Tobian Futures in the Republic of Palau

David Tibbetts Dissertation Proposal Anthropology Department University of Auckland Advisor: Dr Karen Nero Tobian Futures in the Republic of Palau Over the past century Tobian islanders have relocated from their distant home island and resettled in the Republic of Palau where they continue to maintain their cultural identity while shaping new identities The movements of Native Pacific people suggest newly inventive struggles for breathing space, for relational sovereignty, in post- or neocolonial conditions of complex connectivity They are about finding ways to exist in a multiplex modernity, but with a difference, a difference derived from cultural tradition, from landedness, and from ongoing histories of displacement, travel, and circulation (Clifford, 2001:483) Aims There are two complementary aims in this thesis endeavor On a broader level this study will examine the complex interrelationships between indigenous resources, cultural identity, and politics within a diasporic community in a developing nation, the Republic of Palau (ROP) The research specifically aims to explore and analyze how the issue of community-based resource management intersects with global environmental organizations and national, regional, and global politics and how this intersection highlights the relationship between Tobian identity, environment, sustainability, and larger Palauan nationalism and economic development The final correlating aim and vehicle of this ethnographic research project is a “Futures Feature” segment for a proposed Tobi Island museum exhibit (Tobi Island: 100 Years of History) The Belau National Museum is a focal point for the politicization of Palauan culture Dr Peter Black and I are presently working on a grant proposal for the new Belau National Museum Tobi Island exhibit Dr Black is a professor in Conflict Resolution at George Mason University and has and tradition A new Belau National Museum is in the early development stages and expected to open prior to the 2004 Pacific Arts Festival taking place in Koror, the national center of the ROP When complete, the “Futures Feature” segment will provide a computer-based interactive media program that concentrates on Tobian perspectives toward future plans related to current issues and dynamics of Tobian society A significant portion of this contemporary category focuses on Tobian future concerns regarding the varied stakes and interests in a valuable Tobian resource, Helen Island (Hotsarihie) Framing and Clifford’s ‘articulating sites of indigeneity’ The ROP, since 1994 the world’s newest nation, actively negotiates its post-colonial national identity while also negotiating its regional identity in the context of an increasingly interdependent and globalized world Their decolonization process has entailed, as Clifford theorizes, “not an all-for-nothing, once-and-for-all, transition; (instead) long ongoing histories of resistance and accommodation, of unlinking and relinking with imperial forces, need to be kept in view” (Clifford, 2001:473) Nation-building is becoming increasingly more ambiguous “…the current hegemony – call it neocolonialism, post-modernity, globalization, Americanization, or neoliberalism – is fractured, significantly open-ended” Considering what Vince Diaz calls “native productions of indigeneity” (Diaz, 2001:315) and the cultural diversity and varied histories of Oceania, Clifford adds, “Very old cultural dispositions…are being actively remade Pacific decolonization struggles, thus, have their own temporalities and traditions And because decolonization comes to the Pacific when sovereignty is an increasingly compromised reality, we see the emergence of different forms of national identity, conducted over 30 years of ethnographic work in Tobi, Palau, and Micronesia I have conducted ethnographic work in Tobi and Palau for the past six years new sorts of negotiations among the local, the regional, the national, and the global” (Clifford, 2001:475) Miles (1998:13) suggests a “paradigm of boundary permeability”, where “Global networks of economy, communications, and environmental and security interdependence render the old notion of national boundaries as barriers or screens virtually anachronistic” Rather, “Boundaries are more accurately seen as porous membranes, transmitting a wide range of external forces to domestic society and allowing outside agents to deliberately or inadvertently exercise influence over internal politics and economies” Clifford introduces “articulation theory” to better understand and appreciate the movement, negotiations, and multiple histories and contextual identities of Pacific Islanders Articulation theory offers a “nonreductive way to think about cultural transformation” (Clifford, 2001:478), rather than the ‘fatal-impact’, ‘invention of tradition’, or binary and oppositional ‘tradition vs modernity’ views of culture and cultural transformations Instead, “Communities can and must reconfigure themselves, drawing selectively on remembered pasts The relevant question is whether and how they convince and coerce insiders and outsiders, often in power-charged, unequal situations, to accept the autonomy of ‘we’” (Clifford, 2001:479) These models are complemented by similar ideologies introduced in Karen Nero’s The End of Insularity and Epeli Hau‘ofa’s essay Our Sea of Islands These models are contrary to typical colonial paradigms that view the Pacific islands as isolates with limited resources, “rooted in place and time” (see Hanlon, 1998:239) ‘Articulating’ a Museum Exhibit “Standard definitions of museums usually refer to organized institutions, educational or aesthetic in purpose, that collect, preserve, interpret, and display objects on a regular basis All museums are exercises in classification, and it is precisely from their position as ‘classifying houses’ that museums become institutions of knowledge and technologies of power” (Kahn, 1995:324) Taking from Foucault’s idea of heterotopia, Kahn critiques museum representation of Oceanic cultures using the term ‘heterotopic dissonance’, where museums are “spaces ‘with a multitude of localities containing things so different that it is impossible to find a common logic to them, a space in which everything is somehow out of place” (Relph, 1991:104, in Kahn, 1995:324) To attempt to avoid this dissonance, Dr Peter Black and I will develop the ‘Futures Features’ segment of the Tobi museum exhibit to incorporate Tobian contemporary faces and voices as they discuss Tobian ‘Futures’ in ways representing the multiple and layered dynamics of Tobian culture This will feature Tobian’s articulating their sites of indigeneity Indeed, an excellent multi-layered and multi-sited place to explore “negotiations of the local, regional, national, and global”(from Clifford above) is the politically and culturally dynamic setting of the minority Tobian community within the larger ROP While the ROP negotiates and constructs its identities as mentioned above, so Tobians both within the political framework as the sixteenth state of the ROP, Hatohobei State, and as minority Palauan citizens living within the larger Palauan society Palauans and Tobians have negotiated and endured multiple colonial administrations and continue to negotiate contemporary hegemonies while pursuing national and state-level, and cultural identities and economic development in interrelated post-colonial, regional, and global capitalist contexts As a focal point of politicized Palauan culture and national identity, the new Belau National Museum exhibit is an ideal space to portray Tobian “roots” and “routes” Background: Locating Tobi, the Southwest Islands, and the Republic of Palau “Just as some islanders are engulfed by foreigners, others became minorities in new islands through resettlement by colonial administrations, either for the perceived welfare of the islanders after a natural disaster, or to answer colonial needs for labour or land” (Nero, 1997:451) Tobians are a partially relocated, resettled, and definitely marginalized minority group located on the geographic, cultural, economic, and political fringes of the ROP This young nation, with a population of approximately 17,000, is located in the southwestern Pacific Ocean (see Map 1) The distant and low-lying island of Tobi (Hatohobei) is limited in land area (.5km2) and natural resources It is located at the extreme southwest boundary of the Republic of Palau’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), over 380 km south of Koror2 This EEZ borders the territorial waters of the Philippines and Indonesia Merir is the nearest island to Tobi, located 125km to the north Further north are the islands of Pulu Ana, Sonsorol, and Fana Only Tobi and Sonsorol are inhabited and this collective group of islands is known as the Southwest islands of Palau (see Map 2) Merir, Pulu Ana, and Sonsorol constitute the ROP’s fifteenth state Culturally and linguistically different from larger Palau, the Southwest islands share similarities in culture and language due to common ancestry from the outer Yapese islands of Ulithi atoll After a major typhoon damaged several of the Southwest islands (but not Tobi) at the turn of the 20th century, the German colonial administration relocated most of these island populations to Palau In the past century, almost the entire Southwest island community, including Tobians, have relocated and established permanent residences in the hamlet of Echang near Koror, Palau’s national center Tobians, especially in the past twenty years, have relocated to gain access to the amenities of the urban center in Koror; the wage economy, health care, and education It takes 36 hours one-way to reach Tobi Island on the state fieldtrip ship, which visits every few months The myriad Tobian identities are certainly at once ambiguous, blurred, dynamic, and complex Peter Black discusses the duality of Tobian society noting that, “…ever since the early years of the 20th century, when Southwest Islanders first pioneered the Echang settlement, Tobian society has been dual in nature, with an urban, cash-based, pole based in Palau proper, contrasting with a rural, subsistence pole, located on Tobi Island” (P Black, Helen Reef Report, 2000) In the past twenty years however, the modern and urban lifestyle has taken priority over rural traditional life Black notes that, “All major areas of Tobian communal life (economics, politics, education, religion, kinship, and family) have changed dramatically and rapidly in recent years, and this process continues” (P Black, Helen Reef Report, 2000) This duality of Tobian society remains with continual but sporadic travel between Koror and the increasingly de-populated island of Tobi Yet Tobian cultural values, cultural political-structure, and epistemologies continue to shape the transformation of Tobian culture and identity in the context of larger Palau Quoting Murray Chapman’s research in the Solomon islands, “ we should be wary of binary oppositions between home and away, or a before-after progression from village life to cosmopolitan modernity” (1978; 1991) Similarly, Clifford notes, “As we try to grasp the full range of indigenous ways to be ‘modern’, it is crucial to recognize patterns of visiting and return, of desire and nostalgia, of lived connections across distances and differences” (Clifford, 2001:470) Tobians have a long history of negotiating in a wide variety of ways the gulf between the home island and their new island of residence After three successive colonial administrations, Palau became a Trust Territory of the United States after WWII and then in 1983 signed into law a nuclear-free Constitution Hatohobei (Tobi) State signed into law a state Constitution at this time, as well (see Hufehiri Farau Ri Faruheri Hatohobei) In 1994, after eight controversial plebiscites, negotiation and resistance to U.S hegemonic political negotiations, and internal opposition and violence (house bombings, death threats, one presidential assassination, one presidential suicide)(see Aldridge, Myers, 1990), the ROP attained its political independence by signing a Compact of Free Association Agreement with the United States As Ueki writes, “The Compact Agreement, for US$500 million, is front-loaded with subsidies through 2009 The overriding concern of the national government has been to develop a self-sustaining economy before the year 2009, when funding under the Compact of Free Association, which established independence, comes to an end” (Ueki, 2000:481) As the ROP continues to promote economic independence through tourism development and regional interdependence in preparation for a post-Compact future, there is increasing pressure on the Hatohobei State Government (HSG) to justify its state-level existence Significance is the fact that most of the community (approximately 200) reside in the urbanized and cosmopolitan center of Koror State and less than twenty reside on the distant home island (Crispin Emilio, personal communication, 2000) Helen Island Located 65km east of Tobi, “Helen Island possesses marine resources that are traditionally an important source of sustenance for the livelihood of the Hatohobei people” (Helen Reef Action Committee, Helen Reef Pilot Surveillance/Deterrence Program, 2001) Also referred to as Helen Reef, it is surrounded by a 16km2 coral lagoon with a fringing reef Peter Black mentions its position within the continuity of Tobian cultural identity and values, expressing that, “Another striking continuity is in the commitment Tobians continue to show as they exert their claims to responsible ownership of Helen Reef That commitment is a constant theme in the oral history of Tobi” (P Black, Helen Report, 2000) In recent years Tobian oral history of Helen Reef has changed dramatically, as “In place of the stories of fatness and adventure told about the visits there during the previous era, Tobians now recount stories that express their concern with Helen’s diminishing resources Tales of contemporary events tend to stress destruction and diminishment, not just of the various forms of organic life there, but of Helen Reef itself” (P Black, Helen Reef Report, 2000) Specifically, Tobians have expressed concern regarding the exploitation of Helen Island and reef by illegal foreign poachers from Indonesia and the Philippines, as well as by national government officials stocking up on fieldship trips in the past (see P Black, Helen Report, 2000) This is further documented in a recent assessment of Helen Island resources, which notes, “While Helen Reef’s remoteness has helped to protect it’s resources from over use, in modern times its ecological integrity is significantly threatened by overexploitation and destructive fishing, particularly by foreign vessels Recently, Helen Reef has been identified as a reef at “high risk” by the World Resources Institute’s Reefs at Risk Program (1998) due to these external factors” (HRAC, Helen Reef Pilot Surveillance/Deterrence Program, 2001) Indigenous Marine Conservation and International Aid The HSG recently developed the Helen Reef Action Committee (HRAC) that has consulted an outside NGO, Community Conservation Network (CCN), to assist with the proposed development of a community-based marine resource management program at Helen Island This is an effort to protect and sustain a valuable indigenous resource and perhaps develop state-level autonomy through economic independence in the post-Compact years A Tobian individual, Huan Hosei, has expressed that, “With a small community and limited economic opportunity on our home island, those of Hatohobei would naturally like to see Helen Reef used to its potential so that we can gain more subsistence and economic benefits from the reef there” (H Hosei, Helen Reef Project Development Assessment, 2000) HRAC and CCN have established project goals based on a project development guide entitled Measures of Success (R Margoluis, N Salafsky, 1998; see H Hosei, 2000) Their goals include establishing a marine enforcement patrol, sustainable harvesting of resources, mariculture, resource monitoring, scientific research, and possibly ecotourism (personal communication with M Guilbeaux, CCN, 2001) In such endeavors there emerge problems involving the support, interaction, and expectations between the national government, outside donors and consultants, and the Tobian community Nero notes that, “Indigenous marine conservation practices involve concepts of property, laws and personal relationships qualitatively different from Western practices However, indigenous practices should not be romanticized: they did not extend to all resources currently exploited, nor the wider relationships operate in ways they once did” (Nero, 1997:380) As in the case of Helen Island, “…many resources previously managed have been over-exploited, such as the hawksbill sea turtles…In such cases extraordinary measures are needed to re-establish and protect populations as their breeding habits are taken over by expanding populations, and chiefly taboos no longer function” (Nero, 1997:380) And further, “International organizations have played contradictory roles…National parks and nature reserves (the latter another possible agenda for Helen Island/Reef), unless carefully planned with community participation, can also alienate people from their habitats” (Nero, 1997:394) Returning to Clifford, “People aren’t, of course, always attached to a habitat in the same old ways, consistent over the centuries Communities change The land alters Men and women While some Palauans welcomed the International Union for the Conservancy of Nature, the World Wildlife Fund, and the US-based Sierra Club and Oceanic Society in their battle against a proposed supertanker port in the 1970’s, the proposal to establish Palau as an international reserve, in order to protect it from development, understandably raised questions of how local peoples would live and the degree of control they would exercise (Nero, The Material World Remade, from the Cambridge History of the Pacific Islanders) speak from changing roles, in new ways, on behalf of tradition and place Senses of locale are expressed and felt through continuously negotiated outsides and insides…Old myths and genealogies change, connect, and reach out, but always in relation to some spatial nexus…Thus indigenous identities must always transcend colonial disruptions (including posts and neos), claiming: we are here before all that, we are still here; we will make a future here” (Clifford, 2001:482) Methods Since Malinowski’s time the ‘method’ of participant-observation has enacted a delicate balance of subjectivity and objectivity Clifford and Marcus, Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (Clifford and Marcus, 1986:13) In Ethnography Through Thick & Thin, George Marcus suggests the “development of multisited strategies…to discover and define more complex and surprising objects of study”, and a “different and less stereotyped and more significant place for the reception of ethnographically produced knowledge in a variety of academic and nonacademic forums” (Marcus, p 14) This ethnography is partially collaborative, obviously multi-sited, and utilizes multiple qualitative methods to gather ethnographic data in three overlapping areas; i.e., applied ethnography, the museum exhibit, and this researcher’s larger query that will explore and analyze the intersection of Palauan nationalism, indigeneous resource management, and Tobian identity In residence at the University of Auckland The first twelve months of this research project will include a literature review and analysis of the theoretical writings on identity, politics, and economic development in the Oceanic region Additional literature reviews of resource management concepts and global environmental organizations are necessary, along with reviews of pertinent historical and contemporary ethnographic work in the Republic of Palau and Tobi (Please see attached bibliography for a preliminary literature review.) 10 In the field in Palau and Tobi I will live for twelve months in the Tobian communities of Echang and Tobi Island The Tobian community is small; I have close relations and access to most community members This reflexive ethnographic fieldwork will involve general participant-observation, discussion groups, and semi-formal open-ended interviews with elected Tobian and Palauan leaders, members of the NGO CCN, and the Tobian community in general Tobian informants range from Tobi State political leaders such as Governor Sabino Zacharias, Lt Governor Crispin Emilio, state delegate Thomas Patris, traditional leader Sebastian Marino, to various legislators and community elders such as Lorenso Simion, Nemecio Andrew, Isauro Andrew, Rosa Andrew, Huana Nestor, and to younger generation of western educated individuals such as Steven Patris, Justin Andrew, Marcus Marcello, and Huan Hosei and Judy Nestor Photographic documentation of events and interviews will take place throughout the fieldwork period Interviews will be translated and transcribed onto a notebook database The discussion groups and applied aspects of this ethnographic inquiry revolve around the Tobi Island: 100 Years of History ‘Future’s Feature’ exhibit Dr Black and I will first conduct semi-structured interviews with pre-selected Tobian leaders, elders, and general community members Both of us are Tobian speakers and have long-term working and personal relationships and positive rapport with the Tobian community Questions about Tobian contemporary issues still need to be developed The questions will be based on existing data and ethnographic knowledge of both researchers Based on data attained through these initial interviews, we will conduct discussion groups with interested community members As mentioned earlier, based on prior ethnographic data a large aspect of this segment will focus on the proposed community-based marine management program at Helen Island We will audio- 11 record discussions and interviews using a digital Sony MiniDisc recorder Some video and photographs will be taken for the Futures Future exhibit that will be produced using Adobe Photoshop 6.0 We intend to encourage a community-based effort in developing the Tobi museum exhibit Based on reactions from these semi-formal interviews and group discussion, I will ask a cross-section of participants to engage in formal (developed in-progress) interviews I will document these interviews on film, highlighting the specific issues and conflicts of the Helen Island management project Assistance in the field Judy Nestor and Nixon Andrew will assist with any difficult Tobian language communication for interviews and later transcription Lovelynn Mongami will assist me with communication and transcription of Palauan language interviews William Andrew will assist with video documentation efforts The language translation and transcription of the qualitative semi-formal interviews will take place during the fieldwork period In addition, I will keep a daily journal of my participant-observation experiences Ethnographic writing Based on an extensive literature review, theoretically I will balance a larger cultural studies framework with current anthropological theory on identity, politics, and indigenous resource management issues This will be augmented by Dr Black’s long-term ethnographic work and insights (see bibliography for partial listing) of Tobian history, culture, and politics The work will be supported by traditional ethnographic field methods The written reflexive ethnography will be grounded in the community dynamics and processes relating to the larger query I will emphasize participant voices (from recorded interviews) as I intend for this ethnographic record to be locally focused and culturally nuanced in its effort to address the broader theoretical concerns 12 Significance of Research Grounded with current events and ‘rich’ inter-community relations, the theoretical analysis focuses directly on issues relevant to contemporary Pacific island societies and politics It incorporates recent Native Cultural Study Discourse with multi-sited ethnography “Nothing has yet displaced ethnography, the tradition encompassing both fieldwork and the writing that it engenders, as the key research practice and emblem of cultural anthropology as a distinctive form of knowledge production” (Marcus, 1998:230) This multi-sited ethnography addresses community concerns in an applied, pro-community interactive manner, while also gathering significant data for analysis, interpretation, and knowledge production in the larger arena of Pacific Studies At the community level, the process and production of the museum exhibit will have a positive impact on Tobian cultural representation and identity within the Republic of Palau Ethical Considerations It is essential that I not mis-represent myself and the trust the Tobian community has placed in me Timeline I seek to begin my doctoral studies at the University of Auckland in February, 2002 Within the first twelve months of residency and in conjunction with the aforementioned literature review I will complete the following five goals: 1) 2) 3) 4) Apply for Human Ethics Clearance Prepare annotated bibliography of texts on the following subject areas: a) Indigenous resource management b) Post-colonial politics and economic development c) Conflict resolution strategy Prepare full dissertation research proposal Present departmental seminar on proposed research 13 5) Review the theoretical intersection between culture studies and anthropology The second twelve months will consist of ethnographic fieldwork in the Republic of Palau The following 12-24 months will consist of data analysis, any necessary theoretical review/analysis, and thesis write-up Advisor Dr Karen Nero has kindly agreed to be my advisor I will seek a second advisor soon after my arrival at the University of Auckland Resources I have applied for and received a 3-year University of Auckland International Fees Bursary scholarship This includes part-time employment (15 hours/week) with the University Dr Peter Black and I are currently writing a grant proposal to fund the research and display of the Tobi museum exhibit If necessary, I will apply for student loans to cover the cost of living expenses It is possible for me to receive some financial support from my family in the U.S Budget I anticipate the following expenses for this research project: Transportation, RT airfare to Palau……………………………………………… $2500 Photocopying………………………………………………………………… ….$500 Paper, envelopes, stamps………………………………………………………… $200 Room and Board……………………………………………………………………$2400 Sony Vaio Notebook……………………………………………………………… $3000 Sony Mini-disc audio tapes……………(30 units)…………………………………$150 Sony HiFi Super video recorder………………………………………………… $1200 Sony HiFi videotapes…………………(10 units)………………………………….$200 Advantix slide/print film and processing………………………………………… $500 Honorarium payments for translation, transcription, and filming…($450/each)… $1350 Total = US$11,000 14 References Aldredge, B., and Meyers, C (1990) Resisting the Serpent Palau’s Struggle for SelfDetermination Fortkamp Publishing Company Alkire, W (1978) Coral Islanders AHM Publishing Corporation Annual Report (1982 ) Koror: National Development Bank of Palau Annual Report (1995 ) Koror: Palau Conservation Society Annual Report (19? ) Koror: Palau Visitors Authority Asian Development Bank (1992) Environment and Development: A Pacific Island Perspective Manila: Asian Development Bank Babadzan, A (1988) Kastom and Nation-Building in the South Pacific, p 199-227 Ethnicities and Nations: Processes of Interethnic Relations in Latin America, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific edited by R Guidieri, F Pallizzi, S Tambial University of Texas 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In Anthony King, ed., Culture, Globalization and the World-System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity Binghamton State University of New York Press 19 ... Anniversary of the Adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Palau July 9, 1999 Osman, W (1997) Republic of Palau Economic Report Honolulu: Bank of Hawaii, Economics Department Palau Ministry of. .. fringing reef Peter Black mentions its position within the continuity of Tobian cultural identity and values, expressing that, “Another striking continuity is in the commitment Tobians continue... Tobians both within the political framework as the sixteenth state of the ROP, Hatohobei State, and as minority Palauan citizens living within the larger Palauan society Palauans and Tobians have