The New Orleans Charter Experiment
Charter schools have become a common element in many American public school districts Particularly in cities, charters are regular providers of education to thousands of
In the 1990s, American charter schools emerged as innovative educational initiatives driven by teachers, parents, and community organizations, aiming to implement unique teaching methods Over time, the establishment of charter networks and management organizations broadened the impact of this governance reform, allowing private managers to oversee publicly funded schools Each charter serves as a renewable contract that outlines the school's objectives and strategies, providing a framework for evaluating its performance and ensuring quality control.
The charter movement has been inspired by several rationales, among them the idea that better educational outcomes will result if
• families can choose schools with different philosophies and programs that fit their preferences and needs;
• school providers are given opportunities to innovate unconstrained by bureaucratic requirements regarding their design, staffing, and operations; and
Schools are driven to enhance their performance by competing for students, who contribute vital enrollment funding, and by the necessity of undergoing evaluations and reapprovals every few years.
As charters and other public and private schools of choice have created a new landscape in many urban areas across the country, some districts have adopted the idea of creating
A portfolio district operates on the principle that schools are not fixed entities but are subject to change based on performance In this model, schools that fail to provide adequate learning opportunities for students are either transformed or replaced The focus is on fostering continuous improvement by expanding and replicating the success of high-performing schools while closing and substituting the lowest-performing ones.
New Orleans, Louisiana has uniquely embraced a portfolio district model, transitioning almost entirely to charter schools following the devastation of Hurricane Katrina in 2005 This significant shift has reshaped the educational landscape, resulting in a diverse environment characterized by various superintendents, educational boards, and differing approaches to school admissions, operations, curriculum, instruction, and student discipline The aftermath of the hurricane disproportionately affected low-income communities of color, further complicating the city's educational dynamics.
Louisiana's charter school policy stands out among states as it permits selective enrollment practices similar to private schools Public charter schools can set minimum GPA and standardized test score requirements, and they may also ask applicants for interviews, work portfolios, or letters of recommendation for admission.
This report analyzes the New Orleans experiment, focusing on the experiences of students and families navigating a diverse portfolio of charter schools It incorporates a thorough review of relevant documents and administrative data, alongside extensive interviews with 81 students, parents, and educators Additionally, the report includes a quantitative analysis of student distribution across various school types, providing a comprehensive understanding of the current educational reforms and system operations.
This article provides an overview of the New Orleans schooling system and its current functionality It explores the distribution of students across various tiers of schools within the educational marketplace, highlighting the differences in academic and disciplinary experiences among these institutions Additionally, the article summarizes school outcomes data and concludes with a discussion of the findings.
Schooling in New Orleans is governed by two different “districts”: (1) Orleans Parish School Board (OPSB), a local school district which oversees thirteen charter schools and five
The Orleans Parish School Board (OPSB) encompasses all selective and priority enrollment charter schools, as well as the last remaining traditional "direct-run" public schools in New Orleans Additionally, the Recovery School District (RSD) operates as a branch of the Board of Elementary and Secondary Education.
In the 2014–15 school year, the Louisiana Department of Education (LDOE) managed 57 charter schools under the supervision of Secondary Education (BESE) Established in 2003, the Recovery School District (RSD) was designed to take control of failing schools, operating independently of local school districts and extending beyond New Orleans.
In 2005, the Recovery School District (RSD) took control of most Orleans Parish School Board (OPSB) schools classified as failing, initiating a strategy focused on chartering schools for turnaround efforts The RSD primarily established new charter schools or transformed existing ones by reconstituting their staff From 2005 to 2014, the RSD managed a limited number of traditional “direct-run” schools, but these have since been phased out or transferred to charter management organizations (CMOs), significantly reducing RSD's presence by the end of the 2013-14 school year Currently, the RSD oversees the citywide OneApp enrollment process for 57 charter schools, a few OPSB schools, and some private schools receiving public funding through vouchers.
The Orleans Parish School Board (OPSB) and the Recovery School District (RSD) operate in the same city but serve distinct roles, leading to differences in school autonomy and uniformity based on their charter types and the student populations they cater to An overview of the schools, districts, and governing bodies is presented in Table 1 In total, there are 82 public schools, which include 6 direct-run schools by OPSB, 14 OPSB charters, 57 independent schools under RSD Charter 1, 4 charters authorized by the Louisiana Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE), and 1 independent school authorized by the BESE.
Louisiana legislature Altogether these are run by 44 separate governing bodies, including 12 charter networks 5
Table 1: Overview of New Orleans Public Schools, 2014–15
Orleans Parish School Board (OPSB)
Board of Elementary and Secondary Education (BESE)
57 RSD charter schools (open enrollment)
14 OPSB charter schools (selective, priority, and open enrollment); 6 direct- run schools
Governing Body Each charter management organization (CMO) or independently run charter has its own board of directors which are selected by the CMO or charter, not elected
Each charter has its own board; all 5 direct-run schools are governed by the elected local school board
SOURCE: Cowen Institute for Public Education Initiatives, Governance Structure: 2014-15 School Year;
Louisiana Department of Education, 2013-14 Charter Annual Report
Researchers have yet to fully explore the implications of New Orleans' complex educational system for students and families Through interviews and quantitative data analysis, we examine how this system influences the choices and experiences of students We seek to understand the effectiveness of the charter system in delivering equitable educational opportunities across the city.
In our analysis of student experiences in New Orleans schools, we concentrate on four key research areas, beginning with an exploration of the dynamics of school choice in the post-Katrina era.
The article examines the admissions and enrollment practices in the post-Katrina era, highlighting the patterns of access for students It analyzes the policies and practices that influence the success and retention of high-need students, particularly those facing significant educational and economic challenges Additionally, the study explores the broader political and school-level factors that shape the experiences of children and families in New Orleans within the restructured school system.
The research utilizes a mixed-methods approach, incorporating document analysis alongside both quantitative and qualitative data analyses detailed in Appendix A Qualitative data were gathered through observations in selected schools and interviews with 81 participants, including students, parents or guardians, educators, community members, and representatives from organizations that support or critique the reforms.
The Choice Process in Action
Market models operate on the premise that consumers select products from competing providers, suggesting that comparing school performances can motivate improvements to retain students Advocates of this system believe it will effectively eliminate underperforming schools However, this theory relies on several assumptions: all consumers are equally valuable, parents possess complete information, students can easily transfer to preferred schools, and institutions can thrive despite existing funding disparities and varying student needs.
The logic of choice in education posits that consumers, such as parents, select from freely available options, with providers competing for all students The Louisiana Department of Education highlights that "choice" is a crucial factor in charter school success, allowing parents to choose their child's school However, the reality is more complex; while parents can express a preference, they may not always secure their desired school In New Orleans, the most sought-after schools have the ability to select their students, leading to disparities in access Data indicates that white, Asian, and non-poor families enjoy greater choice among the top-performing schools, while many Black and low-income families face significant barriers to accessing these educational opportunities.
For schools outside of the more successful Orleans Parish School Board, the RSD instituted the OneApp system, which primarily includes Tier 2 schools In the OneApp, parents
Parents can select from a list of up to eight schools for their children, with one ultimately assigned through a lottery system This choice suggests a consumer-like selection process, while the lottery aspect indicates that only a limited number of applicants will be successful, leaving many without a placement.
The Education Research Alliance for New Orleans has highlighted that the school selection process for families is more about luck than straightforward choice, revealing a complex web of decisions Parents often find that their desire to enroll their child in a specific school doesn't guarantee admission, as factors like availability, lottery numbers, neighborhood, and the child’s academic or behavioral history play significant roles This choice system can leave some families feeling confused and defeated, while others experience joy, as not all applicants secure a spot in their desired schools.
The findings reveal that racial, ethnic, and income stratification in education is often exacerbated rather than alleviated A geographic analysis of public school enrollment in New Orleans by Zimmerman indicated that, despite extensive school choice policies, low-income minority students face significant barriers to accessing quality schools This was echoed by participants in the study, with many parents describing their limited options and the necessity of selecting from available schools rather than their preferred choices Students also expressed frustration over being assigned to schools with openings instead of having the freedom to choose their desired institutions.
This was the only school accepting applications, so I just came here
While searching for a new school, I found that all the other options were fully enrolled, leaving this particular school as the only one with available spots Unfortunately, this was not my preferred choice.
The other school wouldn’t accept me because I failed the EOC [End-of-Course
Assessment] by one point so I signed up for [this school] and came here
The RSD lady told me I had to go to [this school] and I was like, “What? Ain’t a couple people got shot there?” and she was like “Yeah.”
Approximately 50% of students in failing schools, particularly those in Tiers 2 and 3, did not participate in the initial OneApp application round, resulting in their assignment to schools with available seats, most of which are rated "D" or "F." Even if these students had applied earlier, the limited number of seats in non-failing schools means that many families, despite their efforts to secure spots in better institutions, still faced challenges in achieving this goal.
While the education system functions as a marketplace with various school options competing for students, not all institutions are perceived as desirable by consumers, nor are all students considered valuable by schools As highlighted by Gary Orfield, the nature of choice significantly impacts the opportunities available, who benefits most from those choices, and the overall results Therefore, the quality and type of educational choices play a crucial role in shaping outcomes.
Students with favorable socioeconomic, academic, and behavioral traits enjoy greater educational choices, allowing them to attend any school across various tiers Notably, 90% of white students are enrolled in Tier 1 schools, where they have multiple options, alongside 60% of students from families able to afford lunch Additionally, students of color in these institutions often come from middle-class backgrounds and receive strong academic support.
Students have found that the open marketplace of school choice benefits them significantly One student, coming from a well-regarded middle school, noted, “I chose this school because the principal came to talk to us when I was in 8th grade.” Meanwhile, a low-income student of color, who previously attended a Tier 1 school, shared her perspective on the opportunities available through school choice.
“enrollment in ‘better schools’ requires one to be smart, artistic, or lucky; [Tier 1 schools] are for the ‘elite.’”
Students who fail to meet academic qualifications or social criteria for selective schools, and do not qualify as priority schools or secure their preferred RSD schools, face limited choices A former school principal noted this concerning trend.
Parents express frustration over school choices, stating, "I can't enroll my child in this school," and "this is the preferred school." They acknowledge the options available but feel constrained by limitations that prevent them from securing their desired educational institutions for their children.
A principal at an RSD charter highlighted the inequitable distribution of students, stating that while some have abundant options, others face limited choices, making the concept of school choice a "fallacy." Another educator contended that the OneApp system gives the illusion of fair student distribution across city schools, but does not achieve true equity.
Certain schools implement special rules that disproportionately benefit specific populations, leading to a concentration of lower-performing and economically disadvantaged students in under-resourced schools This results in these institutions facing an overwhelming number of high-needs students, while higher-performing schools tend to have a majority of lower-needs students The reform system in New Orleans has largely adopted a hands-off approach to this issue.
School choice is often justified as a way to provide minority children with access to a broader array of quality educational options However, the intricacies involved in the decision-making process surrounding these choices can complicate the intended benefits, as highlighted by Orfield.
Student Experiences
In an educational landscape characterized by a lack of cohesive systems, variability defines practice, with significant differences in curricular approaches and teaching strategies across schools While districts implementing research-based reforms provide uniform learning opportunities and foster consistent educator practices, New Orleans presents a contrasting scenario where each charter school operates independently This autonomy allows schools to establish their own philosophies and methodologies, often without adequate support or oversight from a central authority.
The current educational landscape allows schools the freedom to explore various teaching methods; however, the lack of common standards and oversight can lead to experimentation that may not align with best practices or shared educational values During our visits to schools in New Orleans, we observed a diverse array of practices influenced significantly by the stratified student populations and societal expectations, raising concerns about whether minimum educational standards are being adequately met.
The disparities in student populations and educational practices between advantaged schools and those serving less privileged students are striking In high-performing Tier 1 schools, welcoming environments are evident, with predominantly white students engaging in lively conversations while carrying books and laptops In stark contrast, many RSD charter schools are heavily secured, featuring guards and metal detectors at the entrance Inside, predominantly African American students follow strict walking lines in silence, monitored closely by young teachers, and often lack textbooks for study Their lunch periods are marked by silence, as they track teacher movements and respond only when addressed, adhering to strict behavioral protocols to avoid consequences such as demerits, detention, or expulsion.
One group of students is being equipped for future college and career opportunities that emphasize critical thinking and problem-solving skills In contrast, another group feels their preparation is limited to paths leading to "the military or jail." While this disparity is not universal among Tier 2 schools, and many strive to offer a comprehensive education, such a trend is alarmingly prevalent.
This section explores students' experiences with behavioral management and disciplinary actions across various school levels, alongside their academic expectations and opportunities We present firsthand accounts from students regarding their concerns and experiences, supported by data gathered from our observations and interviews.
In the fall of 2013, students from two RSD charter high schools in New Orleans staged a walkout to protest their academic and disciplinary treatment In retaliation, the school administration suspended the protesting students In response, the students united to draft a letter addressed to the charter management organization’s school board, outlining their concerns and requests for improvement.
(1) We are learning material that we already learned in middle school The work is below our grade level We want to learn material that reflects our abilities
(2) We only study from our “guided notes” – we have no textbooks to review when we study
We want textbooks We want to be able to bring text books home and read them
Our classroom lacks a library, limiting us to borrowing books solely from a collection maintained by our teachers Additionally, we are restricted to checking out books that are appropriate for our grade level, with no options for other reading materials.
We want a school library, and we want to be able to read books that teach us beyond our grade level
Teachers use colored stickers on our books to indicate our reading abilities, making our levels publicly visible to everyone in the school Additionally, test grades are posted in the hallway alongside our names, leading to widespread knowledge of each other's scores This transparency leaves us desiring more privacy regarding our reading levels and test results.
Students face strict discipline for minor infractions like not walking on taped lines or slouching, receiving detentions or suspensions as a result Educators claim these rules prepare us for college; however, such rigid regulations seem more suited for military training or incarceration rather than higher education If college resembles the environment of these schools, many students would prefer to avoid it altogether.
In the morning, we are required to greet everyone with a firm handshake, maintaining eye contact and a smile Additionally, we must recite our memorized "core values" to gain entry into the building; failure to do so means starting over If we’re struggling with personal issues that affect our mood, the school mandates we go home, leaving no room for a bad day.
Students often face suspension for questioning the rationale behind certain rules, as teachers perceive this as a form of disrespect This behavior is frequently cited as the leading cause of school suspensions.
Teachers may misinterpret questions about their methods as disrespect, even when the intent is simply to seek understanding Inquisitiveness about the reasons behind certain practices should not be viewed negatively Students deserve clear answers, and punitive measures like suspension for asking questions are inappropriate responses.
Instead of receiving appropriate disciplinary actions for our behavior, students are often granted an "early release," which typically involves being given a bus token to leave campus This practice leads to many students congregating in places like Joe Brown Park, the public library, or Wendy’s without adult supervision, rather than attending school Consequently, this absence from the classroom means we are missing out on essential educational opportunities.
We advocate for a discipline policy that minimizes suspensions, reserving them for serious offenses only Our goal is to ensure that students remain in school and continue their education, fostering a learning environment that addresses behavioral issues without resorting to frequent suspensions.
Students feel voiceless in their schools, lacking the opportunity to ask questions or influence school policies They often experience condescension from teachers, being treated as if they are younger or less important It is essential for students to be treated with respect and to have a meaningful role in shaping the policies that affect their education.
Student Outcomes and School Results over Time
This section analyzes research data on student outcomes and school performance in New Orleans, highlighting the contrasting results of various reforms We aim to clarify the often confusing findings by examining the sources and methodologies of different studies Frequent changes in metrics for assessing school and student progress in Louisiana, along with varying data sources and comparison groups, can significantly influence conclusions about trends, particularly in test scores.
Combining OPSB data with New Orleans RSD data presents a more optimistic view; however, the reform strategies—such as state takeover, the end of the elected school board, and full conversion to charter schools—apply solely to the New Orleans RSD and not to the OPSB Therefore, we separate the findings for these two districts, revealing stark contrasts: the OPSB stands out as one of Louisiana's highest-performing districts, while the New Orleans RSD is among the lowest-performing districts in one of the nation's least successful states.
Effects of the Marketplace Incentives on Schools
The New Orleans education marketplace is intricate, with many schools striving to provide quality education despite significant challenges Some institutions are successfully fostering engaging learning environments that promote essential 21st-century skills such as critical thinking, problem-solving, communication, and collaboration However, these successful schools predominantly serve Tier 1 students who are already more privileged, while a few Tier 2 schools actively reject the prevalent test-focused instruction and strict disciplinary measures.
In the New Orleans educational marketplace, competition among schools largely revolves around student test scores, leading to stratification through practices like "cream skimming," where schools attract more advantaged students while pushing out those who do not meet academic or behavioral standards Although the intention behind school choice is to promote high-quality education tailored to individual student interests and talents, the reality is that enhancing test scores often proves easier through selective student practices rather than fostering genuine educational improvement.
The tension between focusing on improving educational quality and managing the
“quality” of students was also noted in a study recently released by the Education Research Alliance of New Orleans, which included interviews describing the responses to competition of
A study involving 30 charter school leaders revealed that responses to market pressures varied based on their market hierarchy status Some leaders implemented academic and operational changes aimed at school improvement, while others focused on marketing strategies or selective enrollment practices.
A significant majority of school leaders (29 out of 30) prioritized marketing and promotional activities, yet only about one-third implemented academic and operational strategies to enhance their schools These strategies included initiatives to directly improve test scores, recruit better teachers, introduce gifted programs and Advanced Placement (AP) courses, establish dual enrollment partnerships with higher education institutions, and engage in fundraising efforts to expand offerings and extracurricular activities Many of these approaches aimed to carve out a unique niche for the school, thereby attracting more desirable students.
Despite nearly all school leaders managing open enrollment institutions, at least 10 out of 30 admitted to employing selection practices to recruit more capable students outside the OneApp system These leaders utilized various strategies to find suitable candidates, even when fully enrolled, and opted not to promote their schools or accept mid-year admissions, despite being under-enrolled Some noted that students or parents unwilling to meet the school's high expectations often chose to transfer out, effectively creating a selection process through attrition.
Schools in New Orleans perceive student selection not merely as a choice but as a survival necessity, with principals reporting these practices in a straightforward manner They are navigating market pressures while also addressing unique incentives, such as balancing accountability demands to enhance test scores alongside the imperative to increase student enrollment.
Challenges in Drawing Inferences About New Orleans Results
The impact of various forces on student achievement in New Orleans has sparked significant debate, particularly regarding the effectiveness of charter schools as a model for other regions While there is consensus that the education system was failing prior to Hurricane Katrina, data indicates improvements in school performance since then According to the former CEO of New Schools for New Orleans, the city's schools have improved from an F to a C grade, supported by rising graduation rates and ACT scores, which reflect the positive changes in the educational landscape.
Over the past decade, Louisiana has revised its method for calculating A to F grades for school accountability, allowing more schools to achieve higher ratings while excluding many that are opening, closing, or undergoing turnaround efforts from the rating system for extended periods Furthermore, the reported graduation rates in New Orleans have faced scrutiny, with varying definitions yielding either slight increases or declines, yet they remain critically low, alongside ACT scores that rank among the lowest in the state.
The ongoing changes in metrics and data sources in Louisiana and New Orleans create significant challenges in assessing performance trends Establishing a reliable comparison group before and after Hurricane Katrina complicates the analysis further Additionally, the use of varying definitions and data sources when comparing school results over time adds to the confusion surrounding claims made by advocates, skeptics, and researchers alike.
LDOE's refusal to share essential individual-level student data requested by independent researchers has hindered the ability to effectively evaluate claims regarding student inclusion and comparability.
Changing Metrics and Issues of Data Sources
Recent changes in school ratings and test score metrics have led to varied findings on graduation outcomes, influenced by advocates and researchers utilizing diverse data sources and measurement methods.
School ratings At the top of the statewide school report on the LDOE website, the successes of the state are noted as follows:
• Since 2011, the number of schools earning a letter grade of “A,” the state’s top distinction, increased by 144% percent, an increase of 141 schools
• The number of schools with a failing letter grade has correspondingly decreased from
2011 to 2014, by 20.9 percent, or a total of 24 schools 50
The website fails to indicate any changes in the school ratings system during this period that would have led to higher school ratings and a decrease in the number of failing schools, as detailed below.
The School Accountability System previously utilized a star rating system (1–5 stars) based on School Performance Scores (SPS), which ranged from below 60 to over 140 points until the 2010–11 academic year In 2005, the threshold for school failure was raised to 87.4, but it was reverted to 60 in 2010, resulting in fewer schools being classified as failing The 2011–12 school year marked a shift in SPS calculations, introducing letter grades and increasing the total points possible to 200 By the 2012–13 school year, the maximum SPS points were adjusted again, finalizing at 150 points.
Conclusions and Implications
This study investigates the school experiences and outcomes of students in a post-Katrina market-based portfolio district Analyzing respondents' experiences alongside district data and existing research, we reveal that the reforms in New Orleans have led to a highly stratified educational system, characterized by significant disparities in race, class, and educational advantage This hierarchy results in varied school types, each serving distinct student populations.
The education reform movement in post-Katrina New Orleans aimed to enhance educational options for all children; however, its benefits have been unevenly distributed Privileged students, particularly white, non-poor, and academically capable individuals, enjoy a range of appealing school choices In contrast, disadvantaged students, including those with special education needs or difficult home environments, face limited options and are often shunned by schools that can select their enrollments Consequently, these students often have to accept whatever placements they are given, only to lose them due to expulsions or school closures While some students may find success through the lottery system, many others remain overlooked and marginalized in the process.
One of the parents in our study spoke perceptively about how she sees public schooling in New Orleans today:
Public education functions well for some, but it fails to meet the needs of children who learn differently and many underprivileged students While not every child from a low-income background is affected, a significant number face challenges within the current system.
Our key findings highlight students' experiences in school and the overall outcomes related to school quality, improvement, and student progress We will provide a concise summary of these findings before delving into a more detailed exploration of each aspect.
New Orleans' educational reforms have led to a highly stratified school system, where racial, class, and educational disparities create a hierarchy that offers varying quality of education to different student demographics.
2 Students’ academic and disciplinary experiences are strongly shaped by where they land in the schools hierarchy
3 Students’ degree of choice and ultimate school assignments depend substantially on their demographic and academic characteristics
4 Student experiences are influenced by the test-based accountability system as it influences school curricula and enrollment / push out practices
5 Individual good schools have been created in the reform process, but the quality of schools is highly variable
School closures intended to improve educational quality can be counterproductive, as students often experience a decline in academic achievement when forced to leave their schools Furthermore, many of these displaced students struggle to find access to higher-performing institutions, exacerbating the challenges they face in their education.
7 Studies on the effects of the New Orleans reforms on student achievement vary substantially in their conclusions based on the metrics and comparisons used
8 The New Orleans RSD continues to struggle with poor performance, posting among the lowest achievement and graduation rates in the state
The absence of a robust central system within the New Orleans Recovery School District (RSD) hinders school quality and accountability, limiting support for instructional improvement and compromising children's access to a satisfactory education.
New Orleans reforms have led to a highly stratified school system, characterized by significant disparities in race, class, and educational advantage This hierarchical structure comprises three descending tiers of schools, each exhibiting a strong correlation between academic achievement and the demographic composition of students, including race, class, and disability status This situation mirrors findings from the University of Minnesota Law School’s Institute on Race and Poverty, which, in a 2009 study, highlighted the "separate but unequal tiered system of schools" resulting from New Orleans' reconstitution efforts, effectively directing minority students to lower-performing institutions while white students are funneled into higher-performing ones.
In the OPSB, 90% of white children and 60% of those able to pay for school lunch are enrolled in Tier 1 schools, which often have selective admissions or focus on gifted and talented programs Conversely, Tier 2 schools, intended for open admission, still exhibit disparities as they compete for top students, employing various strategies to deter less capable learners These strategies include neglecting special education needs, implementing complex application processes that high-need families may struggle to navigate, offering programs designed for academically proficient students, and enforcing strict academic and behavioral standards that can result in the transfer of underperforming students.
Tier 3 alternative schools serve students who have faced expulsion, attendance issues due to family instability or trauma, pregnancy, or legal challenges, often leading them toward the corrections system This tier predominantly includes African American students (99%) and a significant number of students with intensive special education needs, whom traditional schools have struggled to accommodate.
New Orleans exemplifies citywide ability tracking, leading to significant student segregation across schools rather than within individual institutions Top-tier schools attract a diverse racial and socioeconomic demographic, primarily consisting of white and middle-class students, yet they maintain a homogenous academic performance In contrast, middle-tier schools predominantly serve low-income students of color, showcasing greater diversity in student abilities Meanwhile, the lowest-ranked schools exhibit both academic and demographic homogeneity, rendering them the most segregated educational environments.
The enrollment practices in schools create a hierarchy where top-tier institutions can select their students and dis-enroll those who do not meet their standards Consequently, lower-tier schools are left with the most challenging students, both academically and behaviorally, effectively serving as the final option for public education This structure has exacerbated the existing socioeconomic and racial stratification in New Orleans, particularly following Hurricane Katrina Rather than serving as a pathway for social mobility, the current education system often results in students moving between schools without significant upward progress.
2 Students’ degree of choice and ultimate school assignments depend substantially on their demographic and academic characteristics The LDOE website proclaims that
Parents are best positioned to determine the ideal educational path for their children and deserve access to high-quality options The Department emphasizes that, although all students must meet the same high standards for success, individual learning environments and instructional methods may vary in effectiveness for different students.
While the concept of school choice suggests that students and parents can select any school they prefer, the reality is quite different Privileged students enjoy greater access to a variety of schools, whereas many students, especially the most vulnerable, face significant limitations in their options Numerous parents and students reported feeling assigned to schools without any real choice, often due to their preferred schools being at capacity or not aligning with their needs.
In New Orleans, the most prestigious and resource-rich schools are largely inaccessible to the majority of public school students, as access is restricted by factors such as neighborhood, academic history, specific talents, behavioral records, and special education designations.