attitudes and opinions are likely to change fre-
quently during his or her lifetime (low cultural stability); i.e., what is “cool” and “in” today may be
“out“ totnorrow. The macro side represents the natural and human-made environment. While topography
may remain stable over thousands of years, a political system can change several times within a century
(e.g Germany and Yugoslavia).
AI-I-OM?
A
symbolizes the influence of the natural environment upon the
individual. For instance, a change in climate may lead to the survival of only those individuals whose
genetic makeup. as the result of favorable mutations over generations, has adapted them for survival.
Arrow
B
symbolizes the
bicfirectionnl
relationship between the approximate factors,
such
as the individual’s
beliefs, values. attitudes. and opinions, and the human-made environment. as represented by the infrastruc-
ture and the economic, legal. and political system
of
a country.
Wuvr
C
illustrates the intermediary effect
of cultural moderators upon the approximate individual factors and the human-tnade environment. For
instance. myths and symbols about fertility and manhood may influence how a society values offspring.
A
positive societal view
of
fertility will result in an increase
in
population density
if
the children survive
and become adults. High population density and a political system that provides negative reinforcement
for childbearing may help to establish a norm of small families. The People’s Republic of China under
Communist leadership has followed this path. thereby making small families (even those without male
offspring) more acceptable than
in
the past. The literature does not support the view that cultural moderators
and the natural environment affect innate individual factors. This does not mean that
a
certain topography
and climate may not foster certain myths and symbols, however. For instance. the
Inuit
language contains
various labels for snow. and
Inuit
fairy
tales
likewise reflect the importance
of
snow and ice
Slrbcdtrues.
Subcultures may develop within a country. For instance, immigrants may
live
in
their own neighborhoods (e.g., Chinatown
in
San
Francisco or Berlin’s Kreuz-
berg with primarily Turkish residents). Subcultures
can
also
go beyond traditional
social differences, however. Youngsters across race, social status. and/or religious
beliefs may form ad-hoc subcultures based on cultural intolerance and uniformity.
The
latter may define which clothing, music,
and
linguistic expressions are accept-
able
for
its members, such as being a “rapper” and/or
a
“skateboard dude.” Certain
Entrepreneurial Phenomena
395
groups on the Internet may have developed new subcultures with their own values,
beliefs, ideologies, attitudes, and artifacts. For instance, when communicating with
each other, German and French individuals may be communicating
in
a foreign
language.
How
this may affect the content, flow of experience, and evaluation of
the process by all parties has not been researched; nevertheless, the increased use
of
the Internet makes this an important issue. Unfortunately, the authors are not
aware of research that has addressed either how language may affect the perceived
flow of experience
in
communication and information systems by an individual or
how individuals differ
in
their evaluations based on language and semantics.
Organizational
culture.
Similar to subcultures, organizations may also develop their own
cultures, with rituals and norms that are peculiar to
a
firm, within a national culture
(Isaac, 1993). Various factors may influence and shape organizational culture, such
as the physical design of the work environment, organization structure, and manage-
ment systems and procedures, as well as selection and promotion decisions (Schein,
1983). Moreover, technology and structure (Pennings and Gresov, 1986). as well
as reward systems and organizational rites relating to status and power (e.g., Beyer
and Trice, 1987), directly or indirectly affect and shape corporate culture. Kunda
(l
992) found that the organization's ideology articulates a system of normative con-
trol (p. 91).
In general, the literature on organizational culture has contributed very little to the under-
standing
of
the process of culture creation, maintenance, and change. The predominant approach
taken by researchers
in
the field has been to investigate organizational culture simply to enable
one to better describe or change the current culture. Moreover, such efforts have often been
based on the assumption that the distilled guidelines (i.e., the outcome of such research) are
universally applicable. The limitations of such an assumption need to be critically evaluated,
however. Specifically, using such findings to develop guidelines for best practices has been
criticized (Gattiker, 1998).
Diversity of new organizational forms is growing. For example, flat and unbureaucratic,
as
well
as
entrepreneurial structures may develop. Additionally, project-based organizational
structures and network forms evolve
to
permit organizational and individual learning. These
forms all imply that the faith
in
finding models. or what is also called "good" theory-which
can be applied universally. as suggested by some (e.g., Kohn,
1989)"should
be questioned.
These theoretical trends point to a fundamentally new conceptualization. Gattiker (1998)
suggested that instead of sensing organizations as being
in
temporary static states, it might be
more fruitful to perceive them as an ongoing process. Accordingly, organizing is a continuous
and dynamic process whereby ad-hoc adjustments and fixed configurations such as best practices
may be an anomaly, and instead continuous fine-tuning may be necessary (Gattiker, 1990).
Schein (1983) has pointed out the importance of the entrepreneur
in
understanding the
interrelationship between culture creation and enterprise creation. The implications thereof seem
to be that the entrepreneurial enterprise creation process is intimately linked to the process
of
organizational culture creation.
The above suggests that a firm's culture indicates a system
of
normative control (e.g., the
ropes to skip): nevertheless, as outlined in Figure
1,
natural and human-made cultures do have
some influence upon organizational culture. For instance, an icy climate
in
the Canadian north,
such as the Nunavut territory, will make Friday afternoon pool parties
2
la Silicon Valley un-
likely.
A
more autocratic and hierarchical management structure enables a manager to have a
secretary pick up his or her dry cleaning and stay at work longer. In a more participatory and
egalitarian work environment, a secretary might first refuse to type some handwritten text be-
396
Gattiker
and
Ulhoi
cause
it
is private stuff (even though
it
is not!), and that secretary would probably not even be
asked to pick up the
boss’s
dry
cleaning.
In summary, researchers as well as professionals dealing with cross-national issues must
be aware that
I)
various methodological and measurement approaches for assessing culture
(national and/or firmwide) make comparisons across studies difficult; 2) the unidisciplinary
approach
to
measuring culture (in which psychologists ignore sociologists and vice versa) im-
pedes understanding of cross-national issues and phenomena: and 3) ethnocentrism exacerbates
the issues raised under points
l
and
2.
The use of an interdisciplinary approach. such as that
outlined
in
Figure
l,
is a small but important step
in
the right direction.
111.
Entrepreneurship, Innovation, and Culture
Increased internationalization of trade and business has made the replicating of research across
national boundaries a paramount issue. For instance, free movement of labor augments work-
force diversity. Recent data show that the percentage of foreign workers increased from 1986
to 1996
in
all OECD member countries. In some instances, every third (Luxembourg) or fifth
(Australia and Switzerland) worker is
a foreign citizen or foreign-born national (Immigration.
Sept. 26, 1998). Not only have cross-national differences gained
in
importance for success
in
business, but intracultural differences have also increased with the rising percentage of foreign
workers (e.g., almost one
in
nine of the total workforce
in
the greater London area is a foreign
citizen) (Emp1oyment:A new
mix,
Sept. 26, 1998).
Free movement of capital encourages firms to locate
in
various countries to increase effi-
cient allocation of resources. An entrepreneur may locate
in
Denmark to obtain government risk
capital at low or ‘*zero” cost instead of staying
in
Singapore, where financial support may be
harder to obtain, or vice versa. In spite of cross-cultural differences, (e.g., government financing
regulations for new ventures), intracultural differences may
also play an important role
in
how
individuals acquire and maintain the skill levels required to be innovative while passing success-
fully through the various stages
of
the entrepreneurship process. (Compare Cox and Nkomo,
1993.) This will be further outlined below.
A.
Skills
A working definition of skills was provided by Adams
(
1987)
in
a review of human motor skills
research. He proposed three defining characteristics:
“(l)
skills are a wide behavioral domain
in
which behaviors are assumed
to
be complex:
(2)
skills are gradually learned through training;
and
(3)
attaining a goal is dependent upon motor behavior and processes” (Adams. 1987.
p.
43).
Table
3
provides Adams’ definition of skill, while Table 3 presents a categorization
of
Table
2
Detining Skills
Skills are
leamcd
beimiol-s
required for the achievement of desirable performance levels when doing
job-related tasks necessitating the use
of
technology. while the content and type
of
skill required
for
doing
a
job is
in
part a
relational
phetzonmot?
(i.e,, how many and what type
of
people have
or
do
not
have the necessary skills). (Compare Gattikcr.
1991;
1992.)
General-ope
skdls
are transferable
to
another job or organization. while
Jit-ln-specIJic
skills
are usually
obtained through on-the-job training and performing job-specific tasks. Firm-speci
tic
skills should
increase productivity with the firm while their transferability is limited.
while attaining on-the-job training (Gattiker, 1995)
General-type skills are more likely to be obtained
in
an educational setting than within the firm
or
Entrepreneurial Phenomena
397
Table
3
Seven Skills Categories Listed
in
Descending Order of Transferability
Transferability of skills to another job and/or organization decreases as follows:
Tacit skill5
are acquired through practice and experience and cannot be articulated explicitly; they
include the person's knowledge about how to avoid errors and overcome imperfections
in
the
work system, and are tied inseparably to the individual; they cannot be communicated directly
to somebody else and are difficult to observe and measure.
To
basic (reading, writing. and arithmetic).
To
social
(e.g interpersonal skills and the person's ability to organize his or her own efforts and
To
cotxeptual
(including planning, assessing, decision making about task- and people-related
To
teciuzology
(encompasses appropriate use of technology. such as
a
computer, thereby
To
rechrzical
(physical ability to transform an object or item of information into something
To
a person's
tusk
skills
(usually job-specific. such as doing the weekly petty cash report).
In
their longitudinal study, Kohn et al.
(1983)
found that
itttellectual%e.ribilin'
is greatest after
completing formal education. Generally
it
tends to decrease during a person's work life due to further
specialization and limited exposure to non-work-related subjects. This might suggest that
a
person
'S
nzost
innovative
phase
itz
life
would be shortly after finishing the formal education and thus early on
during one's work life.
task performance, and possibly that of his or her peers and subordinates),
issues, and judging or assessing tasks done by self or others).
preventing breakdowns/accidents).
different).
Note. The above
is
adapted from Gattiker
(
1990a,
Chap. 12;
I990b)
and also Gattiker and Wdloughby
(1993).
In
each
position, the mdividual acquires additlonal skills through formal and informal ways. Tacit skills wdl change
as
one's
experlence and practice of the various
skills
increases during his
or
her worklng life.
skills listed
in
descending order of transferability. (See also Gattiker 1990a, Chap. 12: 1990b.)
In this context, tacit skills represent the knowledge of the individual attained through formal
and informal education, experience, and life
in
general. This also applies to craft-based technol-
ogy,
in
which tacit knowledge and experience may play an important part
in
success. This is
in
contrast
to
science-based technology, whereby success relies highly on formal education and
explicit knowledge.
Knowing and understanding one's need to adjust when working
in
a different culture is
important. The successful adaptation to such an environment, while applying and interpreting
verbal and written communication signals appropriately in this new cultural context, however,
is a result of one's tacit skills. (Compare Berry et al., 1989.)
A
narrower definition suggests
that tacit skills consist of officially and actually required skills for the job, actually used skills
for doing job-related tasks, and skills acquired through preliminary training (e.g., Leplat, 1990).
The definition given in Table
3
builds upon Polanyi's work (1962).
Studying European firms. Ulhai and colleagues (1996) reported that when major change
programs such as integrated environmental management systems are introduced, new skills are
required, necessitating extensive additional training for employees. Unfortunately, such training
may not be available within the formal education system at that time (Ulhai et al 1996).
It may, however, be necessary
to
differentiate between education and training when trying
to understand the interrelationship between acquiring skills through formal education
or through
on-the-job-training. Majchrzak and Cotton
(1
988) suggested that training be defined as an im-
provement in a person's technical skills, while education be defined as the improvements accom-
plished
in
a person's understanding and comprehension. Others (e.g., Fossum et al., 1986) follow
these lines of reasoning by stressing that training follows formal education and includes a learn-
398
Gattiker
and
Ulhoi
ing component. Continuous learning or lifelong learning
in
today’s rapidly changing work envi-
ronment does, however, suggest that both additional education and training for skills upgrading
appear necessary to protect an employee’s employability (e.g., Gattiker, 1994).
The above indicates that people have a set
of skills that require continuous upgrading
to
stay abreast
of
new developments. This may occur through on-the-job training and attending in-
house or out-of-house training/seminars and/or courses (e.g university programs taught during
evenings and/or weekends) (e.g., Gattiker, 1994). Since Gary Becker’s formulation of human
capital theory (1964). economists assume that general training provides workers with skills that
are useful
in
more than one job or
firm
(e.g., Becker, 1964. p. 19). While general skill training
increases the employee’s potential productivity
in
a competing firm, specific training tends
to
be on-the-job training, which will presumably increase future productivity for the firm (e.g.,
Barron et al., 1987). (See Table
2.)
This suggests that
it
is best for an individual to make an effort to secure additional general-
type training for maintaining or improving skills. (See Table
3.)
Because general-type skills are
transferable
to
another work environment and make
a
worker more attractive for poaching by
another firm. the employee’s bargaining power is
also
increased. Kohn et
al.
(
1983, p. 106)
reported that depending upon substantive complexity at work (i.e., the degree to which the work
requires thought and independent judgment),
a person’s intellectual flexibility (i.e one’s actual
intellectual performance
in
an interview to questions asked to reveal both cognitive problems
involving well-known issues and his or her handling of perceptual and projective tests) is
al”
fected. The research by Kohn et al. (1983) suggests that intellectual flexibility may be highest
shortly after completing formal education.
It
is reduced
to
some degree depending upon the
complexity of one’s work and the length
of
time one has been
in
the workforce. Research on
discoveries by eminent scientists would suggest (Anderson, 1989) that a person may have the
greatest cognitive and creative potential to
be
innovative early on
in
one’s career. Nevertheless,
while one’s intellectual flexibility may be reduced, general-type skills training can help. (Corn-
pare Kohn et al., 1983.)
B.
Innovation
Table 4 provides a definition for the process of innovation. If we assume that an individual may
have the greatest level
of
intellectual flexibility toward the end of one’s formal education, we
may wonder how this might affect a person’s potential for innovation and creativity. Before
discussing this
in
more detail, however, some general issues
about
innovation must be addressed.
Voss
(1988) argued that the study and literature of innovation
as
well
as
the diffusion of
innovation could be split into two areas of research and inquiry. One studies the process of
innovation, while the other focuses primarily on the diffusion and adoption of innovations
(Voss.
1994). While the focus here is primarily on the process of innovation required for launching
new firms (having identified
;L
market need and trying
to
satisfy
it).
subsequent entrepreneurial
success does, however. necessitate rapid diffusion and adoption of new technology. Table
3
outlines innovation
in
more detail and provides a definition.
Christensen
( 1998) pointed out that
a
dominant design may emerge that tends to result
in
marked shifts
of
innovation.
A
particular technological approach will follow the pattern of
an
S
curve, flattening as certain natural limits might apply (e.g., physical limits
to
magnetic
storage of computer data on hard disks). Moreover, discontinuous innovation requires a depar-
ture from existing knowledge,
so the technology is perceived as being new, and markets may
still have
to
be developed (Gattiher, 1990, Chap.
1).
Typically the timeframe here is long-term,
with a high risk for failure and a greater potential for substantial returns on investment (McDer-
mott, 1998). In this context we are interested
in
discontinuous as well as continuous innovation
[...]... decreased use of leave time improved morale, decreased job-related stress, lower rates of divorce higher levels of marital satisfaction, improved functioning of children, or a better prepared workforce of the future Obviously, measuresof achievement of these different goals are not necessarily correlated with one another Further achievement of some of these goals may preclude achievement of others 3... be the contemporary version of the dirty work of the earlier decades of the century This in part describes the historical context of today’s concern with work organizations’ responses to work-family role conflict issues Over history, there has been a pattern oforganizational responses to influxes of waves of new workers These responsesare captured in historians’ concept of welfare capitalism (Brandes,... conditions of employment IV The Increase in Women’s Workforce Participation and Its Impacts What are the origins of the high prevalence of work-family role conflicts that seems evident in contemporary American life? The disobedience leading to the ejection of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden for some explains the social institutions of both work and family In the Book of Genesis, these central foci of. .. maximizing the welfare of children, to cite only three of several possibilities Further, women’s employment is not necessarily an index of desire to abandon or never adopt the roles of housewives, to say nothing of the relationship between employment and attitudes toward parenthood There is more than a touch of irony in viewing formal workforce entry a sign of liberaas tion Over the course of history, different... finds that nearly all of it is written from perspectives that are presumed to be those of employees It is suggested that these perspectives significantly reflect the assumptions and ideologies of scholars who view themselves as advocates of the family, of rights of individuals or of equality for women (cf Kline and Cowan, 1989) Relatively little has been heard from the perspective of work organizations... types of workplace responses to facilitate reduction of work-family role conflicts (Zigler and Frank 1988) Despite its bulk and range, this is neither a comprehensive nor an intellectually satisfying accumulation of knowledge In a rare critique of this literature Kingston (1989) observes that it is theoretical and that it exaggerates the interdependence of the institutional spheres of work and of the... meeting of the Academy of Management, San Diego Calif 17 Work-Family Role Conflict and Employer Responsibility An Organizational Analysis of Workplace Responses to a Social Problem Paul M Roman The University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia Terry C Blum Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, Georgia For the past decade much public attention has been directed to conflicts between the demands of work... levels of the workforce, including some placement in managerial positions Within this context of earlier changes, the influx of women in the 197Os, 1980s, and 1990s into the American workplace involved a mixture of some earlier employment experiences of immigrants and minorities In part, and in contrast to men as a group, women employees offered Role Work- Family Conflict 423 employers a poolof less... environments.and we use organizational and sociological analysis to understand several different categories oforganizational behavior vis-&”is work-family role conflicts We also shed light on a neglected set of increasingly important issues for understanding organizations as workplaces Withinthe young field oforganizational behavior,little conceptual attention has been given to the provision of “fringe benefits”... In regard to a variety of social problems, time-honored traditions in this country support an abundance of rhetoric and homiletics that emanates from high levels of political and business leadership The facile and ephemeral qualities of most of this verbiage are typically reinforced by the absence of specific mandates policies, or funding support In such acontext, the absenceof a national family policy .
studies about individual and organizational phenomena are concerned with the systematic study
of the behavior and experience of organizational participants. understanding of the differences and similarities
reported between samples.
A.
The
Meaning
of
Culture
Any society may be thought of as having a variety of