889525 research-article2020 FISXXX10.1177/1044389419889525Families in SocietyCrutchfield et al Article The Starving Student Narrative: How Normalizing Deprivation Reinforces Basic Need Insecurity in Higher Education Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services 1–13 © The Author(s) 2020 Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/1044389419889525 DOI: 10.1177/1044389419889525 journals.sagepub.com/home/fis Rashida M Crutchfield1 , Andrea Carpena2, Tahirah N McCloyn3, and Jennifer Maguire4 Abstract The starving student narrative is a well-known colloquial idiom to describe student struggle in higher education This rhetoric masks the reality of basic need insecurity for students and normalizes food insecurity and homelessness This qualitative study explores the experiences of 213 students who experienced homelessness and food insecurity Findings show that students experiencing basic need insecurity reported detrimental impacts on their educational success, and their physical, mental, and emotional health Students described feelings of shame and ambivalence as they strived to meet their needs using their own resourcefulness Study findings provide insight on how the starving student narrative influenced students’ perceptions of selves and help-seeking and how or if they accessed support services to mitigate basic need insecurity Keywords higher education, homelessness, food insecurity, basic needs, social work Manuscript received: August 8, 2019; Revised: October 12, 2019; Accepted: October 18, 2019 Disposition editor: Sondra J Fogel Introduction College is a deeply formative time for students in higher education, as it is often a place where they begin to explore and establish adult identity and values Blumenkrantz and Goldstein (2014) posited that institutions of higher education are places where students encounter many rites of passage that influence their development Although this is likely a reality for most students, for some students who encounter barriers in meeting their basic needs, the ability to fully explore these experiences may be greatly impeded Furthermore, how students perceive these struggles may be influenced by the personal and societal beliefs that lacking basic needs is typical of the college experience As social workers increasingly become staff on university campuses that provide a range of services to students, these human service professionals must understand how the identity development of students who experience basic needs insecurity may be hindered and must work to create opportunities for students to safely receive needed support EdD, MSW, associate professor, California State University, Long Beach MSW, California State University, Long Beach ACSW, MSW, California State University, Long Beach PhD, MSW, associate professor, Humboldt State University Corresponding Author: Rashida M Crutchfield, School of Social Work, California State University Long Beach, 1250 Bellflower Blvd., Long Beach, CA 90840, USA Email: rashida.crutchfield@csulb.edu Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services services while denouncing the normalization of the starving student narrative There is a common belief that eating a low nutritional diet or having inconsistent living arrangements are typical of the college experience; that students should presume that the lack of stable housing or access to adequate and nutritional food sources is a normal and shared experience among college peers (Maynard et al., 2018) This colloquial narrative is often framed as the “starving student” (Maynard et al., 2018, p 131) Society at large as well as students themselves may normalize this concept; however, students experiencing homelessness and food insecurity in higher education institutions are reporting unfavorable outcomes including higher rates of stress (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2018; Eisenberg et al., 2016), higher levels of anxiety and depression (Bruening et al., 2016), and poorer academic performance than their peers (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2018; Goldrick-Rab et al., 2019; Maroto et al., 2014) This study addresses the starving student narrative for higher education and explores the experiences of students who lack critical basic needs Basic Need Insecurity in Higher Education Recent research has identified that a significant percentage of college and university students are experiencing basic need insecurity To explore basic needs, this study focused on food insecurity and homelessness According to the United States Department of Agriculture Economic Research Services (USDA ERS), food insecurity is a reduction in the quality of diet and interrupted eating patterns due to the lack of monetary means or other resources to access food (Coleman-Jensen et al., 2017) Research on food insecurity revealed that rates are between 25% and 50% of students in colleges and universities (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2018; Dubick et al., 2016; Goldrick-Rab et al., 2018, 2019; Wood et al., 2016) The education subtitle of the McKinneyVento Act, as amended by the Every Student Success Act, defines homelessness as a lack of regular, fixed, and adequate nighttime residence (Hallett et al., 2019) Study showed that 45% of students experienced housing insecurity and 5.4% of students experienced homelessness at the University of Massachusetts, Boston (Silva et al., 2017) The California State University (CSU) system reported that 10.9% of students experienced homelessness (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2018) and 41.7% of students in the City University of New York system reported experiencing housing instability (Tsui et al., 2011) Researchers have recently found that the rate of homelessness and housing insecurity among students in California community college is higher than that of students at 4-year universities, with 19% of students reporting homelessness and 60% report experiencing housing instability (Goldrick-Rab et al., 2019) The Starving Student Narrative There has been very limited research unpacking the starving student narrative What research does exist suggests that students in higher education perceive a lack of basic needs like food as a common and shared experience and a rite of passage for any collegiate journey (Maynard et al., 2018) Students who experience food insecurity, homelessness, or both may normalize and attempt to adapt to their experiences; however, they have also reported real struggle when having inadequate access to food, housing, and financial resources (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2019) Many students who experience basic need insecurity believe that they must simply persevere rather than seek support Although some students seek support services, many students who not have the fiscal resources to afford food and housing still believe their needs are not severe enough to warrant assistance (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2019) Colloquially, the starving student is often described as a romanticized experience of higher education (Kopetman, 2017), and only one academic resource has challenged this idiom (Maynard et al., 2018) However, there are similar narratives that have been challenged, Crutchfield et al rooted in the idea that individuals must struggle or suffer with basic need insecurity to ultimately thrive unsupported, despite all odds Employing the concept of bootstrapping and the Protestant work ethic provides insight into the sociopolitical undertone of the starving student cliché Conceptually, bootstrapping, or striving for upward economic and social mobility through hard work, self-determination, and responsibility, originated from Horatio Alger in the early 19th centur Alger wrote stories of how young boys climbed up the economic ladder from poverty through hard work and independence (Rooks, 2012) The bootstrap myth assumes that everyone striving to achieve and advance has the means to so solely through personal autonomy and self-perseverance This framing is often used to blame those who experience economic inequality and poverty for their own failure to achieve prosperity (Lardier et al., 2017) Similar to bootstrapping, the Protestant work ethic is also rooted in framing success with hard work and self-discipline (H B Jones, 1997) Coined by Max Weber, the Protestant work ethic, or the Calvinist work ethic, asserts endurance, self-control, and practicality as a direct result of adherence to the values promoted by the Protestant faith (Westby, 2019) Like bootstrapping, the protestant work ethic reinforces superiority of those with the means to achieve and justifies economic and social inequities as a consequence of idle behaviors Neither bootstrapping nor the Protestant work ethic ideologies include the economic and social privilege or the experience of individuals who endure oppression and marginalization based on race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, disability, and socioeconomic status as barriers to success or lack thereof Both bootstrapping and the Protestant work ethic may not only influence societal views of basic need insecurity but may also frame how students who experience these issues perceive themselves and their needs Students may perceive their journey through college as greatly dependent on self and their ability to work hard and achieve, while deeming skipping meals or crashing with friends a necessary struggle or as a typical college experience However, increasing research suggests that students are experiencing real deprivation in food and housing (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2018; Goldrick-Rab et al., 2018) Although the starving student narrative is a common expression within and outside of higher education institutions, students who experience basic need insecurity experience a unique set of challenges and barriers, influencing their access to support to mitigate the overall of effects of basic need insecurity Student Identity Development As students encounter barriers to basic needs like that of food and housing, they, like their peers, are also developing their identity which is a critical part of their student experience in higher education (S Jones & Abes, 2013) Chickering’s identity development theory, built on Erik Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development, provides a framework for understanding identity development during college years and suggests that identity formation occurs over the course of seven interconnected vectors (Chickering & Reisser, 1993) Particularly Vector 5, establishing identity, addresses a combination of self-reflection and how students are perceived by others This combined internal and external perception shapes identity and leads to a sense of self-satisfaction (Chickering & Reisser, 1993) In addition, Kauffman (2017) suggests that the college experience promotes a student’s development of a class-based identity given that higher education is associated with an outcome of upward socioeconomic mobility This identity related to intended socioeconomic progress, however, is not guaranteed unless it is acknowledged by other significant players at universities and colleges such as peers, or university staff, administrators, and faculty who support this progression Similarly, validation theory supports the idea that student success is built, in part, by identification and belonging to their campus community Validation theory proposes that college students, particularly marginalized students, are not the sole proprietor of success; that the Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services exchange between students, faculty, and staff is dynamic and fundamental to engaging and supporting student success (Rendón, 1994; Rendón Linares & Moz, 2011) Validation theory supports the perspective that students may identify themselves as isolated and disconnected from their college and university environments, and require faculty, staff, and administrators be accountable for actively seeking out students who are more likely to struggle in silence and avoid seeking help This is of great relevance for students who experience basic need insecurity Aware that hunger and homelessness can be stigmatized, many students purposefully hide their circumstances and are unwilling to discuss their difficulties with those who are able to help (Gupton, 2017; Tierney & Hallett, 2012) Similarly, students who experience food insecurity may wait until their needs are most dire before they seek campus support (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2018, 2019) Rendón’s (2002) conclusions suggest that those who choose to support higher education attainment for marginalized students should consider how the normalization of struggle like basic needs insecurity shapes the perspective of students and how they form their identities and determine if they are in need for support services Together, these theoretical perspectives suggest that student identity is developed through a reciprocal relationship grounded in how students see themselves and how student peers, staff, faculty, and administrators perceive and engage them Equally, normalizing basic need insecurity, reinforcing the starving student identity in college, may influence students’ identity development and aggravate challenges to developing support for students This study examined the following research questions: Research question 1: What is the prevalence of food and housing security? Research question 2: How students describe how basic need insecurity influences their overall well-being? Method The CSU (2018) is the largest system of senior higher education in the United States, with 23 campuses and over 478,000 students This study utilized the qualitative findings from the second of a three-phase study that explored basic need security for CSU students with a particular focus on how students describe their experiences with food insecurity and homelessness and how they incorporated a lack of basic needs into their identity development Participants For this study, a survey was distributed to a census sample of CSU students by email across all 23 CSU campuses; an average of 5.76% of students on each campus who completed the entire survey (N = 24,324) This included undergraduate and graduate students All participants who were identified in the survey as food insecure, homeless, or both were invited for interviews and focus groups An in-depth qualitative data strategy was utilized to obtain a rich, thick, descriptive data set indicative of the experiences students with insecure basic needs (Geertz, 1973; Guest et al., 2012; Huberman & MiJorge, 2002) Qualitative study was well suited as a methodological approach because it allowed for the exploration of higher education as experienced by these students and how they make meaning of their experience (Creswell, 2007; Gibson & Brown, 2009; Merriam, 2009) This study relied on recruitment of participants who were willing to discuss their experiences with basic needs insecurities, which inevitably left out students who were unable or unwilling to participate, were uncomfortable exploring these issues, or not consider themselves insecure in these ways Eleven CSU campuses were targeted for qualitative data collection to ensure perspectives from northern, central, and southern California and to include urban, suburban, and rural experiences and 213 students participated; demographic information for the qualitative sample can be found in Tables and Students took part in 60- to 90-min semi-structured interviews and focus groups, were offered US$15 gift card incentives, and were asked broad, open-ended questions about their experiences with food and housing insecurity 5 Crutchfield et al Table 1. Qualitative Sample Race/Ethnicity Numbers by race Sample Black/African American White Latinx Asian Bi/multi Native American n = 213 24 66 67 18 32 Decline to state Table 2. Qualitative Sample, Gender and Age Gender Age (years) Sample Male Female Trans/gender nonconforming Decline to state 18–20 21–25 26–30 Over 30 n = 213 58 152 44 87 38 44 Data were recorded and transcribed verbatim Students were asked to select pseudonyms to protect their privacy An in-depth description of the research tools and their construction are provided in a public source research measurement guide (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2017) The survey and qualitative protocols and procedures for this study were reviewed and approved by the fourth author’s institutional review board Qualitative data analysis took place throughout the data collection process before formalization toward the conclusion of the study and used the constant comparative method (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) Open coding was conducted on each transcript (Corbin & Strauss, 2008), maintaining openness to all ideas presented by the participants without preconceived notions about what codes and themes might appear (Saldaña, 2009) Preliminary codes and themes were developed (Creswell, 2007) In a second cycle of coding, data were reduced and analyzed, compared, and condensed to develop more accurate codes and themes Codes and themes were then changed and reorganized throughout the analysis process to determine the most accurate and descriptive analysis possible (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) Findings Throughout the data analysis process, central themes emerged from the data: (a) students who experience basic need insecurity are impacted physically, mentally, and academically; (b) despite negative impacts, students may normalize basic needs insecurity; and (c) students will go to great lengths to mitigate the impact of insecurity, but often not link with services Together, these themes presented a picture of how students conceptualize their experience with basic need insecurity in higher education and how their thinking influenced their perceptions of themselves, their needs and their interactions, or lack thereof, with support services Physical, Mental, and Academic Repercussions of Basic Need Insecurity Students spoke at length about their experience with basic need insecurity and its adverse effects on their physical, mental, emotional, and academic well-being Students who experienced homelessness often couch surfed, lived in vehicles, or in places not intended for habitation Finding stable housing was difficult for students and when they did, that meant having to give up or cut back in other areas Many students prioritized housing over food and other needs because their fear of homelessness was unbearable With limited resources, students reported having to make difficult changes to their food intake as other financial demands could not be reduced or postponed Participants often reported having to prioritize Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services which one of their basic needs was more important, asking themselves what they could without Alex, a student who struggled with food insecurity, spoke of choosing between food and rent: For me, it’s like you have all these bills that are non-negotiable, you can’t lower your rent for that month or for that week, you can’t it with your car payment or your insurance, but food you can skip Participants reported that the lack of adequate food or housing on a daily basis negatively affected their physical health Emily, who spoke about her experience lacking adequate nutrition said, “I’ve recently experienced dizziness, loss of balance, trouble focusing, and a little bit of depression.” Students who reported inconsistent daily or weekly eating habits also experienced health complications inclusive of irritable bowel syndrome (IBR), insomnia, excessive weight gain or loss, as well as hormonal and metabolic imbalances For instance, Tiffany, who was food insecure said, affected their mental and emotional health Students also disclosed suffering from depression and anxiety Erika, a student who said she struggled with mental illness as a result of both housing insecurity and family conflict said, Because of my severe depression, my level of stress, and my general anxiety, during exams and in studying I would just blank out I would just read and it would not make sense to me I just like started to cry how am I supposed to get a degree at the school if I can’t even study because of everything that’s going on? Many students found it difficult to focus on academics while homeless or food insecure Students also reported high stress levels as they attempted to balance academic demands with housing and food insecurity Rain, who was both food insecure and homeless, felt ambivalence in that she loved coming to school and learning, yet it became a huge source of stress and worry as she strived to maintain her grades and interactions with her peers She said, I’ve been dealing with my insomnia when I didn’t have anything to eat and then when I finally had a lot of food to eat I would eat too much and then, I kinda like struggled with some stomach issues like IBS I was eating what I could afford like chips or tacos or something that was a low price I couldn’t afford to eat healthy like a salad or vegetables I just didn’t have the money Coming to school for me has always been a delight, something I look forward to But all of a sudden, school was probably one of the things that I hated throughout the process, [crying] um because all of it was just more stress [crying] everything from homework assignments Something as simple as not having WiFi, an outlet to plug in a computer, phone, and necessities that you don’t really realize that you need as a student Jill, who was also food insecure, said that her doctor told her that her increasing weight gain could be due to food insecurity and ongoing, escalated stress She said, Bernard, who was low food secure and regularly relied on low cost canned food described, I may not look like it, but there’s days I don’t eat nothing There’s days I’m at school all day and haven’t ate The doctor said that’s part of the problem with the inability to lose weight That not eating, then eating, then not eating has got my metabolism so screwed up that it doesn’t know if it’s coming or going Several students indicated that their experience with food and housing insecurity also it’s very hard to concentrate You’re exhausted You couldn’t read a book and you fall asleep It’s not easy Even in class, it really has affected I’m so stressed out trying to get things done It’s gotten hard Clark, who was homeless, said that he tried to well in most of his classes, but had to “sacrifice one class” to find time to find places to sleep He said, Crutchfield et al This semester when my housing was really insecure was rough I was smart enough to know if I wasn’t going to well to sacrifice one class, not all of them I was on academic probation for the semester after that Another student, Mia, who was homeless, reported that she struggled to remain focused in class, recounting, “I would be in class but my mind would be drifting, ‘Hey, oh my God, what am I going to today?’” Many students reported difficulty concentrating or studying due to the lack of adequate nutrition and housing instability Elizabeth, who lived in her car and slept on friends couches, said “I ended up failing a class, which I had to retake I was getting a C in it, but I ended up getting a D because I was so depressed, I didn’t go to the final.” Framing Their Own Narrative Participants who were food insecure, homeless, or both often discussed their perception of themselves and how they felt perceived by others related to their capacity to meet their basic needs For some, struggling to make ends meet and asking for help created a feeling of shame and self-doubt For others, managing with very little and navigating very difficult circumstances resulted in feeling empowered Consistently, students perceived basic needs insecurity as typical of the college experience Ophelia, like many of her peers, spoke about the shame she felt receiving Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), commonly referred to as food stamps As a student and mother of four, Ophelia knew that she needed help feeding her family She worked full-time, but did not have enough money to support her family Still, she said she did not discuss this with anyone because she felt shame in needing support She said, “A lot of people think that when you get [SNAP] you’re using it in useless stuff they’re kind of shaming you about it So I don’t really like to talk about it.” She said she felt depressed at times, concerned about sustaining her family, studied to increase income, and worried about how people around her might think of her Participants were asked if they spoke with anyone on campus, their professors, support staff, or their peers in an effort to seek help Repeatedly, students said they did not discuss their experiences with anyone; that the interview was the first time they had spoken about their struggles Some students attributed their silence to a need for privacy Many said things like, “It’s not their job to help me,” suggesting that staff and faculty were on campus to help them learn, not to support their private lives Pauline, who was living in a storage unit at the time of her interview, said, “I try not to let my personal life interfere with my academic or professional life, so I don’t say anything.” Some students spoke to faculty only when they had no other choice When their grades were precariously low, students felt compelled to discuss their struggles with their professors and were sometimes surprised by resulting empathy However, some students felt a strong desire to seek assistance despite any stigmatization they might experience There were participants who knew that, despite any internal or external stigma, they needed support to achieve graduation Beto, who was a former foster youth, felt clear that going to the food pantry on his campus was necessary He said, I just know that when I was hungry, I would anything to get food So, I really don’t care if somebody sees me getting free handouts of food If it’s there and they’re offering it, I’m going to take it For many students, the narrative they had learned of poverty and those who experience poverty was that “people like them” not suffer; “people like them” not ask for public assistance Jackie, who identified as Asian American, had been taught by her family that seeking public assistance was out of the question When talking about SNAP, she said, I used to be ashamed because my grandmother is Korean She’s like, “When I came here, no welfare and no EBT.” I get why she says that and takes pride that, but there’s a reason why Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services it’s there, and there’s a reason why it’s effective It’s different for everyone For me, I have to really humble myself and get down to that point, I was just like, “I’m not ashamed of this,” because someone who has to speak up Many students felt that as college students and as adults, it was their responsibility to ensure their needs were met without support Often, students described hardships like living in unsafe housing or skipping meals for entire days, but still felt complete responsibility to make things better Most of these students mirrored Ophelia’s perspective, who said, “I didn’t wanna have to ask for the government for help We wanted to try on our own but it wasn’t easy and there were times when we didn’t have food at all, and where we were left hungry.” Unable to meet their basic needs on their own, most of the students in this study described how basic need insecurity affected their self-esteem and identity as students and as adults Hannah, a student who experienced housing insecurity, put it this way: because she was worried about how discussing her problems would be perceived She said, “I don’t like to make excuses I felt like it was being an excuse I feel like everybody has something going on, so what would make you any different?” Along with student’s concern about perception in relation to meeting their basic needs, several identified with the idea that lacking access to adequate nutrition or experiencing homeless was a common and shared experience among their college peers Normalizing Basic Needs Insecurity Students in this study reported dire mental, physical, and educational consequences of food and housing insecurity, yet simultaneously normalized their struggle citing that everyone in college is struggling with meeting their basic needs in some way Many students spoke of couch surfing and sleeping in their cars or other places unsuitable for living as normal For instance, Ingrid, a graduate student said, I just wish I could get it together It’s irritating being unstable It’s hard I feel like I have low self-esteem because of it too I’m depressed, other things are happening to me just because I don’t feel like I have a place to go but I just try to fake it Try not to let it show, I guess I didn’t even think that [not having housing] would be an issue because everyone does that All grad students that at some point sleeping in cars, sleeping in a trailer, not finding a place to live, getting kicked out I didn’t really think much of it Some students worried that discussing their struggle with others meant that they might be “making excuses” for their academic struggle For instance, Pauline spoke about avoiding engaging service providers because of her perception of how this would be perceived: Ivan, who couch surfed during his last years of school shared a similar experience, “I’m not the only one there are lots of students who that it’s something that’s not addressed It’s really common.” Believing that food and housing insecurity are normal during college also led students to negate and cover up the severe health repercussions they were experiencing They often attributed these challenges to “growing pains,” lessons to “make them stronger,” or said that “God doesn’t give me anything I can’t handle.” At times, while describing serious detrimental impacts on their physical and mental health, they also dismissed any concern for these symptoms Tiffany was asked whether she was seeking emotional support to cope with her situation She did go to the And they’ll say things like, “you know, let us know if you ever need anything.” I’m like okay But I also don’t want to be like, here’s a laundry list of things that I need, cause I try to like save those, you know, get out of jail free cards for like limited use I try not to like, take advantage of too many things Similarly, Kianna, who had a medical condition that she said was exacerbated by her food and housing insecurity, did not tell her professors why she took a medical leave Crutchfield et al campus counseling center; however, did not feel like she needed to explore the suggestion given to her to seek more serious support She said, They like recommended antidepressants or anxiety meds which I was on for about two months but I decided I just didn’t want to be on them I decided maybe I’m just gonna have a positive outlook on life, which I didn’t have before and I think that’s really helping me right now Many participants also shared ways in which they normalized food insecurity by utilizing survival tactics such as stashing food in school and work refrigerators, with help from friends and eating nonperishable items only Often, participants felt that these strategies were a normal routine of a “poor college student.” The normalization of food and housing insecurity also led students to place themselves in struggle hierarchy, where they identified their needs as less significant than the needs of other students who are also basic needs insecure Often, because they did not consider themselves “the type of person that needs support” or “not poor enough,” they felt they should bypass opportunities for support services to ensure that others who were “more needy” would have available resources Keith, who was living in a vehicle, exemplified that narrative: I sort of have the rugged adventure impression of myself and I’m just going to this I’m going to figure it out and it’s going to be fine, but I also care about other people When I see other people staying in their cars and living in campers and RVs around campus, I’m worried about them because, like I said, I’m thinking, they don’t have a toilet, they can’t cook, you know So, my attitude has kind of always been, don’t worry about me, I’ll figure it out, worry about that guy, because he needs more help than I Keith thought twice about seeking or using on- and off-campus support services citing that other students may need it more than them Similarly, Elaine said she would not apply for SNAP because, “I’ve thought about it, but then I’m like—there’s always something that stops me like, no I don’t need it I can get by Or like, I don’t want to go that low.” In some cases, students justified their struggle by placing themselves in a place of privilege over others because they were attending a university For instance, Walter said, “Yeah, I may not always have a lot of money because I’m a student but it’s like, ‘Hey, I am in—I’m going to college.’” Other students did seek services while normalizing basic needs insecurity Several students said they felt that their struggle would be transitory, or only for the duration of their college career Karina reported feeling like her struggle was temporary and would end when she graduated college and found a good job She felt physically depleted from food insecurity, but dismissed concern because she would graduate in a year She said, “I’ll just look back at this and it’s going to be funny Not right now, but later on.” The normalization of basic needs kept students from seeking or accessing support services or disclosing their experience to a university administrator, staff, or faculty It also facilitated the minimization of their experience as they compared their struggles to others, which in some instances exacerbated their circumstances The ideas of personal autonomy and the starving student narrative, that one can persevere through problems on their own, were also interweaved with the normalization of food and housing insecurity Students often felt that although their struggle was a shared experience, they needed to be strong enough to make it through, but others should receive support Overall, findings revealed that although students are experiencing severe issues due to their lack of basic needs, the narrative of the “starving student” reinforced the normalization of their situation It is arguable that this is also why students who experience these situations have remained hidden within college campuses Discussion A college degree can contribute to upward economic and social mobility, especially for students of lower socioeconomic backgrounds 10 Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services Students in this study expressed the need to be self-sufficient and independent despite their struggles, which is consistent with the idea of bootstrapping and challenged the student’s ability to seek help as students need for selfsufficiency outweighed their desire or ability to mitigate their struggles Although societally, some may have romantic memories of eating a cup of noodles or rice due to over extending financial means as a normal rite of passage of in college, basic need insecurity described by the participants in this study goes well beyond a fun colloquial narrative and must be addressed Overwhelmingly, students reported experiencing physical, mental, and academic repercussions of food and housing insecurity, yet often resisted identifying those consequences with the need to access support services The starving student narrative gives way for students to normalize their experience and minimize the repercussions of their situation The findings in this study show that many students felt that their inability to provide for basic needs, being hungry, eating poorly, or experiencing homelessness, was a normal experience which, therefore, was a struggle that they deserved, was a natural part of the college experience, or was unavoidable This perspective, at times, appeared to be a coping mechanism that helped students feel connected to their peers As Ingrid said, “everyone has this,” as she seemed to feel more linked to her college community, and a part of a common struggle that unified her with her peers However, some students blamed themselves and felt a duty to manage their struggles on their own Social workers who provide programs and services to students in higher education can challenge this narrative by providing education on basic needs insecurity, incorporate this nuanced understanding of student perception, and support the development and implementation of on- and off- campus services and programs to assist students Limitations Study limitations correlate with the generalizability and gaps in research on the topic of the starving student narrative Prior research on the topic of the starving student is limited; therefore, research findings are not well supported in current literature and points to the need for further study Furthermore, this study relied on recruitment of participants who were willing to participate in the survey and discuss their experiences This inevitably left out students who were unable or unwilling to participate Finally, participants were recruited from the CSU system only, which may not be representative of all students in higher education Implications for Practice, Policy, and Research Hurtado (2015) suggests that students’ identity development is central to the educational process and occurs inside and outside of the classroom This process is framed by the pedagogical practices and policies that are set by institutions of higher education and the individual practices of faculty, staff, and administrators Social workers working in higher education can form the nature of cocurricular environments through deliberate structuring of support services that recognize the needs and perceptions of students Social work or student support service practitioners in and around college and university campuses must make attempts to defy the starving student narrative by educating students about basic needs insecurity, the issue’s prominence on college campuses, repercussions of these insecurities, and the benefit of mitigating these challenges with support Concurrently, the utilization of support services for students should be normalized Campuses across the country are developing programs and services like SNAP application enrollment support, emergency housing, emergency grants, and case management services alleviate basic needs insecurity (Hallett et al., 2019) Social workers and social work students are taking important roles in the leadership, design, and implementation of these practices, and these roles may involve promoting student support services in a way that does not identify students as “needy,” and increasing 11 Crutchfield et al accessibility These same professionals should also find creative ways to work with students to break down the stigma of basic needs insecurity which causes students to feel ashamed, and in turn, stops them from seeking help Findings show that students who are food and housing insecure are waiting until their need is most dire to seek help Rendón (1994) states that the exchanges between students and faculty, staff, and administrators are key to supporting students toward success Faculty in higher education should be equipped with the tools to identify signs of basic needs insecurity and refer students to services Social work educators can spearhead this effort by conducting trainings directed toward identifying the signs of basic needs insecurity and educating other faculty on ways to break down the stigma of poverty so students can seek services with confidence and without shame Policy recommendations include the allocation of funding to outreach and education on the issues of basic needs insecurity among students in higher education and to increase support services provided on college and university campuses such as housing, SNAP application enrollment services, and increases in financial aid State governments should work closely with higher education institutions to create housing that is financially accessible and appropriate for college students and policies to provide services such as case management and mental health counseling Although recent research has shined a light on the prominence of basic needs insecurity among college students, only one piece of literature was found to address how this issue is reinforced through the narrative of the starving student More research is needed regarding the ability to change perceptions of poverty, how to challenge the starving student narrative, and understanding what unravel how students and their campus normalized deprivation Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article Funding The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or 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