The evolution of multiple agricultures a

THE EVOLUTON OF MULTIPLE AGRICUTLURES AND THEIR CULTURAL DISPERSALS A Descent-Based Approach to the Study of Agricultural Origins and Dispersals Chris Lovell A thesis submitted to the School of Social Sciences in partial fulfilment of the requirements of a Bachelor of Anthropology Honours Degree, The University of Queensland February 2005 Declaration I hereby declare that the work presented in this thesis is the result of my own independent research, except where otherwise acknowledged in the bibliography This material has not been submitted either in whole or in part, for a degree at this or any other university ……………………………… Chris Lovell February 2005 ii CONTENTS Declaration ii Abstract v Acknowledgements vi Introduction Background Problem Rationale 11 Overview of Thesis Problems with the Study of Agricultural Origins and Dispersals 16 Introduction` 17 Historical Background 17 Subsistence Categories and Agricultural Evolution 20 Agricultural Origins and Dispersals 35 Summary 39 Theory and Method 42 Introduction 33 Cultures and their Evolution 45 Phylogeny versus Reticulation 55 Phylogeny, Classification and Comparison 63 Summary 68 iii A Theory of Agricultural Evolution and Dispersal 69 Introduction 70 The Evolution of Multiple Agricultures 70 The Cultural Dispersals of Agricultures 74 Discussion 78 Conclusion 85 References 89 iv Abstract The study of agricultural origins and dispersals is characterised by contradiction and confusion This confusion derives from a transformations-between-subsistence-categories view of evolutionary history This view conceptually condenses cultural variation into a series of typological categories such as hunting-gathering and agriculture and fosters the view that evolutionary history consists of a single, universal pathway Meanwhile scholars find evidence of cultural variation and historical plurality, contradicting the expectations of the transformations-between-subsistence-categories approach In this thesis I argue for the complete abandonment of this approach in favour of a descent-based, Darwinian view of evolutionary history According to this view, agriculture is not ‘one thing’ Rather a multiplicity of agricultures is said to exist Agricultural knowledge and practices are those that allow people to increase the availability of food Procurement is the act of getting food Agricultures evolve and are inherited along lineages of descent These lineages can be used to classify agricultures into families or styles A phylogeny-based comparative method can be employed to support hypotheses about why and how specific agricultural practiced evolved and how and why they dispersed This approach generates a fundamentally different view of agricultural history and carries the study of agricultural evolution beyond the current confusion v Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Leonn Satterthwait for all the good advice and guidance he has given me over the course of writing this thesis Throughout the twists and turns that this project has taken, Leonn has supported my manoeuvres whilst offering critical advice More than anything I must thank Leonn for pushing me to write a thesis rather than a diatribe I would also like to thank my parents, Janet and Dennis Lovell, who provided me with a place to study, endless nurture and constant encouragement Without their help, this thesis could never have taken shape Throughout my life, they have encouraged me to pursue my passions and given freely their support No child could ask for more Thanks must also go to Daniel Quinn for providing the foundational inspiration and point of view for this thesis Thankyou to Natalie Myers for her undying enthusiasm and support for all that I do, for her feedback and dialogues, and for helping to shape this way of thinking Thankyou to Mark Merrit for always providing a point of reference with his academic insights, creativity and enthusiasm and for providing feedback almost always at short or no notice Thankyou to Michael Edrich for all the dialogues and exchanges of the last several years that both he and I know contributed substantially to the shape of this thesis Thankyou to my girlfriend Fiona Brown for always supporting me and for always being there, regardless vi CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION The transition from hunting-gathering to agriculture is often cited as a major benchmark in the cultural evolutionary history of our species Through several million years of evolution people are said to have subsisted by hunting and gathering Then, beginning about 10 or 12,000 years ago, and occurring in several parts of the world, people began to adopt an agricultural way of life As the agricultural way of life spread, the hunting-gathering way receded With agriculture everything commonly called ‘progress’—and a number of other things that appear degenerative—followed suit; or so the story goes In fact, scholars of agricultural origins and dispersals have been grappling with several serious conceptual and theoretical problems since at least the late 1960s (Harris 1990:7-8) These problems include: (1) agreeing upon a definition of ‘agriculture’ and associated terms; (2) estimating the number of independent agricultural origins; (3) explaining why and how agriculture originated and spread; (4) understanding the significance of the multiple origins of and pathways toward agriculture; and (5) representing the diversity of agricultural and non-agricultural ways of life Given that scholars not even agree as to what ‘agriculture’ is, it appears perfunctory that agriculture is given such significance in our ‘stories’ of cultural evolutionary history In this thesis I argue that the problems mentioned above derive from the application of non-Darwinian approaches to problems of interpreting cultural diversity and understanding evolutionary history I argue that Darwinian theories and phylogenetic comparative methods may resolve many of these problems and present some tangible ways to move forward in the study of agricultural evolutionary history, albeit perhaps at the expense of this story Rather than the multiple origins of agriculture, I suggest we study the evolution of multiple agricultures Rather than the study of agricultural dispersals I suggest we investigate the culture dispersal of agricultures Background Anthropology can be defined as the study of human diversity Theories of cultural evolution have been employed by anthropologists in order to make sense of this diversity Over the last 30 years a number of scholars have written about the lack of an adequate theory of cultural evolution in the social sciences The absence of a Darwinian approach is an oft-cited reason (Alland 1970; Bettinger 1991; Blute 1979; Campbell 1965; Dunnell 1980, 1988; Durham 1976, 1990, 1991; Freeman 1974; Ingold 1986a, 1998; Machalek and Martin 2004; Rindos 1985, 1986) From late nineteenth century ‘classical evolutionism’ (e.g Morgan 1978[1877]), through the ‘neoevolutionism’ of the 1950s and 1960s (e.g Sahlins 1960; Service 1962; White 1959), to recent theories of ‘social evolution’ (e.g Carneiro 2003; Hallpike 1986; Sanderson 1995) non-Darwinian approaches have focused upon the delineation of stages in the progression toward greater size, complexity and integration of cultural systems (Durham 1990:192) Critics cite a number of problems with non-Darwinian approaches to cultural evolution First of all, they are typological, meaning that cultures are divided into ‘types’ based upon their similarity to an ‘ideal type’ constructed by the theorist (Feinman and Neitzel 1984:40-45) Common examples are Service’s (1962) ‘band’, ‘tribe’, ‘chiefdom’ and ‘state’ typologies Typological approaches are generally considered to derive from philosophical essentialism which is, roughly, the doctrine that the objects making up a class of things are imperfect derivations of an ideal type (Mayr 1976; 1991:35-47) In Plato’s well-worn cave allegory ‘real’ objects exist, but they are in the background, unseen People can only observe their ‘shadows’—imperfect projections of reality—upon the cave wall (Mayr 1991:40-41) According to essentialist philosophies, the variation between objects of a type is an illusion; a distortion of some underlying, unseen ‘reality’ (Mayr 1976:28) Critics note that, although actual cultures differ in detail from, say, Service’s ideal tribe, they are classified as ‘tribes’ because they possess the characteristics of the (unseen) ideal tribe Once actual, variable societies are grouped together under a single, typological category, such as this, a great deal of cultural diversity simply disappears from view or consideration (Feinman and Neitzel 1984; Leonard and Jones 1987; Price 1985) The second criticism is that these schemes are progressive, meaning that the types mentioned above are ranked or ordered according to a series of developmental stages Evolutionary history, then, is said to proceed from stage to stage along directional, ‘linear’ or ‘multilinear’ axes, often said to improve or advance Dunnell (1988:184) and Hall (1988:138) note that the assumption of progress is problematic, first of all, because it leads to circularity in the interpretation of cultural diversity Cultural stages are ordered according to the assumption of progress, and then progress is interpreted from that order! 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