much of German industry, resulted in a relatively peaceful indus-
trial relations system for many decades. This state of relatively
harmonious industrial relations provided the stability that was
necessary for rapid German economic development since 1945
and consensus between managementand labour has continued
to be a feature of German industry even when economic devel-
opment slowed down during the late 1990s.
Supporting these industrial relations factors and the effects
of the Second World War is the traditional German attitude to
education, particularly engineering education, and the beliefs
of German managers in expertise and the importance of the
task. German managers are noted for not distinguishing tech-
nical work from managerial work. Management is necessary to
get things done, is not ‘over and above’ technical work and is best
done by managers taking action themselves, rather than neces-
sarily working, at one remove, through other people (Lawrence,
1992). This attitude, coupled with the much higher technical
education of many German managers, meant that they were able
to define their jobs less as people managers and more as tech-
nical experts. So, given a more harmonious context, higher level
of technical capability and the greater respect from workers for
this ability, it is not difficult to explain why the German busi-
ness system might be quite different, though there are signs that
the reputation for technological superiority may be declining
and that the education system, as presently constructed and once
vaunted, is holding back German progress. According to an
Economist survey of Germany published in February 2006, the
rigid school system has produced the ‘PISA shock’, named after
the OECD programme that produces research on international
comparisons of mathematics and other abilities. Germany came
21st out of 31 countries assessed in 2001 in maths and science
competences for schoolchildren, though there has been recent
improvement (Economist, 2006). Moreover, Germany’s renowned
system of producing high quality apprentices by attending a
Hauptschule is also under threat, as German firms recruit fewer
apprentices and potential students look elsewhere for education
and training.
Geoffrey Jones, a British-born Harvard Business School
Professor, has made an important point about the lessons of his-
tory, comparisons with the American business system and, by
244 CorporateReputations,BrandingandPeople Management
implication, the problems that American managers might expe-
rience when managing outside of the USA. He has argued that
there has never been ‘one best way’ of achieving business success:
Historical experience stands as a powerful corrective to
over-simplistic management fads and fashions, and to slavish
transfers of management systems and practices that might
work well in one country but can be disastrous in another
… Generations of British business historians explained
their country’s economic ‘failure’ by establishing what it
did ‘wrong’ compared to US or German business … We
maintain that comparisons which use the United States as
a benchmark can be misleading. The United States is an
idiosyncratic country by virtue of its size and growth, high
levels of entrepreneurial energy, legalistic culture, and a
number of other unusual features. (Interview with Geoffrey
Jones, available online at http://hbswk.hbs.edu/item.
jhtml?idϭ4106&tϭbizhistory&nlϭy; accessed 12/5/04)
The systemic and enduring nature
of business systems
A second feature of business systems is the interlocking and endur-
ing nature of business-related institutions in any country or region
over time. Often we find that new industries develop in a partic-
ular country or region, and call for new kinds of skills and work
patterns. Good examples of such developments during the latter
part of the 20th century include call centres and software
development in India, electronics manufacture in Malaysia,
China, Taiwan and South Korea, and motor vehicle manufac-
turing in the southern states of the USA. These new industries
and the typical kinds of employment policies and practices asso-
ciated with them were necessarily overlaid on the existing, domi-
nant system of older industries and human resource management
patterns. Although changes occurred in the business systems of
the affected areas of India, China, Malaysia and the southern
USA, these changes were constrained by previous institutional
frameworks, such as the dominant patterns of worker organiza-
tions, including trade unions, legislation and patterns of business
Chapter 7 Corporate reputation andbranding in global companies 245
ownership (e.g. the importance of family-owned firms in Malaysia
and the state ownership of traditional Chinese firms). For
example, foreign companies wishing to set up in China were
required to form a relationship with a local partner to form a joint
venture. Such joint ventures are governed by a system of regula-
tions on employment practices regarding contracts, union recog-
nition and safety that continue to reinforce the role of national
and regional governments and the control of the Communist
party on economic development (Zhang and Martin, 2003).
Thus, it has often been the case that the rise of new industries and
associated employment practices may herald some significant
changes in certain aspects of the business system, but because
these changes do not fit closely with the previously dominant busi-
ness institutions, the interlocking and conservative nature of these
previously dominant institutional arrangements means that the
existing system remains largely intact, albeit in a modified form.
Some companies have understood this problem of institutional
inertia only too well when setting up new facilities overseas. For
example, most Japanese car manufacturers which entered the
US market during the 1980s set up their production facilities in
southern locations to avoid many of the institutional constraints
associated with typical US vehicle manufacturing in the northern
states of the USA. Indeed, some researchers have pointed out
that these Japanese firms tended to locate not in the major cen-
tres of population in these southern states but in formerly rural
small towns to source employees without previously formed
expectations of a manufacturing environment and without a
previous history of trade union membership. Such was the case
with Toyota, which set up its major American production plants
in small towns in Kentucky, Southern Indiana and West Virginia,
far removed in distance and ‘mentality’ from the major centres
of vehicle manufacture in Michigan and Ohio.
The role of critical turning points and
changes in systems
A third feature of a business systems approach is the impor-
tance of aptly named critical turning points in bringing about
246 CorporateReputations,BrandingandPeople Management
radical change (Hollingsworth and Boyer, 1997, p. 267). These
turning points include wars, economic crises and political
upheavals, often revealing severe problems in previously domi-
nant systems and resulting in transformational institutional
change. The new institutional frameworks that were imposed
following these upheavals often redefined the pre-existing rela-
tionship between employers and employees. As a consequence,
the changes in management–employee relationships became
embedded in institutional arrangements (e.g. laws, bureaucratic
systems, lobbying bodies, etc.), which persisted long after the
upheavals that gave rise to them. We have already discussed the
impact of war on Germany. Another excellent example is from
the USA during the New Deal era, which followed the critical
turning point of the Great Depression in the 1930s and led to
a new industrial relations framework, based on a highly codi-
fied system of collective contracts and trade union recognition,
which exists to this day in the northern US states. As the inwardly
investing Japanese car manufacturers attempted to point out in
their location decisions, the New Deal institutional arrangement
may have been appropriate during an era of mass production
with an emphasis on a standard and limited product range and
cost containment, but was not suited to their novel ‘lean pro-
duction’ strategy of providing high levels of quality, a wider
product range and even lower costs.
In the UK, the radical transformation of politics and indus-
trial relations brought about by the election of the Thatcher gov-
ernment in 1979 put Britain on a road very different from the
European corporatist consensus between government, big busi-
ness and the trade unions that still forms the ideology of the
EU. The legacy of Thatcherism is still at the heart of the divi-
sions between Britain and many member states over economic
policy. Moreover, the decline in trade union density in the UK,
from 52% in 1979 to only 29% of the working population in
2005, is a consequence, in part, of the radical policies pursued
by the Thatcher government, and in part of the more sophisti-
cated HR strategies designed and implemented in the UK
from the mid-1980s. Such strategies include the focus on anti-
discrimination, family-friendly policies on job sharing, childcare
provision, coupled with performance-related pay, all of which
have impacted on the traditional role of the trade union.
Chapter 7 Corporate reputation andbranding in global companies 247
A more complex basis for comparing and
contrasting international business systems
A fourth feature of the business systems approach is to allow com-
parisons of different national systems on a more complex range
of key dimensions than national cultural characteristics and, at
the same time, to reveal their unique nature. These key dimen-
sions for comparison cover major institutional arrangements such
as the nature of product, labour and capital markets, the organiza-
tion or clustering of firms, the role of the state and legal regulation,
systems of vocational education and training, and industrial relations.
However, the unique character of any one system is guaranteed
by the particular configuration of what dimensions are important
and their interaction over time. For example, in the development
of the US business system the ‘path-dependence’ or ‘what came
before what’ of each of the key features of the system meant that
it turned out to be unique (Jones, 2003), even though it might be
possible to compare countries as close as America and Britain on
any one of these dimensions by itself.
The evolution of the MNEs
In the preceding sections we have set out the national cultural,
institutional and historical constraints on companies’ attempts
to develop strong corporate identities and cultures among those
MNEs that seek to become geocentric. This has led some writers
to suggest that the truly geocentric organization is more myth
than reality or is an ideal rarely achieved in reality. Firms seek-
ing geocentrism have been described as moving through four
stages related to the life cycle of the firm (Adler and Ghadar,
1990):
■ Stage 1: Managers make brief visits or have short assign-
ments to assist the overseas units with any technical or
product needs.
■ Stage 2: HQ acknowledges that local markets require a
differentiated approach where products and business
methods are adapted to local circumstances. Home
248 CorporateReputations,BrandingandPeople Management
country nationals (HCNs) are recruited to sales, mar-
keting and HR roles as they are perceived to have a
greater understanding of local circumstances.
■ Stage 3: When the company seeks to exploit integra-
tion and cost advantages. One of HR’s most important
tasks would be to focus on integrating employees
through management courses and training and by
expanding the same corporate identity, values and
norms of behaviour through performance management
techniques. Additionally, the use of sophisticated HR
tools such as succession planning might be used to
integrate employees resulting in subsidiary units com-
prising a mixture of parent company nationals (PCNs),
HCNs and third country nationals (TCNs).
■ Stage 4: This is reached when there is a balance between
global integration with national responsiveness. At this
stage, recruitment of managerial staff is based on the
best person for the job rather than any consideration of
nationality or links to HQ. Extensive use is made of
cultural diversity training and programmes.
The expatriation of parent company managers is a key ele-
ment in this process, especially during stages 1–3. All MNEs
exert a degree of control over their subsidiaries to ensure cer-
tain patterns of behaviour on the part of local management,
workforce representatives and employees. Such control can be
either direct or unobtrusive. Direct control is defined as the
degree of involvement in local activities, i.e. direct involvement
in decision-making; international guidelines on the selection
and promotion of employees would be viewed as an overt means
by which managers are expected to comply. Unobtrusive con-
trol is defined as the way in which HQ shapes and constrains
decisions made at subsidiary level through controlling the
premises underlying decision-making. Good examples of this
process are management training or management exchanges
designed to reinforce corporate identities.
Expatriating managers to host country subsidiaries is more
than a mechanism of direct control, sometimes described as
the equivalent of ‘gun-boat’ diplomacy. Expatriate managers
bring with them the values, attitudes and ways of doing things
Chapter 7 Corporate reputation andbranding in global companies 249
that embody the corporate culture and identity. As such,
researchers have argued that they are the transmitters of cor-
porate culture and identity, boundary spanners, cultural or iden-
tity carriers. They also provide a more pervasive means of
unobtrusive control through the diffusion of values and attitudes
in their day-to-day work practices. Because of this pervasive influ-
ence, companies such as Unilever and ABB, which are sometimes
described as geocentric, relying heavily on a cadre of international
managers to diffuse cultural and identity practices across the com-
pany (Martin and Beaumont, 1998). Ferner and Edwards (1995,
p. 241) see the physical movement of staff ‘as a key means of dis-
seminating cultural understanding and ways of doing things’.
The case of the Mars Corporation in Box 7.3 illustrates some of
the stages and complexity involved in the evolution of one MNE.
250 CorporateReputations,BrandingandPeople Management
Box 7.3 The evolution of Mars
The Mars Corporation has 65 factories in 60 countries worldwide. The
company produces sweets, ready to serve meals, pet foods and drinks, as
well as electronic payment systems, with a range of household names for
brands, including M&Ms, Twix, Mars Bars and Snickers in snackfoods,
to Pedigree, Whiskas, Cesar and Sheeba in petcare, and Uncle Ben’s in
foods. The annual turnover of the Mars Corporation amounts to over
$18 billion with a global workforce of over 28 000 people (http://www.
mars.com/About_us/The_Mars_story.asp; 28 February 2006).
Mars is an American family-owned company, which began with the
invention of the well-known Mars chocolate bar in 1923. According
to Brenner (1999), the company’s success has been mainly due to the
founder’s son, who moved to England in the 1930s when his father
refused to allow him to have one-third control of the company. The son
was given the foreign rights to produce a chocolate bar in Europe. He
was so successful that he bought out his father’s company in the US
soon after the latter’s death. The company began by producing choc-
olate bars, later diversifying into producing pet food and other food
products in the 1940s. Ownership of the company resides with the Mars
family, one of the richest in the United States. The company is still man-
aged on a day-to-day basis by the two sons who attempt to visit each Mars
unit at least twice a year (Brenner, 1999).
Chapter 7 Corporate reputation andbranding in global companies 251
The company’s history is of expansion, nationally and globally. This
desire is at the heart of its corporate strategy. This is encapsulated by the
founder’s somewhat grandiose comments: ‘I wanted to capture the whole
goddamn world’ (Brenner, 1999, p. 59). Despite the fact that an American
family owns the company and that it is US-based, Britain remains Mars’
leading market.
Mars opened a subsidiary in Poland in 1990, largely because confec-
tionery is one of the most profitable and competitive industries. It is
often said that chocolate and sweets are among the first things people
buy when their incomes rise. Poles have long had the highest per capita
chocolate consumption in Central and Eastern Europe and figures sug-
gest that this consumption has risen five-fold since 1990, to about 2 kg
of chocolate and 3 kg of sweets per annum. However this is well below
Western European averages of more than 5 kg in chocolate alone, sug-
gesting that there is much greater market potential in Poland.
To build its company culture and overcome the problems of buying
a state-owned factory, with ‘bloated’ workforces, complex distribution
systems, huge product ranges and outdated plants scattered arbitrarily
around a single city or region, Mars built its factory and market pres-
ence from scratch. In 1991 it acquired land about 50 km west of Warsaw
and installed machinery to make dry pet food. The market in pet foods
was at this time non-existent. The company ensured that it took only
a small risk by installing previously used machinery from various
European companies and drafting ten expatriate managers to manage
this new operation. By December 1992 it was clear that the market was
growing. The company employed 120 peopleand was producing
15 000 tonnes of pet food, with a turnover of around $US 30m. Other
product lines were added to production: snack foods (e.g. Mars bars)
in 1995; and wet pet foods (e.g. canned dog food) in 1996.
In 1995 a new factory was opened, producing confectionery prod-
ucts such as Mars bars, Milky Way and Galaxy. By this time there were
1000 people employed by the company with 700 on-site and the rest
operating as a national sales force. By the end of 1997 the turnover had
reached circa $US 200m with expectations of continued substantial
growth over the next 4–5 years, with a total number of 1400 employees.
By 2001, Mars had around 90% of the pet foods market and around
12% of confectionery.
Mars defines its culture explicitly in the form of five principles: qual-
ity for customers and value for money, individual responsibility and
252 CorporateReputations,BrandingandPeople Management
responsibility for others, mutuality in sharing benefits, efficiency in using
resources and doing only what can be done efficiently, and freedom to
shape the future with profits to remain free. These were developed 20
years ago by the Mars family, who desired global expansion but wanted
to maintain unity and integration.
The founder, by explicitly stating his vision and values, and contin-
ual reinforcement through regular visits and active participation, is
central to Mars culture. As one British manager commented: ‘Culture
is strictly defined by members of the family, who have a very, very direct
influence.’ The central tenets of the culture are reinforced through
the artefacts, atmosphere and office layout. Brenner (1999) succinctly
encapsulates the working culture at Mars:
Everyone has the same size desk, everyone answers his own telephone
and everyone is awarded a 10 per cent bonus for punctuality. To encourage
communication, managers sit in a wagon wheel fashion in the centre of a
large room, encircled by junior associates. The sales dept is right next to the
marketing dept, which is right next to manufacturing and accounting. There
are no offices, no partitions and no privacy. That way, the founder reasoned,
everybody in the company would know what everyone else was doing …
(Brenner, 1999, p. 189)
At Mars there is little regard for status and formality is frowned upon;
everyone is referred to by his or her first name. Personal communica-
tion is the normal state of affairs.
Global companies use the corporate identity and culture as a unifying
force to overcome issues of nationality, with Mars being a classic example.
Most workers are dressed in their starched whites, uniforms provided by
the company and laundered daily. Some are wearing hard hats and everyone
has their first name emblazoned on their coats. There is no way to tell who
is in charge – who is an executive and who is a janitor. There is no way to
tell you that you are in a factory located in the former Soviet Union, just
120 km outside Moscow. (Brenner, 1999, p. 284)
I often used to say that I didn’t really live in Poland as the Mars unit was just
like any other. (Former expatriate British manager working in Poland)
Mars also has a policy of using the informal aspect of any language irre-
spective of culture or country. In Poland, traditionally the formal means of
Chapter 7 Corporate reputation andbranding in global companies 253
addressing a colleague is used as a sign of respect. The usage of the infor-
mal means of address meant that the culture often had to be explained to
outsiders such as suppliers.
Yet Mars encountered significant problems in transferring its values
to Poland. The company communicated the Mars values in the first few
years through training workshops. Competitions were held to reward
employees who could demonstrate that they were able to demonstrate
the Mars values at work or home. However, as the responses from the
local managers demonstrate, the Mars values were perceived negatively
and as a form of brandwashing. The communist legacy meant that the
five Mars principles were perceived as anachronistic propaganda. The
five values were used as fundamental truths, which Polish managers
viewed uncomfortably. For instance, one respondent recounted that at
a meeting in the UK one of the attendees had quoted the ‘principle’ of
responsibility as a way of supporting a particular business strategy. The
respondent said that this action was reminiscent of management activ-
ities in the former communist era. For this reason, the emphasis of the
Mars Company on its stated values was perceived to be anachronistic
propaganda by Polish respondents.
Polish people don’t want to hear five principles … People still remember the
communist times and the propaganda. The values do not need to be made
explicit in Poland because it is a different environment. In the West there is
greater stability, so managers can concentrate on maintaining relationships.
But we need to improvise and be more spontaneous. Therefore the values
are seen as limiting, perhaps suffocating and need to be adapted. (Interview
with a Polish manager)
Consequently, in 1998 the management team decided to adapt the five
principles to the Polish culture. The adapted values, whilst different from
the original values, share similar ambitions. They are now far more pre-
scriptive, with a greater range of examples aimed at assisting meaning
and understanding. For example, the value of ‘mutual respect’ itemises
six meanings or codes of conduct. These include:
We are fair and sensitive. This should not be confused with unthinking
generosity but rather refers to the concept of understanding different
point/requirements and making decisions, which are mutually beneficial.
(Company Handbook)
. and
252 Corporate Reputations, Branding and People Management
responsibility for others, mutuality in sharing benefits, efficiency in using
resources and. turning points in bringing about
246 Corporate Reputations, Branding and People Management
radical change (Hollingsworth and Boyer, 1997, p. 267). These
turning