Although mapping and regression were run for all dependent variables using both buffering distances, in order to refine my argument, certain priorities are set. Since chained supermarkets and non-chained grocers have a full range of products, thus, investigating these types can reveal which type of community has higher spatial association with these retailers.
The remaining three categories, namely specialty food shops, foreign food shops and healthy food shops, are known for their specialised and limited range of products (Glanz et al.
2007).Thus, they will have different implications for the foodscape of Amsterdam. Figure 4.1.
shows the type-based distribution of all categories. As expected, retailers concentrate at high level at the centre. The three most visible categories are chained supermarkets, specialty stores and non-chained grocers. Supermarkets are increasingly making a statement in the retail market. Specialty stores, while disappearing gradually, still maintain a great number in proportion to the total amount. Non-chained grocers have more limited assortments, and they tend to be less demanding about retail space and infrastructural facilities, which might help explain how they are spread throughout Amsterdam. Of notice is the fact that a great number of retailers are located on main streets that border between neighbourhoods, especially in proximity to the central area. This might result from the inherited street networks that has been established by a canal systems of Amsterdam. Retailers located further from the centre tend to follow this pattern, though not necessarily frequently, due to different in street networks of the later-developed areas.
4. Results
Figure 4.1. Type-based distribution of food retailers in Amsterdam, 2015
Figure 4.2. Number of food retailers available per cell in Amsterdam, 2015
Overall, taking all types into account, the 500 metre distribution follows a centralised as well as hierarchical pattern. It is centralised in a sense that cells with more food retailers available concentrate at the centre of the city, then the pattern disperses and lessens towards the edges of the municipality. From a more macroscopic scale, this can be interpreted as a monocentric ring pattern (Figure 4.2). It is hierarchical in a sense that in there are also some concentration at lower geographical level. Central Amsterdam has the most concentration, understandably; yet at Indischebuurt, Pijp and around Da Costabuurt, there are also equivalent concentration of food retailers, especially at the Pijp. The total count of all type does not reveal much about the dynamic of the distribution, certainly, yet it happens to reveal the that Amsterdam food retailers are dispersing away from their traditional distribution, which stays close to the historical Canal District. The reason for this might has to do with gentrification process, although due to different factors. This would be discussed in details later.
Those areas with less number of food retailers available are the New West, South, South- East and the North. For these areas, most cells can access up to 5 food retailers. Also as expected, the ones close to the harbour areas are exposed to lack of food retailers. These first observations appear to be in line in what is generally known about the development of Amsterdam. Still, since this is consideration of all types of stores, it does not help in revealing a more detailed distribution. The thesis turns to investigate distribution of each of the categories.
4. Results
Chained supermarkets
Chained supermarkets are the most common choice in studies trying to address urban nutrition environment, especially in the global North, where the role of chained supermarkets has become increasingly important (Steel 2009). Here in Amsterdam, cells with higher number of chained supermarkets available are concentrated in the central area. In addition, certain areas also have high aggregate, such as Indischebuurt, Schedelbuurt in the East and Waterlandpleinbuurt in the North and other areas close to the centre. There are areas close to the centre with no chained supermarket available. The explanation might be these areas, such as Passeerdergratchbuurt, have more restaurant and food services place rather than food retailers.
Figure 4.3. Number of chained supermarkets available per cell in Amsterdam, 2015 A majority of cells have at least 1 supermarket available within 500 metre, thus it appears that the distributional pattern, with the exception of the central areas, is well spread throughout the city. New West, South and South East tends to have lower supermarket availability; still, at there are some concentrated area in which 1 to 2 supermarkets are available, such as Slotemeer, Wildeman, and Bijlmermuseum respectively.
Discount supermarkets
As shown in Figure 4.4, discount supermarkets provide a different pattern, that is different from the aforementioned centric distribution. The cells with highest number of discount supermarket available concentrate at Transvaalbuurt in the East. Other highly concentrated areas include Bosleeuw in West, Wildeman in New West, Da Costabuurt and Gerard Doubuurt in Centre, and Amsterdamse Poort in Sout-East. Though a great number of cells does not have any discount stores available within 500 metre radius, this category’s availability can be observed in every parts of the city.
Figure 4.4. Number of discount supermarkets available per cell in Amsterdam, 2015
4. Results
Non-chained grocers
Non-chained grocers’ availability is also prevalent, as illustrated in Figure 4.5. Cells with higher availability are located at Centre. In addition, they are concentrated around Borgerbuurt, Sarphatisparkbuurt and Indischebuurt. This observation might be explained by the ethnical proportions of these areas; for instance, Indischebuurt is considered a prime example of a gentrifying neighbourhood in Amsterdam, where both physical as well as racial features are of a mixed nature (Ernst & Doucet 2014). Non-chained grocers tend to offer certain number of more exotic food products, in addition to the ‘standard’ ones, such as those with owners of Turkish or Surinamese background. Still, regardless of ethnic influence, since these stores are less demanding about retail space, as well as not aiming to attract as great an amount of customers as chained-supermarkets, they are located throughout the cities and thus, remain high availability in a majority of areas.
Figure 4.5. Number of non-chained grocers available per cell in Amsterdam, 2015
Specialty food shops
Specialty food shops’ distribution is presented in Figure 4.6. Cells with higher available concentrate at Centre, around Borgerbuurt in West, Sarphatistraatbuurt and IJselbuurt in South and Indischebuurt in East. While specialty stores are reported to be disappearing from the market (Pinckaers 2015), the availability of specialty stores appears to be prevalent throughout the city. It is likely that the press from the market has not been strong enough to enforce a radical change in retail format of these stores; consequential, no noticeable lack of these stores is observed. In addition, as Pinckaers have reported, they have turned to target different group of customers. Traditionally, these stores serve daily food supply, whereas currently more and more is catering to customers more demanding in terms of quality and taste, which might explain their concentration in later-developed area such as New West.
Figure 4.6. Number of specialty food shops available per cell in Amsterdam, 2015
4. Results
Healthy food shops
Healthy food shops’ distribution can be observed in Figure 4.7. This category consists of organic shops and other stores that offer healthy food choices, representing a rising trend in Dutch food consumption of both retailers and consumers. This is, to some extent, cause by political pressure and support for organic food as a component of an environmentally friendly food system which ensures not only food safety for the consumers but also addresses ethical concerns for actors involved in production process (Kalogeras et al. 2004). Still, since their pricing is not competitive, they tend to cater to consumers with higher social-economic status (Brisman 2009; Hall 2012; Brisman & South 2013). As show here, these stores have a tendency to remain close to the central areas. The main concentration areas are that around Central Station, Elandgrachtbuurt, and Weteringbuurt.
Figure 4.7. Number of healthy food shops available per cell in Amsterdam, 2015
Foreign food shops
Finally, as Amsterdam residents are well known for their diverse ethnic backgrounds, it comes as no surprise that foreign food shops are available almost throughout the city, as presented in Figure 4.8. Cell with high availability clearly concentrate at Indischebuurt in the East, which is known for a variety of Turkish and Indonesian food shops. In addition, concentration can, again, be found at Borgerbuurt, Sarphatistraatbuurt, and Indische Buurt.
South East has high concentration around Bijlmermuseum and Amsterdamse Poort. It would be interesting to see how ethnic background of residents can be linked to this category’s distributional pattern.
Figure 4.8. Number of foreign food shops available per cell in Amsterdam, 2015
4. Results
In summary, this section has outlined main features of each category, and help visualising the food retailing landscape through the use of maps. A number of main observations are:
• With the exception of discount supermarkets, all categories have a tendency to concentrate in proximity of the central area. Cells that are closer to the boundary have lower availability.
• Retailers with wide range of products for daily food consumption, i.e. chained- supermarkets and non-chained grocers are mostly prevalent throughout the city.
• Other category, with more limited or specific range of products are less prevalent. They concentrate at specific areas, among which some common names arise, such as Indischebuurt, Sarphatiparkbuurt, and Borgerbuurt.