Intergroup schadenfreude conditions and consequences

Intergroup Emotion The intergroup emotion perspective represents an important extension of social identity theory’s conceptualization of intergroup experience (see Mackie & Smith, this volume; Smith, 1993) An emotion-based approach to intergroup experience promises to capture better the specific meaning and motives produced by the specific group relations conceptualized by social identity theory (Leach et al., 2002) At present, there is a burgeoning of research in this area (for reviews see Mackie & Smith, 2002, as well as this volume) For example, Mackie, Devos, and Smith (2000) recently examined how intergroup anger and fear color different behavioral reactions against outgroups (see also Alexander, Brewer, & Herrmann, 1999; Fiske, Xu, Cuddy, & Glick, 1999) Emotion based approaches have also been developed to understand group-based guilt as a basis of restitution to harmed outgroups (Doosje, Branscombe, Spears, & Manstead 1998; Iyer, Leach, & Crosby, 2003) These studies show the advantages of studying the specific emotions at work in intergroup relations Importantly, because emotions are highly suggestive of the behavioral tendencies groups have toward one another (Arnold, 1960; Frijda, 1986), they also give insights into how forms of prejudice grounded in distinct emotions will be manifested in specific forms of discrimination Our examination of intergroup schadenfreude extends this work on emotion in social identity and intergroup relations Although the limited research on schadenfreude has conceived it as an interpersonal emotion (e.g., R H Smith et al., 1996), our interest is in schadenfreude occurring at the intergroup level Thus, we examine group members’ enjoyment of the suffering of another group We now proceed by defining schadenfreude and considering its social consequences in the intergroup domain Addressing the conditions that facilitate and constrain this emotion in the intergroup context is a central task of this chapter and provides insights into the psychological factors that illustrate schadenfreude’s distinctive qualities discussions of emotional convergence and divergence) Although schadenfreude does not necessarily involve illwill toward others, pleasure at others’ pain is, by definition, malicious because it is a divergent response to others’ suffering (Heider, 1958) A character in a (true life) short story by Truman Capote (1975) remarks that humans are unique in the animal kingdom in their capacity for malice (see also Nietzsche, 1887/1967) Implicit here is the notion that the malice inherent in schadenfreude is restricted to the higher social beings, making schadenfreude a complex, secondary emotion The desk Nazi may show fewer outward signs of aggression than the mountain lion, but it is the former that appears more malevolent The conscious awareness and volition necessary to malice explain why the concept of evil is reserved for distinctly human acts (Staub, 1989) This reminds us that some forms of savagery may ironically require a degree of sophistication Intergroup Schadenfreude (e.g., a social memory with which to build up resentments and bear grudges) What a fearful thing is it that any language should Malice, however, is rarely directed have a word expressive of the pleasure which indiscriminately Because sympathy is a more morally men [and women] feel at the calamities of others; legitimate and socially acceptable response to another’s for the existence of the word bears testimony to suffering, the malicious pleasure of schadenfreude appears the existence of the thing (R C Trench, 1852, to be particularly sensitive to the social circumstances that p.29, as cited in Oxford English Dictionary, surround it Schadenfreude should be most clearly felt 1989) under circumstances that make it appear more morally legitimate to enjoy another’s suffering In the case of The German word schadenfreude describes the intergroup schadenfreude, it seems that outgroups who are pleasure felt in response to another person’s misfortune seen as rivals or who are otherwise the targets of malice (Ortony, Clore, & Collins, 1988; Oxford English may invite the most schadenfreude in response to their Dictionary, 1986) Although schadenfreude may be misfortunes experienced as a feeling of joy, or satisfaction, or happiness, the term is specific to the pleasure that comes Social Consequences, Historical Examples from observing another’s misfortune As the quote above Intergroup schadenfreude may well have played a pivotal suggests, languages may have a word to describe this role in some of the worst atrocities of the 20th century particular form of pleasure precisely because it is Perhaps the most obvious concerns the fate of the Jews in untoward Given that moral precepts dictate that we Nazi Germany To be sure, the Nazis were hardly passive should feel sympathy toward those who suffer a bystanders in their persecution and extermination of the misfortune (Heider, 1958), feelings of pleasure require Jews, or other groups However, historians have noted that special acknowledgement and attention the holocaust can not be understood unless the passive The philosopher Nietzsche (1887/1967) was one tolerance and even encouragement of members of the of the first in the modern period to discuss the civilian population are taken into account (Goldhagen, particularities of schadenfreude He emphasized the fact 1996) that the feeling of schadenfreude is dependent upon the Although other emotions endorsed by the Nazi passive observation of another’s suffering, rather than an ideology (e.g., contempt, disgust) may have been active attempt to make another suffer by defeating them important to the promulgation of persecution of other directly Although Nietzsche thought the pleasure of groups (e.g., Gypsies and homosexuals), the Jews were in taking “pride” in or “gloating” over making another suffer many ways the classic targets of intergroup schadenfreude was preferable (see Leach & Spears, 2002), he saw because their success was widely envied Indeed, the antischadenfreude as a passive, indirect, and opportunistic semitism endemic in Weimar Germany and Poland had way to gain pleasure from others’ suffering already been alive for centuries, fed by Christian What makes schadenfreude particularly conspiracy theories to be sure, but also by the culture of disturbing and destructive (and interesting), is that envy toward a group that had become prosperous, forced pleasure is a divergent response to another’s suffering by previous waves of anti-semitism into money lending (Heider, 1958); we feel pleasure while the other feels pain professions (see Bettelheim & Janowitz, 1964; Fiske et al., Whereas sympathy toward the suffering of others implies 2002) Given that Jews were an envied group seen as psychological closeness and emotional convergence, undeserving of their success, many Germans may have felt schadenfreude implies psychological distance and schadenfreude, rather than sympathy or outrage, in emotional divergence (see section two of this volume for response to their persecution The fate of the Jews in Nazi Germany is not the only example of intergroup schadenfreude with ghastly consequences In many other cases, victims of atrocity and even genocide appear to have garnered little sympathy when they were in a position to attract envy and rivalry from those who could something to stop the violence Recent examples include the intellectuals in Cambodia (with a similar but less extreme precedent set during the cultural revolution in China), the Muslims in Bosnia, and the Tutsis in Rwanda Closer to home but on a less deadly scale, tolerance of attacks on Asian communities in the US and UK in periods of unrest in socially deprived neighborhoods may stem from similar intergroup dynamics In all these cases, schadenfreude may have enabled onlookers idly to accept aggression, atrocity, and even genocide against envied or rival outgroups As we have noted schadenfreude is a passive emotion, and therefore cannot explain the active persecution of rival groups, only the celebration of their suffering once it has been begun However, if this emotion is recognized by agents of persecution it can provide a context in which aggression is tolerated or even becomes normative The famous dictum of Edmund Burke that all it takes for evil to triumph is for good men nothing speaks to the passive power of intergroup schadenfreude Intergroup schadenfreude may therefore be particularly dangerous in unstable social systems and in times of social upheaval, when high status groups start to lose ground and the protection of the previously powerful authorities This analysis can be applied to many of the historical examples we have cited above Under these conditions it may become more legitimate to celebrate the loss of the rival group openly It also seems possible that times of great upheaval can transform passive schadenfreude into the more active derogation of gloating The dehumanization of the Jews in Nazi ideology and practice can be seen as the rhetorical means by which passive tolerance of suffering becomes justified as active persecution Intergroup schadenfreude may therefore provide important seeds for direct aggression towards outgroups, by creating a climate in which the suffering becomes publicly accepted and enjoyed Tracking the social transitions that facilitate these shifts from schadenfreude to gloating is an important question for future consideration but is beyond the scope of the present research program (but see Leach & Spears, 2002) The Psychological Conditions of Intergroup Schadenfreude: Theory In Smith et al (1996), students were exposed to a highly successful (or unsuccessful) peer whose superiority (or inferiority) to them was made clear As expected, the successful peer highlighted the participants’ relative inferiority The peer then suffered (or did not suffer) the misfortune of being denied admission to medical school Those exposed to the superior peer felt more pleasure when he suffered a setback Importantly, Smith et al (1996) showed that feeling inferior to the successful peer is what led to schadenfreude in response to his setback They also showed that schadenfreude in this case was not simply a product of disliking the peer, but reflected the fact of the peer’s failure Recent research has also shown interpersonal schadenfreude to result from feelings of personal inferiority (e.g., Feather & Sherman, 2002; see also Van Dijk, Yedema, Goslinga & Ouwerkerk, 2002) The few studies of interpersonal schadenfreude show that people can feel pleasure in response to another’s suffering, but they offer no support for the notion that this emotion can exist at the intergroup level Although intergroup schadenfreude should be conceptually similar to the interpersonal variety, it should be the product of concerns for the group self and intergroup, rather than interpersonal, inferiority Thus, the rest of this chapter provides a conceptual frame and adds empirical flesh to our conceptualization of intergroup schadenfreude We are especially concerned with conditions that might facilitate and constrain intergroup schadenfreude, and that might help to explain when it is most likely to occur Showing how this intergroup emotion varies according to certain social conditions may provide evidence that it occurs, as well as when and how it operates Thus, below we outline the conditions that facilitate or constrain intergroup schadenfreude and offer empirical support, mainly from our own program of research, for this particular intergroup emotion Facilitating Conditions Interest in the Domain of the Outgroup’s Failure As we have already argued, schadenfreude is specific to particular intergroup relations, being directed toward outgroups who have suffered a setback The state of rivalry implies that the outgroup has suffered a misfortune in a domain that is valued by the ingroup Obviously, if the domain of the outgroup’s misfortune is not important to the ingroup, the misfortune of the outgroup is unlikely to have psychological impact As Nietzsche (1887/1967) suggested, schadenfreude is likely increased when rivals suffer in a domain of interest to ingroup identity The notion that ingroup bias will occur in domains of interest to the group has already received support among social identity researchers (e.g., Mummendey & Simon, 1989) and we address this issue with particular reference to schadenfreude Atrocity and genocide are highly consequential but hardly everyday occurrences So far our case for intergroup schadenfreude has been made writ large But what is the actual evidence for intergroup schadenfreude? Before our recent program of research, what little research there was on schadenfreude focused on the interpersonal variety For example, a pioneering study by R.H Smith et al (1996) The Threat of Ingroup Inferiority Nietzsche examined the pleasure students took in seeing a peer suffer (1887/1967, p.127) also proposed that schadenfreude a setback in their academic careers should be exacerbated when the ingroup’s status is threatened in some way, proposing that schadenfreude might serve as a “defensive retaliation” for such threats (see also Heider, 1958; Wills, 1981, 1991) According to Nietzsche, it is the threat of one’s inferiority that leads to “a desire to deaden pain by means of affects” (p.127) That interpersonal schadenfreude is increased after the threat of personal inferiority was shown by Smith et al (1996) There is also research within the social identity literature suggesting that threats to group status will evoke derogation of outgroups more generally (see Branscombe, Ellemers, Spears & Doosje, 1999; Mummendey & Otten, 1998) For example, members of real world low status groups, whose group identity is “chronically” threatened by the presence of higher status groups, show the highest levels of bias against outgroups (Mullen, Brown, & Smith, 1992) More “acute” threats to group identity, in the form of poor performance on a specific task, have also been shown to increase the derogation of outgroups (see Mummendey & Otten, 1998) Research shows that such derogation of outgroups can enhance feelings of group worth (e.g Branscombe & Wann, 1994), suggesting the motivation for such imaginary revenge The question here then is whether threat actually exacerbates feelings of schadenfreude In our research we assess the effects of both chronic and acute forms of threat Emotional Expression It is important to start by stating the obvious: the expression of schadenfreude may often be considered socially undesirable It seems likely that most cultures have some prohibition against openly expressing pleasure at other people’s misfortunes, although there may be great variation in the circumstances under which expressions of schadenfreude are seen as untoward Given the likelihood of such prohibitions, it may not always be possible to express schadenfreude openly when it is experienced This suggests that the expression of schadenfreude may be moderated by a more general concern for social desirability Thus, a general concern for seeing oneself as a good person or having others see one as a good person (Paulhus’ two dimensions of social desirability) may lead to the suppressed expression of schadenfreude It is also possible that the expression of the schadenfreude that ingroups experience may be moderated by more strategic concerns about the intergroup relation Strategic Concerns Given that schadenfreude is a malicious feeling directed toward an outgroup, ingroups may be very strategic about when and where it is expressed This is consistent with the social identity theory Constraining Conditions based argument that the “reality constraints” of intergroup status inequalities can constrain the expression of negative Social conditions may also work to constrain intergroup evaluations of outgroups (Doosje, Spears & Koomen, schadenfreude We believe that the conditions surrounding 1995; Ellemers, van Rijswijk, Roefs, & Simons, 1997; a schadenfreude opportunity may work to constrain either Jetten, Spears, Hogg & Manstead, 2000; see Spears, Jetten the experience of schadenfreude itself or the degree to & Doosje, 2002) For example, Spears, Leach and which schadenfreude, once experienced, is expressed Mitchell (2001) have argued that it is less socially openly acceptable for lower status groups to publicly claim that they are superior to higher status groups given the social Emotional Experience Although schadenfreude reality of their relative status Although lower status can be pleasing it is not always morally legitimate to groups may contest the degree to which their inferior experience it (see R H Smith, 1991) For this reason, status is fair, the reality of their position makes malice Nietzsche described schadenfreude as extremely toward superior outgroups less credible and less opportunistic – relying on circumstances that make it defensible For this reason, lower status or less powerful morally legitimate for one to enjoy another’s misfortune groups may (strategically) avoid open expression of As he put it (1885/1961, p.123), our “most secret tyrantschadenfreude in circumstances that make them vulnerable appetite disguises itself in words of virtue.” In line with to challenge from the outgroup that has suffered a Nietzsche, we believe that people’s experience of misfortune intergroup schadenfreude should be sensitive to Lower status or less powerful groups may have to circumstances that make it appear more or less legitimate be especially strategic about their expression of For example, schadenfreude should be less legitimate in schadenfreude given a realistic fear of reprisal from higher response to the misfortune of an outgroup that is status outgroups For example, expressing schadenfreude deservedly superior to the ingroup (cf Feather & in the face of a wounded rival is dangerous, lest the group Sherman, 2002) Although the ingroup should want to be regains it original position and exact revenge Consistent pleased at the misfortune of a superior outgroup, the with this notion, there is some evidence in the social outgroup’s superiority should make schadenfreude at a identity literature that group members moderate behavior single misfortune seem morally wrong Indeed, that might unduly antagonize the outgroup, especially schadenfreude toward legitimately superior outgroups who when the intergroup hierarchy is unstable (e.g., Scheepers, suffer a single misfortune should be difficult to legitimate Spears, Doosje & Manstead, 2002; for a discussion see even privately, to oneself In cases where an outgroup Leach et al., 2002) appears deservedly superior, respect however grudging Expressing schadenfreude in front of powerful - is a more morally legitimate feeling than schadenfreude authorities who have the ability to sanction such (lest we be accused of sour grapes) Under circumstances expression is equally dangerous This is shown in the that make schadenfreude morally illegitimate, the feeling social identity model of deindividuation (Reicher, Spears itself should be constrained & Postmes, 1995; Spears & Lea, 1994) It has been shown that group members are strategic in their expression of behavior that authorities may see as unacceptable, expressing such behavior more often when they are not identifiable and thus not accountable Thus, there are numerous ways in which the expression of intergroup schadenfreude may be constrained We now follow these ideas into the laboratory, in order to assess the evidence for intergroup schadenfreude and to examine the conditions that facilitate and constrain it insights, namely interest in the domain of the outgroup’s fall and the threat to identity caused by a sense of inferiority Interest in the Domain of the Outgroup’s Misfortune One important aspect of the setback suffered by the rival is that it should be important to the potential beneficiary If perceivers consider the others’ misfortune trivial or irrelevant then it is unlikely that they will be able to derive pleasure when the misfortune befalls the Empirical Support outgroup We refer to this as domain interest In order to test this idea we have measured interest in the domain of the loss in all of our research on In the following sections we examine experimental schadenfreude The majority of these studies show a clear evidence for intergroup schadenfreude, with special attention to the factors that facilitate and constrain it This main effect of domain interest such that schadenfreude is higher for those higher in domain interest We now evidence comes from research we have conducted in the describe the first two studies testing this and then briefly Netherlands We begin by considering facilitating summarize the subsequent demonstrations of this effect conditions (the specificity of the intergroup rivalry, In the first study we presented participants with a interest in the domain of the outroup’s misfortune, and the questionnaire concerned with reactions to certain matches threat of ingroup inferiority) and then consider the played during the Soccer World Cup played in France in conditions that might constrain schadenfreude (the legitimate superiority of the outgroup, general concern for the summer of 1998 (see Leach et al., 2003, for further social desirability) Although our empirical work has often details) The fact that Germany was knocked out in an early stage of the championship (by Croatia) provided us addressed more than one of these factors at once, for clarity here we separate these themes and address them in with the schadenfreude opportunity It is important to explain that Germany forms a key rival for our Dutch turn These factors not only produce main effects but respondents, both for historical and political reasons, and interact with each other (because schadenfreude is especially in the domain of soccer Although Germany has especially sensitive to the social circumstances that surround it, the more that optimal conditions are in place, historically been more successful in major tournaments, the Dutch have always had a talented national team, the more likely it will be found) We address these especially in recent years That the German team is not interactions in the later sections clearly superior to the Dutch one suggests that the German loss was likely to be seen as deserved The sporting Measurement of Schadenfreude context may also make it more acceptable to express In general we measure schadenfreude by asking people to schadenfreude We reasoned that it might be more socially report the degree to which they feel specific emotion terms acceptable to express schadenfreude in a sporting context of such close rivalry, where emotional reactions to victory (translated from the Dutch, these terms are equivalent to and defeat are more acceptable and normative football is schadenfreude, happiness, and various synonyms for after all only a game Against this backdrop we were more satisfaction) regarding the misfortune of an outgroup certain of demonstrating evidence of direct schadenfreude protagonist These positive feelings about an outgroup’s than in the previous study misfortune tend to be quite distinct from the negative We measured the degree of interest in football, feelings that signal a more convergent reaction to predicting that those more interested in this domain would another’s misfortune (e.g., sympathy, compassion, show more pleasure in response to the German defeat sadness; see Leach, Spears, Branscombe, & Doosje, This is what we found Football interest was a reliable 2003) Providing evidence for intergroup schadenfreude predictor of intergroup schadenfreude, controlling for our involves demonstrating that it is a function of group-level standard covariates Moreover we replicated this effect in a somewhat similar study conducted in the aftermath of concerns, rather than more personal or interpersonal issues For this reason we always measure, and control for, the European Championship for soccer in 2000 In this case we examined reactions to the losses of both Germany people’s dispositional tendency to experience and Italy The predicted main effect of football interest schadenfreude at the interpersonal level As indicated earlier we also control for liking towards the outgroup, as was highly reliable: those with greater interest experienced more schadenfreude at the loss of the rival well as identification with the ingroup, in order to ensure A further study employed a different domain and that reactions to the fall cannot be accounted for by more different group membership In this study we capitalized general (dis)affiliations with either group on the rivalry between students at the University of Amsterdam (our participants) and the other local Facilitating Conditions university (the Free University) The cover story was that we were conducting research assessing the viability of an In this section we consider two factors that can facilitate inter-university quiz tournament that a national TV the experience of schadenfreude in line with Nietzsche’s channel was interested in televising In line with the cover story, we also measured people’s interest in TV quiz shows Because final year students made up the teams, we could convince our 1st year participants that this national quiz had been going for a number of years and used this to provide feedback about previous duels with the outgroups Moreover, this year the University of Amsterdam had been knocked out by its local rival (an acute threat), raising the stakes Participants then received the opportunity to show schadenfreude in response to their rival’s loss to another Dutch University (Maastricht) in the final of the competition As predicted we found that schadenfreude towards the loss of the rival was reliably higher for those who had interest in TV quiz shows In other studies in which we have measured interest in the domain in which the outgroups’s misfortune occurs, we have also found evidence of increased intergroup schadenfreude as a function of such interest The Threat of Ingroup Inferiority A further factor that might facilitate schadenfreude is threat to ingroup status Recall that Nietzsche saw intergroup schadenfreude as the revenge of the impotent, so that one of the functions of schadenfreude is to deaden the pain evoked by the ingroup’s own inferiority On this basis we expect that people who feel threatened by the superiority of the outgroup, or more precisely their own inferiority (which might be less constrained by the legitimate superiority of the outgroup) may find the forbidden fruit of schadenfreude more tasty We examined the effects of status threat in the soccer studies already described above In the World Cup study we manipulated the threat of ingroup inferiority on the same dimension as the schadenfreude opportunity (i.e., the perceived inferiority of the national football team) in two ways: chronic threat and acute threat (in a 2x2 design) In the chronic threat condition we preceded the schadenfreude opportunity with a page of questions concerned with the previous national success in World Cup competitions Participants were forced to acknowledge that the Dutch team had never previously won this prestigious tournament, whereas the other countries mentioned had (Brazil and even England) In the acute threat condition we simply preceded the schadenfreude opportunity, with a similar set of questions regarding the Dutch loss to Brazil in the same tournament, reminding participants of the painful exit of their side to a superior rival Note that in both of these threat manipulations, we did not make a direct reference to the superiority of Germany in this domain In the chronic threat manipulation we highlighted the previous success of other nations such as Brazil, and in the acute threat manipulation the ingroup was eliminated by Brazil also This allows us to emphasize the inferiority of the ingroup without making explicit the superiority of the rival Germany that might introduce the legitimacy constraints we consider shortly Both forms of inferiority threat resulted in increased levels of schadenfreude at the German loss, supporting our prediction Interestingly, the chronic threat manipulation also interacted with the football interest measure discussed in the previous section: soccer interest was a more positive predictor of schadenfreude for those who were not chronically threatened It seems likely that those high in football interest are already primed to experience intergroup schadenfreude without help from this threat manipulation, perhaps because they themselves are chronically threatened by the soccer rivalry with Germany and the schadenfreude opportunity their loss provides We also investigated the effect of acute threat in increasing schadenfreude in the European Championship study Directly before the schadenfreude opportunity we reminded participants of the match in which the Dutch team was eliminated (by Italy) Once again this produced greater schadenfreude toward the German rival, and again primarily under conditions of low interest To summarize, the soccer studies provide clear evidence that threatening the ingroup by making clear their inferior status, at least on the same dimension of the schadenfreude opportunity, can increase the tendency to seize the opportunity for schadenfreude We are currently engaged in research to assess whether threats to group status in general (and perhaps even threats to personal status) might also increase intergroup schadenfreude as a form of compensation for these threats Constraining Conditions In this section we review our research addressing conditions that can constrain intergroup schadenfreude We first consider the possibility that there may be a general opprobrium on expressing this emotion because of its malicious character, addressed under the rubric of “social desirability.” We then proceed to assess whether expressions of schadenfreude are more contingent on contextual factors that constrain schadenfreude by affecting the legitimacy of the emotional experience itself or its public expression Social Desirability As we saw from the first study reported above, generating evidence for direct intergroup schadenfreude is not straightforward Moreover, although the soccer studies show predicted variations in intergroup schadenfreude, it is possible that it may be limited to sporting contexts in which a degree of malicious pleasure is de rigeur This raises a methodological question, namely the possibility that schadenfreude is constrained or underreported because it is generally seen as socially undesirable We tried to address this issue to some extent in the European Championship study where we attempted to encourage honest responding by manipulating a norm valorizing this part of Dutch identity This proved only partially successful, however, in so far as this norm only increased schadenfreude under specific conditions (see further below), and a satisfactory “no norm” control condition was missing (effects were compared with another Dutch norm of tolerance) This finding already raises doubts about the possibility of a blanket social desirability main effect We also doubt that the expression of intergroup schadenfreude is suppressed due to a general fear that is socially undesirable because we have found no association between expressed schadenfreude and Paulhus’ (1991) measures of social desirability (see Leach et al., 2003) In a series of studies we adopted another technique for trying to assess whether schadenfreude is generally constrained by socially desirable responding In these studies we used the bogus pipeline procedure (Jones & Sigall, 1971) to give respondents the impression that we could measure their emotions directly This involves attaching a sensor linked up to the computer on which the respondents rate their emotional reactions The cover story indicates that the computer is able to measure the “Galvanic Skin Response” which allows us to assess emotional states, and thus (by inference) this operates as a sort of lie detector if they report emotions different to those actually felt In this first study we also deviated from the sporting domain and presented people with a scenario involving the European Parliament and elections for an important EU commissioner In two different conditions the protagonist running for this position came either from the ingroup (The Netherlands) or the rival outgroup (Germany), and in both cases they lost out to a candidate from another nationality This provided the schadenfreude opportunity We applied the bogus pipeline manipulation in half of the conditions in order to assess the effect of desirable responding We expected intergroup schadenfreude only where it involved the rival outgroup (Germany) and especially when the bogus pipeline was on, resulting in a two-way interaction in the 2x2 design Although the predicted interaction was reliable, and schadenfreude toward the outgroup was higher when the bogus pipeline was applied, schadenfreude towards the Dutch ingroup was actually higher to the ingroup under no pipeline conditions Indeed this cross-over interaction reflected the fact that schadenfreude towards the Dutch target fell when the pipeline was introduced, -schadenfreude to the German rival did not increase reliably in the pipeline condition (p

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