Special languages have been defined as semi-autonomous, complex semi- otic systems based on and derived from general language; their effective use is restricted to people who have received a special education and who use these languages for communication with their professional peers and associates in the same or related fields of knowledge. These languages differ from general language in that (a) they are constituted of special text types, e.g. laboratory reports, test certificates, special syntax, and in that (b) they use terms in addition to words, i.e. linguistic expression forms en
dowed with special reference as distinct from the general reference of words.
Terms must be learnt separately from words, even if they have, as some
times occurs, the same expression form. Only if both interlocutors in a speech act know the special reference of a term, and, by implication, that they are using terms rather than words, can special communication suc
ceed. The conditions which must be fulfilled to achieve successful special communication are therefore different from the requirements for general communication.
In special communication terms and standardised terms make a critical contribution to achieving complete and effective communication. This they do by making the choice of language, knowledge and intention more systematic and hence easier. In order to establish criteria for evaluating the effectiveness of communication in special languages we can postulate three objectives or properties:
1. The message should be as economical as possible without disturbing the effective transmission of the intention or knowledge content. Economy is not simply concerned with strategies for concise transmission, but with all aspects of the reduction of effort in the transmission of information. These in
clude compactness of substantive realisation, the exploitation of non-linguistic codes, and the co-ordination of content and intention for ease of coding and decoding.
Economy of expression and reference can manifest itself easily in a sys
tem that has to provide for internal, textual, situational and environmental reference within the social norm governing each sublanguage. The diversity of methods of referring (general, specific, individual) is matched by various means of disambiguation which in some areas of agreed reference can become redundant. Hence, precision and redundancy can be modified within the social norm of each sublanguage to counteract various types of interference created by the requirement of economy.
2. The message should convey the intended content as precisely as possible.
Precision is concerned with the association of an expression with a well- defined area of the knowledge space; the more strictly the social norm deter
mines the limits of that area the more precise can be the corresponding term.
Precision is to some extent inherent in the linguistic norm; beyond that it is a teleologicai criterion operating within the social norm and varying with the extent to which individual reception criteria are adjustable and taken into account by the sender. Non-linguistic codes and artificial languages largely respond to this need for precision combined with economy.
3. The message should be constructed as appropriately as possible so that the sender can optimally affect the state of knowledge of the recipient in the way he intends. Appropriateness of reference is closely allied to intention.
An appropriate message should enable the recipient to localise accurately the area of knowledge which is the subject of the discourse, as well as achieving the intention in as effective a manner as possible.
Appropriateness is a purely pragmatic criterion entirely dependent on the social norm. Its rules are largely conditioned by the text type and form; greater flexibility exists in spoken variants. The conventions derived from frequently repeated special speech acts circumscribe the norm for appropriate word formation, syntactic expression and text type selection. Despite its elusive na
ture appropriateness is the most frequently used criterion in the evaluation of special communication; not only is it used to arbitrate between the sometimes conflicting demands of economy and precision, but it is also used to measure the highly specific and situation-conditioned messages of special speech acts.
These three objectives are interdependent: to achieve maximum efficacy of communication the requirements of one have to be weighed against the re
quirements of each and both of the others, according to the circumstances of the situation of the message.
The Communicative Dimension 107 These objectives are already inherent in the linguistic norm which main
tains the stability of the system and thus ensures the equilibrium required for the maximum efficiency of the system as a whole. Any breach of the limits of efficacy is a move away from the natural language controlled by the linguistic norm and a move towards artificial languages, which are limited in function, and in speech communities, and, as deliberate constructs, are governed only by social norms. The linguistic norm does, however, permit variation in its minimal requirements in sublanguages with restricted functions.
4.2.1 Lexical expression of economy
In special communication economy is based on the assumption that in con
fined subject areas a relatively small group of users can reach agreement on the relationship between language and text, i.e. the form and meaning of frequently occurring messages and lexical items.
Economy has two dimensions: the economy of initial naming of terms and economy of regular speech acts.
In word or term formation there is a potential economy in the use of existing words, rather than newly created ones, i.e. neologisms, which have to be learnt separately. The simple juxtaposition of expression forms into long terms, e.g. 'console printer-keyboard channel attachment', is economical as far as the total stock of words required for multiple combination is concerned.
While there is no direct correlation between the complexity of a concept and the length of a term it would appear reasonable to expect that a complex set of relationships be reflected in a complex term. What in general reference has to be expressed in qualifying phrases and other attributes, and gradually developed through the context, must be expressible as a single term in special languages. This is not to say that complex relationships cannot be expressed in words, nor that a greater cognitive effort is involved in understanding special reference items expressed in words, which is the common practice in teaching situations and in popular science. The potential for economy of terms and standards is, however, vastly superior to that of words because of the pragmatic situations in which they are used. Since the use of very complex terms is, however, uneconomical in a speech act, such long terms are usually shortened to two or three elements, sufficient to give the specialist a short label to refer to a well-defined term.
In special speech acts economy is the result of a division of labour: the learning of definitions, which serves for many subsequent speech acts, and the
actual use of the term, which is then more economical. Complex concepts can only be expressed by simple terms, sometimes even identical to words, because the term is acknowledged to be a substitute label for the full definition.
Accuracy and economy of expression can only be assured if we accept that a text containing terms presupposes the participants' prior familiarity with the appropriate definitions of the concepts. For the same reason it would be uneconomical in popular science writing to introduce terms not likely to be used regularly. If terms are given in popular science they are intended for general information as identifiers.
The concentration of complex relationships into short expression forms increases our cognitive capacity; from psycholinguistic experiments we know that the capacity of short term memory, the scope of distinction of absolute judgement, and the span of attention, oscillate at about seven items. Economy in the vocabulary is achieved by compression, through such procedures as acronymy, blending, derivation and compounding, especially when the com
pound represents the concentration of a whole phrase or even clause. The use of acronyms, symbols and other abbreviations is the most obvious example of economy. According to the aspect and level of the text, abbreviations are assumed to be known or they are introduced in brackets after the first mention of a name. The efforts of professional organisations such as standardising bodies in reducing information into more concentrated units seems therefore to be fully justified, e.g.
motor car => car
tubular box spanner => tubular spanner
spanner key for hexagonal socket screws => hex (socket screw) key The reduction of 'the ratio of the circumference of a circle to its radius' to a single Greek letter represents an extreme case of economy, which is, incident
ally, also more precise than its numerical representation.
The great diversity of text types is largely due to requirements of economy.
Lists, reports, essays and their varieties and subtypes are often highly subject-, situation- and intention-specific so that communication can be very econom
ical. Prior understanding of the purpose of a text makes the overt statement of intention superfluous in such forms as invoices, prescriptions, production memoranda, etc. In many cases these forms dispense even with syntactic links and merely give independent items of information which the recipient interprets correctly as informative, evaluative or directive.
Because of their limited functions and clear specification of intention spe
cial languages can develop a high degree of syntactic economy. The various
The Communicative Dimension 109 types of memos, reports and schedules which constitute the vast majority of all written communication permit simple listing after colons, the use of brackets to contain explanatory detail, the expression of clauses by simple apposition between dashes, and the use of abbreviations such as 'cr.', 'viz', 'i.e.', 'q.v.', 'etc.' to express syntactic links, all of which increase syntactic economy.
A highly economical means of representing complex relationships among terms exists in the rules of nomenclatures for fixing the meaning of word order and patterns of affixation and compounding. The binomial code of biology, for example, provides a means of identifying uniquely thousands of species, subspecies, and even varieties of physical entities. It can be enlarged to in
dicate sources of designation, erroneous designations and their correction by the use of capital letters, abbreviation, brackets and other punctuation signs.
The various rules for shortening the names of chemical compounds, e.g. the radico-functional names, the replacement names, which use numbers, and the acceptance of trivial names represent systematic efforts at economy (see also section 3.4). Even standardised terms permit optional omission of elements of long compounds in order to increase effectiveness of communication.
4.2.1 Precision of expression
Precision is a universal requirement of communication. It is a measure of the accuracy with which knowledge and intention are represented in a text. In spe
cial communication the finer differentiation which characterises the internal knowledge structure of a discipline must be reflected as precisely as possible in the language.
The scientific methods aim at precision of statements. Observations are made in the first instance by means of specific or even individual reference.
Generalisations are supported by experimental and statistical evidence and logical argument. The formulation of statements claiming general validity in special languages is fully supported by unambiguous reference to measure
ments or definitions and strengthened, in science by formulae, and in social science by linguistic precedent. Any remaining uncertainty of interpretation can be resolved only by reference to axioms in science or higher human author
ity in society. In the special language of law, for example, special institutions have been established to interpret language.
In special communication terms are considered substitute labels for defini
tions because only a full and precise definition is the proper linguistic repres
entation of a concept. A text like a glossary, consisting of a series of definitions
which only use terms precisely defined elsewhere is undoubtedly precise, but it is normally only utilised as a 'presupposed' text on the basis of which other special speech acts can develop. Precision in definitions normally conflicts with economy in that a full definition tends to be lengthy. One of the main functions of terms and standards is to allow users of special reference to re
place long definitions with a more economical but equally precise expression.
Terms and standardised terms are not intrinsically precise, since a term can only be precise if its definition is both itself precise and universally understood and accepted by its potential users. When terms are used that are standardised as parts of other definitions the precision of reference is maximised. Standard
isation, which presupposes or imposes general acceptance of the meaning of terms, is an important guarantee of precision of reference (see also section 4.3.5).
Precision is not absolute but gradable and dependent on the intention and knowledge conditions of each speech act. Special reference, i.e. precise delim
itation of the region of knowledge referred to, is consequently only established when required.
Precision operates on two planes: precision of reference and precision of syntactic relationships between referents. Criteria frequently associated with precision such as completeness, exhaustiveness and accuracy describe appro
priateness rather than precision. The precision required of the substance of expression in correct spelling and phonemic pronunciation is fundamental to all language varieties and general language.
Written forms are considered to be more precise than spoken forms, the syntax of which is frequently more ambiguous, especially when interpreted after the situation in which they have occurred. An exception is the precision required of, and attached to, spoken language in legal proceedings, oaths, etc., where participants are often made to read out a text in order to avoid a dubious interpretation later. A number of types of schedules depend for their validity on precision, and some serve for verification of precision of reference or expression, e.g. defining glossaries of standardising bodies.
The precision of expression of syntactic relationships is highly developed in special languages. In legal language, for example, the requirements are so stringent that pronouns are avoided altogether or are only used when their reference is totally unambiguous. The need for precision is increased by the density and complexity of the information which results from economy. For this reason, precision makes special English appear more formal than general English.
In lexical items precision can take various forms: they can be precise in
The Communicative Dimension 111 reference because they designate unique objects; they can be precise in expres
sion form because they may not have developed their polysemic potential, or they have no synonyms with overlapping meaning or they have no homonyms.
It is generally accepted that standardised terms are more precise than terms, and terms are more precise than words.
An alternative method of achieving precision of reference resides in the use of nomenclatures. They effectively systematise long-established observa
tion terms, e.g. in biology and anatomy, supported by definitions, and their reference is ultimately confirmable through visual evidence. Nomenclatures are less effective in chemistry and mineralogy because of the various alternate systems of notation and the complexity of proving distinctiveness. They are least effective in the property and process terms of medicine.
Precision can be increased by more complex designations, or reduced by such devices as compression of forms. For example, 'ratio of a pair of gears' is more precise than 'gear ratio' but for most practical purposes the latter form is preferred. Derivation can produce precise terms only when the affix has been given a unique designative function such as -'ance' in electronics seems to be acquiring, or -'osis' and -'iasis' in medicine. Terms formed from prefixed verbs are often preferred to verb + preposition, because they can be matched with nominal equivalents, and because such verbs can be further modified by a single preposition. For example, 'perform' creates 'performance' and is preferred to 'carry out'. Equally, 'absorb (absorption)' instead of 'take in', etc.
The same principle of concentration can be seen in such terms as 'off-print' and 'throughput' which are verbal nouns first and infinitives of verbs second.
Precision can also be seen in the use of prepositions. For example, the distinc
tion between 'from', which in 'made from' indicates a basic material which may be further processed, 'by', which indicates indirect means and 'through', which indicates direct transfer, e.g. 'the engine is driven by steam through a piston'.
Double prepositions are yet another means of expressing greater precision, e.g. 'downstream of', 'inboard of', 'onto', 'prior to', 'rearward of'.
4.2.3 Appropria ten ess of expression
Appropriateness arbitrates between precision and economy and is the meas
ure of the effectiveness of the intention as it is expressed and understood in a message. Appropriateness of expression results from a proper apprecia
tion of the cognitive effort required of the recipient. It starts therefore with
the correct presuppositions that the sender makes. Equally, appropriateness regulates the explicitness of expression of the psychological intention and is therefore based on the correct assessment of the assumptions that can be made about the correct interpretation of the sender's intention.
The intention to augment, modify or confirm the recipient's knowledge is dependent on the situational factors of inequality of knowledge. Confirmation of knowledge, for instance, permits a higher degree of special reference than addition to knowledge and incidentally, therefore, greater economy; the use of undefined terms is a clear signal of presupposed knowledge, but which definitions can be presupposed can only be decided on the basis of appro
priateness for a group or an individual. Any such presupposition endows the relevant text item with the intention of confirming knowledge. Modification of knowledge requires a questioning of presuppositions and possibly redef
initions of items of knowledge which render the speech act less economical but more precise. Appropriateness also decides the degree of general and special reference required in the individual speech act and therefore regulates the relative frequency of occurrence of words, terms and standardised terms.
Appropriateness is, finally, the measure of the level of specialism aimed at so that the reader of a well-formulated text can distinguish between known and new references. Appropriateness therefore also controls the necessity of creating standards, with respect to both the knowledge structure and its linguistic representation. According to the fixation achieved in the know
ledge structure and the range and type of users, appropriateness, for instance, determines the permissibility and admissibility of synonyms, the limitations of their use in particular sublanguages, or their elimination within a special field.
Global appropriateness of texts is in the first instance a property of text types which is established on conventional assumptions about certain groups of people with specified degrees of knowledge and functions within the special subject community. Modes of appropriateness are therefore specified in the pragmatic requirements of text forms.
At the level of the text appropriateness manifests itself through the di
versification of forms. This diversification permits a high degree of precision in the conventions attached to each text form, and economy is achieved by not having to express intention linguistically in each case. This leaves the linguistic message free for signalling particular emphasis on intention, or small variations in the intention from the pattern established by the convention.
For example, the difference between informative and descriptive abstracts, between an index and a checklist, an introduction and a preface are the result