Shifting agriculture and the ‘new question’ of sustainability evidences from india’s northeast

Shifting agriculture and the ‘new question’ of sustainability: Evidences from India’s Northeast A Lozaanba Khumbah Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi Shifting agriculture is a keenly contested practice in India There is widespread negative opinion of the practice in both academic and official circles This stems largely from the perceived unsustainable production process when population density crosses a certain threshold Increasing demographic pressure on forest land is expected to result in a breakdown of the fallow cycle leading to a vicious cycle of ecological destruction In addition, the cutting and burning of forests is seen as highly destructive, especially in an era of climate change and global warming The criticism against shifting agriculture notwithstanding, and despite the innumerable policies of the state to stop the practice and ‘settle’ the farmers, it continues to form an integral component of the hill economies of Northeast India More recent research have also revealed that shifting agriculture has not followed the trajectory that was widely predicted by experts On the contrary, it has transformed in non-liner and rather counter-intuitive ways For instance, far from becoming an obsolete form of practice that may be discarded, it is thriving in various forms even close to market and towns1 In addition, the fallow length has been found to have increased in many places even though they are expected to get shorter (Amba, 2015) In this paper, I seek to piece together some of these seeming contradictions in an attempt to provide a more nuanced understanding of a practice that has consistently divided people’s opinions In doing so, the paper seeks to expose some of the simplistic and prejudiced narratives that have informed research in shifting agriculture This will enable us to recognize the various agents and linkages involved in transforming shifting agriculture which had earlier been glossed over In conclusion, the paper seeks to show that there are ‘new questions’ of sustainability which are intricately linked to state-sanctioned market penetration in the hills The paper presents some preliminary findings drawn from ethnographic fieldwork conducted as part of the doctoral work villages belonging to three different tribes of Inpui, Rongmei and Liangmei from Tamenglong District, Manipur were surveyed in 2016 - 2018 (Map 1.1) These Further elaborated upon in the paper, drawing from fieldwork conducted by the author villages are either actively involved or were recently involved in shifting agriculture Further, the villages are situated at various distances from identified market centres (Table 1.1) ‘Distance’ is measured, not only as the ‘crow flies’ but also factors in road conditions (metalled, non-metalled, seasonal) and availability of transport (daily, only on hire etc.) Findings from fieldwork carried out for MPhil in Inpui villages, Puichi and Haochong, are also integrated in the paper Table 1.1 Characteristics of villages studied Villages Chiuluan Market center Tribe Distance (km) Road condition Transport service Rongmei 3.5 Metalled, district highway Daily/hourly Rongmei 18 Metalled, district highway Daily Inpui Unmetalled, motorable all year Daily/hourly Inpui 14 Unmetalled, motorable all year Daily Bakuwa Inpui 14 Shingra Liangmei 25 Akhui Tamenglong bazaar Karuangmuan Ijeirong Noney bazaar Unmetalled, motorable seasonally, gentle gradient Unmetalled, seasonal, steep gradient Hire Hire The traditional question of sustainability The traditional ecological concerns arising out of the practice of shifting agriculture is centered around the length of fallow, among others The number of years given to the forest to regenerate itself before it is cut again for cultivation is recognized as central to the sustainability of the system It is generally accepted that shifting agriculture is sustainable given a sufficient fallow length – a minimum of 10 years, according to Ramakrishna (1992) However, after Independence, a decreasing fallow length or jhum cycle was widely reported across the country as population rose (Bose, 1991; Sachchidananda, 1989) An estimate by the ‘Task Force on Shifting Cultivation’, constituted by the Ministry of Agriculture in 1983 found that the fallow length was as low as to years in certain parts of the country2 (Table 1.2) Due to the decreasing fallow length, there was a recurring theme of an impending collapse of the system (Cairns, 2007) An ecological disaster was predicted for the region3 The extremely low fallow length reported by the Task Force is possibly due to over-representation of more accessible areas while other less accessible remote areas may have been missed out This is highly likely because the extremely rough terrain still continues to present a formidable challenge to the researcher even today Lack of comparable, reliable data over time has been one of the most significant challenge in studying shifting agriculture in India (Niti Aayog, 2018) Most studies have been micro-studies drawn from fieldwork of researchers It has, therefore, been extremely difficult to form a macro, or at least, a regional picture Such predictions provided a sense of legitimacy to policies of both the central and state governments directed to stop shifting agriculture and induce farmers to take to ‘settled’ agriculture Source: Census Atlas of India, 2011 Map 1.1 Locating the field Table 1.2 Shifting agriculture in North East India, 1983 State Annual area under shifting cultivation (sq km) Fallow period (years) Minimum area under shifting cultivation one time or other (sq km) No of families practicing shifting cultivation Arunachal 700 3-10 2,100 54,000 Assam 696 2-10 1,392 58,000 Manipur 900 4-7 3,600 70,000 Meghalaya 530 5-7 2,650 52,000 Mizoram 630 3-4 1,890 50,000 Nagaland 190 5-8 1,913 1,16,046 Tripura 223 5-9 1,115 43,000 14,660 4,43,336 Northeast 3,869 Source: ‘Task Force on Shifting Cultivation’, Ministry of Agriculture (1983) from Mishra, Deepak K (2012) However, the predicted disasters have not occurred (Cairns and Brookfield, 2011) This may be attributed largely to a misreading of ground realities Most researchers assumed that jhuming operated in isolation4 This is borne by the fact that a majority of the research on shifting agriculture not take in consideration the changing socio-economic and political conditions in the region Most views also underestimated the resilience of the system as well as the agency of the farmers More importantly, it did not factor in the increasing presence of the market Drivers of change The practice of shifting agriculture has undergone a quiet but radical transformation as societal conditions changed, especially after independence First, Western education introduced by the British and continued by the newly independent state has contributed in a huge way in transforming shifting agriculture by displacing the labor pool significantly5 Second, improvement in connectivity, especially roads, have also enabled interaction between jhuming farmers and markets in an entirely different manner This has brought about deep-seated changes in the practice of jhuming Such a simplistic assumption is symptomatic of the way in which shifting agriculture has been dismissed as a primitive and wasteful practice Such views refuses to recognize that the system is a highly evolved practice Farmers seemed to have been well-aware of this consequence There are many instances, written accounts as well as oral recollections, where farmers brought gifts to the British officials (roosters, dogs, goats) pleading that their children be spared from going to school The role played by education in transforming shifting agriculture is hardly acknowledged despite the Northeastern states having some of the highest literacy rates in India The high value placed on education has led to considerable internal migration from villages to the nearby towns (Table 1.3) It is not uncommon in the course of fieldwork to encounter elderly parents staying at home in the village and working the fields while children pursue schooling in the nearby towns This has led to a ‘localized population decline’ (Cramb et al., 2009) In many cases, this results in farmers cultivating a smaller field – much smaller compared to the fields they cultivated in their prime6, contributing to the increasing fallow length Table 1.3 Migration in the study villages Village Average size of family Average no of migrated members per family7 Karuangmuan 6.2 2.4 Chiuluan 5.7 2.3 Akhui 6.3 3.4 Ijeirong 5.8 2.3 Bakuwa 6.3 3.3 Shingra 5.8 2.5 Apart from displacing valuable labor in the immediate context, it has contributed in shaping a generation that cannot continue the old system that required hard labor throughout the year It has also raised an educated elite class of people who have moved out of the villages to settle in the nearby towns This group of people usually maintain strong relations with their parent village They also retain their culinary taste for ‘home-food’, thereby, serving as an important market for jhum-based products It may be noted that this phenomenon has become pronounced only in the past couple of decades The extensive road networks that have penetrated deep into once inaccessible areas has also contributed massively in transforming shifting agriculture It has completely changed the way farmers access and interact with the market In the 19th century and till the middle of the 20th century, markets were not easily accessible for upland farmers Due to barriers posed mainly by This is one of the most common answers for queries relating to ‘size of fields’ Mr Hungamang Thiumei, 80 years, from Shingra village narrated that 4-5 families now cultivate the field that his family alone used to cultivate Education is the primary reason for migration, followed by employment and work opportunities the terrain and distance, ‘batei banu8’ or ‘going to Imphal/market’ was mostly an annual event It generated enthusiasm and activity in the village, much like some religious festival It would be undertaken mostly during the autumn seasons, in groups for the sake of security and involved at least to days of walking Due to the hardships involved, no more than 4-5 trips could be made in a single year The season of ‘marketing’, distance involved and the mode of transportation dictated to a large extent the nature of goods that were traded Farmers would bring anything from dry (raja) chilly, oilseeds, forest products like cane, oranges etc to the market In return, farmers mainly purchased salt, clothes, oil, dry fish etc A little wine would also be bought as a ‘chaengriu’ or ‘meeting gift’ to be shared with the neighbours who stayed behind9 Thus, hill communities were engaged in trade with the valley and were far from being completely isolated However, such an exchange did not significantly impact the agricultural practice of the upland farmers In contrast, owing to concerted government efforts to improve road connectivity, markets 10 are much more easily accessible for the upland farmers today The practice of shifting agriculture is therefore gradually being geared to the demands of the local markets However, ‘distance’ and ease of access as mentioned earlier, still continue to play a decisive role in farmers’ choices The role of markets and ease of access to markets in transforming shifting agriculture has been hardly explored in India Evidences from the field Improved connectivity linking jhuming farmers to market places has led to unexpected results First, due to the significant presence of local populace in the nearby towns, jhum-based products have found an unlikely market In fact, they are in considerable demand Apart from the ‘traditional taste’, locals prefer vegetables from the jhum fields for their inherent health benefits as these are ‘fertilizer-free’11 This is an effective sales pitch, not to mention that it is an important motivation for many farmers to continue jhuming A term used by the Inpui tribe of Manipur to denote a trip to the market As told by Meizinthui Panmei, 85 years, from Akhui, a Rongmei village 10 Markets here embrace a broad range of economic activities It includes the largely organized activity that takes place in the towns, involving middle-men and wholesale dealers It also encompasses the make-shift market that has developed around the army security-check point on the highway 11 Locals use the term ‘fertilizer-free’ and not the term ‘organic’ There is, however, a movement to brand all these products as ‘organic’ Table 1.4 Which is the most important field? Karuangmuan Field type Chiuluan Akhui Ijeirong Bakuwa Shingra No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total Jhum (paddy + veg) 1.1 29 30.5 49 68.1 16.3 8.3 56 82.4 Jhum (veg + paddy) 1.1 14 14.7 2.8 7.0 5.6 2.9 Jhum (only veg) 29 33.0 4.2 2.8 2.3 2.8 1.5 Wet-rice/terrace 45 51.1 - - - - 30 69.8 30 83.3 11.8 Others - - 6.3 12.5 - - - - 1.5 No field 12 13.6 42 44.2 10 13.9 4.7 - - - - Total 88 100.0 95 100.0 72 100.0 43 100.0 36 100.0 68 100.0 Note: ‘Other fields’ include vegetable field in Barak river valley (Chiuluan), potato field (Akhui), and turmeric field (Shingra) Table 1.5 Paddy production from jhum fields in 2017 Chiuluan Harvest (in tins) Akhui Ijeirong Bakuwa Shingra No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total 0-50 24 55.8 22 42.3 19 76 10 83.3 12.5 51-100 12 27.9 22 42.3 24 16.6 15 23.4 100-150 6.98 11.5 15 23.4 151-200 2.33 3.8 16 25.0 201-250 6.98 7.8 251-300 7.8 > 300 3.1 64 100 Jhuming HHs 43 Total harvest 2977 100 52 3642 100 25 944 100 12 316 100 9287 Total HHs Average harvest per HH 95 72 43 36 68 69.23 70.0 37.8 26.3 145.1 Note: tin holds approximately kg of paddy As farmers innovate to take advantage of market opportunities, there is a pattern of movement away from crops that ensured food security (paddy) to crops that generate good monetary income (vegetables) (Task Force, 2006) This can be clearly seen in the study by comparing the villages closest to and farthest from the market (Table 1.4 and Table 1.5) For instance, farmers in Karuangmuan village have almost entirely given up cultivating paddy in their jhum fields (Table 1.4) Farmers of Chiuluan village also prioritise vegetables as the low amount of harvested paddy shows (Table 1.5) Paddy is grown because it ‘aids’ in the growth of other plants and the ‘maintenance’ of the field In contrast, farmers from Shingra village bemoan the woeful infrastructure that inhibits access to markets, leaving them with no choice but to prioritise paddy cultivation Conversations during the course of fieldwork revealed that vegetable sales generated much more monetary income than paddy This is partly due to the low price of paddy, though paddy is almost entirely never sold It made good sense, therefore, to continue jhuming, especially when villages like Chiuluan or Karuangmuan are very close to the town The new found market has made jhuming a rather attractive avenue for farmers ‘We have raised our children from the sale of vegetable’ is a common refrain from women-folk of Chiuluan village On the other hand, farmers from Shingra, owing to the distance from the market (25 km, seasonal, unmetalled road) and the ensuing high transport costs12 (hire), continue to practice shifting agriculture in the more traditional way Paddy production is significantly higher in the village compared to the rest (Table 1.5) On an average, a family in Shingra produced 145 tins (or 1015 kg), an equivalent of 10 quintals per family In absolute terms, Shingra village has the maximum number of jhuming households (64 out of 68) as well as the highest production of paddy at 9287 tins (65,009 kg or 65 metric tons) When markets are not easily accessible, farmers continue to depend on jhuming as their primary source of food security Second, when markets are ‘near’, the nature of farmers’ dependency on jhuming changes entirely In such a scenario, the jhum field becomes an important source of monetary income while the market provides for food security (Table 1.7) This is further confirmed by examining the number of months for which paddy produced from the jhum field provided for the family (Table 1.6) On an average, paddy from the jhum field sustained Chiuluan farmers for around half a year (5.9 months), 7.1 months for Akhui and almost 11 months (10.7) for Shingra village Out of the total families who cultivated a jhum field, 59% families of Shingra village depended entirely on jhum for their food supply throughout the year The corresponding number for Chiuluan is 16.3% and 25.5% for Akhui village For these two villages, it is safe to say that the jhum field served more as a source of monetary income rather than as a source of food-security 12 A 50 kg sack of rice purchased in Noney bazaar at Rs.1000 becomes effectively Rs 1200 when it is brought to Shingra village Table 1.6 How many months did the paddy sustain your family? Karuangmuan (Wet-rice) Number of months No of HHs % to total Chiuluan (Jhum) No of HHs % to total Akhui (Jhum) No of HHs Ijeirong (Wet-rice) % to total Bakuwa (Wet-rice) Shingra (Jhum) No of HH s % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total 0.1 to 11 23.4 16 37.2 16 31.4 5.6 4.1 to 11 23.4 14 32.6 14 27.5 22.5 5.6 12 18.2 8.1 to 11 4.3 14.0 15.7 20 16.7 14 21.2 12 14.9 7.0 13 25.5 15 37.5 26 72.2 23 34.8 12+ 16 34.0 9.3 15 16 24.2 Farming HHs 47 100 43 100 66 100 51 100 40 36 Total HHs 88 95 72 43 36 68 Average no of months 8.4 5.9 7.1 10.1 10.8 10.7 As villages close to the market move towards growing readily-marketable crops, their need for food security is provided by the market 71.6% families of Karuangmuan, 86.3% families of Chiuluan and 70.8% families of Akhui village depend on the market for food supply for at least two-thirds of the year (Table 1.7) In contrast, Ijeirong, Bakuwa and Shingra villages which are more distant from the market centers depend least on the market for their food supply While Bakuwa and Ijeirong combine both jhuming and wet-rice, Shingra villages is almost entirely dependent on jhuming Table 1.7 What is the main source of food security? Village Total HHs Jhum field % to total Wetrice field % to total Market % to total 25 28.4 63 71.6 Karuangmuan 88 Chiuluan 95 13 13.7 82 86.3 Akhui 72 21 29.2 51 70.8 Ijeirong (J+WR) 43 29 67.4 14 32.6 Bakuwa (J+WR) 36 32 88.9 11.1 Shingra (J) 68 15 22.1 53 77.9 Note: A family is considered to be primarily dependent on jhum/wet-rice if their source of food for at least two-thirds of the year is jhum/wet-rice Otherwise, they are considered to depend on the market for their food supply In this calculation, the whole village is considered, and not just the farming families Third, horticulture and plantation have become an integral part of the shifting agriculture hill economies (Table 1.8) It may be noted that the government, beginning with the colonial British government consistently pursued policies to encourage farmers to grow market-friendly crops The Indian state had also followed suit, laying special emphasis on horticulture To this end, it promoted various agro-festivals like the ‘Orange Festival’ in Tamenglong District13 and ‘Lemon Festival’ in Ukhrul district Various incentives are provided through these festivals to induce farmers to take on horticulture Better connectivity that enabled marketing have mediated the transition to mainstreaming of horticulture amongst farmers Table 1.8 Which is the most important plantation? Karuangmuan Type of plantation Banana No of HHs 78.0 % to total 96.3 Orange Parkia Other fruits 2.0 Timber 1.0 Chiuluan Akhui Ijeirong Bakuwa No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total No of HHs % to total 3.0 4.5 2.0 3.1 12.0 28.6 3.0 8.3 6.0 10.5 62.0 92.5 62.0 95.4 21.0 50.0 36.0 63.2 1.0 1.5 1.0 2.4 2.0 3.5 4.0 9.6 4.0 10.1 4.0 9.5 26.0 72.2 13.0 22.8 3.0 8.3 36.0 100.0 57.0 100.0 2.5 2.0 3.0 1.2 Bamboo Total Total HHs 81.0 100.0 Shingra 67.0 100.0 88 95 65.0 100.0 72 42.0 100.0 43 36 68 Fourth, migration of young people for education and work opportunities coupled with the shift towards growing market-friendly crops and horticulture has resulted in smaller fields as compared to the past Many families have also voluntarily moved out of shifting agriculture in favor of other employment opportunities, especially construction This has meant that in all the study villages except one, the fallow length is increasing (Table 1.9) Amba (2015) also presented similar findings from Mokokchung district of Nagaland Thus, at least in some places, the ‘traditional’ critique on shifting agriculture is negated However, increased fallow length in itself may not be a good indicator of the quality of forest Owing to the success of the ‘Orange Festival’, a number of agro-fests have come up in the last five years in Tamenglong District alone: ‘maize festival’, ‘chilly festival’, ‘banana festival’ These are still in their nascent stage and organized only at the district level, unlike the Orange Festival which is a state level event 13 Table 1.9 Fallow length in the study villages Village Fallow length (years) Trend Karuangmuan 12 + Increasing Chiuluan 10 – 12 Increasing Akhui – 10 Increasing Ijeirong 10 + Increasing Bakuwa 10 + Increasing Shingra 8–9 Stable From the above discussion, a few things are evident Shifting agriculture, in its near-traditional form is confined to those areas where access to market is significantly hampered In areas with decent or good access to markets, shifting agriculture is being done not for food-security, but primarily as a source of monetary income Due to a combination of various factors, not least because of market penetration, the fallow length has increased in almost all villages The transformation of shifting agriculture is, therefore, driven primarily by market penetration and not decreasing fallow length As the practice of jhuming transitions to a capitalist economy (HarrisWhite et al., 2009), it raises some pertinent questions even as ‘traditional’ questions seem to fade away Emerging fault lines As shifting agriculture transitions from subsistence-based to production for profit, central features of the system come under strain First, the diversity of crops that is usually associated with jhuming is giving way to specialization of certain crops with high demand in the market Second, even as fallow length is increasing as a whole, more accessible areas are under threat of over-exploitation The use of pesticides and insecticides further complicate the situation Third, traditional institutions which regulated shifting agriculture are under considerable pressure as individual interests take precedence Institutional breakdown appears to be hastened by the entry of global capital in the region All these factors pose a serious challenge to the ecology, both in the short term and in the long run First, the immediate impact of market-penetration is reflected in the jhum field This is represented by the increasing ratio in favor of cash-crop to subsistence crops as one moves closer to the market Crop diversity also reduces along the same direction This is particularly evident in the case of paddy The importance of paddy in the traditional practice of shifting agriculture had meant that communities had cultivated an incredibly diverse pool of paddy varieties (Table 1.10) However, as farmers stop cultivating paddy, as in the case of Karuangmuan village, these gene pools disappear In addition to the loss of invaluable gene pool, it renders the system more vulnerable to climatic variations Preference for certain crops over others can also have adverse impact on the local ecology For instance, in Bakuwa village, farmers have taken widely to cultivating turmeric fields as it fetches a good price in the market Farmers, however, find that the soil fertility of a turmeric field gets completely exhausted in a year In a similar fashion, the demand for king chilly has also led most families in Shingra village to cultivate it separately, destroying older forests as king chilly does not well otherwise14 Table 1.10 Paddy varieties found in Puichi and Haochong villages15 Sl No Name Tariang Tapnaang (sticky rice) Tapnaang (sticky rice) Sub-types 2- Red; White (Paddy Color) Changmeison tapnaang (sticky rice) Takhangba (sticky rice) Climate type (Cold/warm) Colour Specificities Warm White Good in bamboo soil Warm Red/White Warm Warm Katang rangaak tapnaang (sticky rice) Banglaai Ditiang saang Warm Warm 10 Saang Karang Kadumnu Mogulwang Saang (Pokchulu saang) Saang Kasennu 11 Changat 14 Warm Red Good in bamboo groove soil, black compact soil Can grow either in bamboo or wooded forest soil Good in warmer, bamboo forest Suitable for rocky, strong soil Suitable for bamboo; rocky, strong soil Earliest variety- can be harvested by 15th August Favors good sunshine Warm 4- Short/Long paddy stem; Big/small paddy size 2- Early; Late Warm All have red paddy The short stem variety is good for plots which have had a long fallow (25-30 years) Warm Early variety is harvested in August For Shingra village farmers, king chilly is the only plausible cash crop King chilly can be easily dried in the sun and stored for months and sold at a time when prices are high Farmers then carry the dry chilly on foot to Leimakhong market, which is a full day’s trek away It is the most important source of income for Shingra farmers 15 The table is prepared with information gathered from household schedules, as well as interviews with the following: Ms Bt Bajalwanlu, 50 years; Haochong Village on 17th October, 2014 Mr Kh Meinganlakba, 78 years; Puichi village on 28th October, 2014 Ms Bt Thiunilu, 82 years and Ms Bt Nambuanlu, 36 years; Puichi Village on 31st October 2014 Sl No 12 Name Sub-types Colour Kwangring saang Climate type (Cold/warm) Warm 13 Saang Katoilu Warm Red 14 Chang san Warm White Shortest plant height; suitable for plots which have had a fallow period of 25-30 years Fragrant; Flat red paddy, white rice 15 Warm White Long plant, large paddy size 16 Napdai (Poland rwan saang) Napdum 17 Bazinlu lwak Warm 18 Kalorei Warm Early harvest variety 19 Kongchaang Warm Very Fragrant 20 Kachaknu Warm 21 Takhi Ketngan Warm Soft stem, grows well even in rocky soil 22 Tompok saang Warm Used to prepare rice-beer (white) 23 Chingkao Kompi Warm 24 Marwangpa rwan saang Warm/Cold A newer variety, strong stem; good in bamboo forest Can grow in both cold and warm conditions 25 Mang Saang Cold 26 Mupo Cold 27 Loupui 28 Napchwang 29 Tarikphik 30 Tin 100 saang Cold 31 Tangkhul rwan saang Cold 32 Takham saang Cold 33 Palem Saang Cold 34 (Yet Unnamed) Cold The stem is very green Warm 2- Early; Late Small seed; fragrant; early variety Red Round, sparkling paddy, red rice White Cold Very fragrant; early variety is harvested in August Most fragrant variety Cold 2- Big; small (paddy size) Specificities Cold White White The paddy has a slightly glittering look Does well in plots having had long fallow (25-30 yrs) or fresh plot Good in red, porous soil, less sunny areas It has deep roots, long stalk Last to be harvested- October last week Suitable for plots having had long fallow (25-30 years) The rice is fragrant, resembles ‘Tin 100 saang’, but ripens much earlier, October 1st week Second, as farmers take advantage of market opportunities, easily accessible areas have become highly susceptible to over-exploitation In Karuangmunan village, whose economy runs on banana plantation with 96% families owning at least one banana farm (Table 1.8), almost all the banana farms are concentrated in a km radius from the village This enables quick and cost-effective transportation as it is near the road However, in the medium and long run, this practice is bound to lead to over-exploitation of the land Farmers also extensively use ‘Roundup’ produced by Monsanto as a weedicide in the banana plantations Long term effect on soil and health are yet to be assessed even though elsewhere the company is embroiled in court, specifically for ‘Roundup’16 Third, the changing agricultural scenario has put traditional institutions under considerable pressure Shifting agriculture works within an intricate system of property rights (Diaw, 1997) In most cases, private ownership is recognised even though access is often regulated by the community In the Northeast Indian context, provisions in the Constitution has allowed for traditional institutions to manage resources17 Some villages in the study area like Chiuluan, Ijeirong and Shingra have cultivated robust institutions Therefore, forest resources in these villages are not vulnerable to over-exploitation Shingra village even ‘borrowed’ forest land from a neighbouring village for jhuming for a year as the village’s own land was not yet ready for another jhum cycle However, as agriculture moves away from subsistence to profit making, individual interests takes precedence Quite often the efficacy of institutions is undermined and its authority subverted The efficacy of traditional institutions is further challenged by the entry of global capital The promise of monetary compensation that follows rail and road construction often leads to competing claims, litigations and even bloodshed In the study area, Karuangmuan village witnessed a complete breakdown of institutions over claims of land ownership as compensation for railway construction loomed large At present, the Village Authority exercises little control over management of land Private interests govern access and use of land In such instances, without proactive institutions, sensitive ecosystems are extremely prone to mismanagement New Questions In the context of present agrarian transformation, the traditional questions of sustainability based on the fallow length does not appear to be the central concern Instead, ecological concerns arise out of a totally different context of increased market penetration Therefore it requires a different approach even though the challenge is not too different It calls for a more nuanced understanding of the way the system works, especially the institutional aspect which did not receive adequate attention in the past 16 https://www.chemistryworld.com/news/jury-awards-2bn-damages-in-us-glyphosate-trial/3010511.article The villages under study also manage their own resources under the Autonomous District Councils Manipur’s hill districts are governed by The Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act, 1971 Various other districts in the region are governed by the Sixth Schedule which grant considerable powers to the traditional institutions 17 Positioning shifting agriculture in relation to the market economy is essentially a new approach It questions the simplistic, linear narratives that had captured both scholarly discourse and public imagination for a considerably long time Instead, it recognizes the agency of the farmer in transforming shifting agriculture in rather diverse and non-linear ways It also brings into sharp focus the role of the state and its policies towards jhuming In fact, the Indian state has played a much larger role in shaping the pace and direction of transformation in jhuming than has been acknowledged In this approach, the ecological question is just one of the many questions that need to be explored Many of these themes were earlier overshadowed by an over-emphasis on environmental concerns For instance, livelihoods of jhuming farmers have hardly been studied compared to the work done in the Southeast Asian context These themes are no doubt related as important concerns on ecology are tied up with farmers’ choices Conclusion Shifting agriculture has transformed considerably since the British first encountered it and documented its practice Far from what it was assumed to be, the system has shown considerable resilience and continues to be an important part of the hill economy and landscape An overemphasis on a crucial component of the system, namely the fallow cycle, prompted many scholars to predict its impending collapse However, this paper argues that the transformation of shifting agriculture in the present context is driven mainly by the market Market driven agriculture, however, raises its own set of challenges As the production system transitions from subsistence to production for profit, individual interests take precedence In a context where local institutions are weak and ineffective, 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Hire The traditional question of sustainability The traditional ecological concerns arising out of the practice of shifting agriculture is centered around the length of fallow, among others The. .. resilience of the system as well as the agency of the farmers More importantly, it did not factor in the increasing presence of the market Drivers of change The practice of shifting agriculture. .. raised our children from the sale of vegetable’ is a common refrain from women-folk of Chiuluan village On the other hand, farmers from Shingra, owing to the distance from the market (25 km, seasonal,